test-economy-beplcpdffe-con03a	Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. regulation mitigate harms operation location jurisdiction gambling sites trustworthy responsible business internet users trusted brands reputation user verification age verification problem gamblers legal safe service consumer protection regulatory compliance online gambling fair practices consumer trust regulation mitigate harms site operation jurisdiction trustworthiness responsibility brand reputation user age verification problem gambling legal safety consumer choice verification government legal service regulation harms site operation trustworthy business responsible business trusted brands age verification problem gamblers legal service safe service consumer protection online gambling unfair practices reputation consumer choice government verification regulation mitigate harms site operation location matters trustworthy business consumer interest trusted brands online reputation age verification problem gamblers legal service safe gambling consumer protection regulatory compliance regulation harms site operation gambling trustworthy responsible internet users trusted brands age verification problem gambling legal service consumer protection fair practices online safety regulation mitigate harms site operation trustworthy business internet users trusted brands gambling site behavior changing odds age verification problem gamblers verified sites legal service consumer protection regulation mitigate harms site operation trustworthy business trusted brands online reputation age verification problem gamblers legal service consumer protection gambling sites responsible business unfair practices consumer choice government verification safe gambling regulation mitigate harms site operation trustworthy business responsible business trusted brands consumer protection age verification problem gamblers legal service safe service online gambling fair practices user trust regulatory compliance consumer confidence regulation harmed mitigation site operation location trustworthy business internet user behavior brand trust unfair practices age verification problem gambling prevention consumer preference legal gambling services regulation mitigation harms site operation location relevance business responsibility trusted brands consumer choice reputation impact age verification problem gambling prevention legal services consumer protection
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro01a	Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified food gm food gmo crops peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings safety claims u.s. department of agriculture usda union of concerned scientists ucs environmental risks food safety allergens antibiotic resistance dna modification human health animal health scientific testing ethical concerns regulatory oversight public health environmental impact genetic engineering biotechnology food allergies gm crops field releases safety evaluation risk assessment public use scientific community commercialisation genetic modification dna transfer health risks scientific technique public policy scientific genetically modified organisms GMO safety peer review biotechnology companies government regulation unbiased research environmental risks allergens antibiotic resistance genetic modification techniques public health scientific testing USDA evaluation Union of Concerned Scientists GM food commercialization field releases human health risks nut proteins soybeans allergic reactions DNA modification risk assessment genetic engineering food safety ethical concerns long-term effects scientific community regulatory agencies consumer protection genetic diversity ecological impact toxin production pest resistance gene flow socioeconomic impacts GMO labeling public perception scientific integrity scientific methodology genetically modified food GMO public safety scientific research peer review biotechnology companies government influence unbiased findings environmental risks antibiotic resistance allergens soybeans nut proteins health risks scientific technique DNA modification field releases Union of Concerned Scientists USDA evaluation global issues European Federation of Biotechnology genetically modified food little researched public use peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings GMO crops safety U.S. Department of Agriculture Union of Concerned Scientists environmental risks nut proteins soybeans allergens antibiotic resistance DNA modification human health scientific technique commercialisation field releases safety claims evaluation scale risks GE food European Federation of Biotechnology genetically modified food GM food GMO crops public use research peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings safety claims U.S. Department of Agriculture USDA Union of Concerned Scientists environmental risks GM food commercialisation nut proteins soybeans nut allergies human health DNA modification antibiotic resistance genetic engineering food safety scientific testing environmental impact health risks GM crops regulation biotech industry influence scientific community GMO safety allergy risks genetic modification techniques regulatory oversight long-term effects GM food controversies public health concerns genetic manipulation genetically modified food public use research limitations peer review biotechnology companies government regulation unbiased findings GMO crops safety field releases USDA evaluation Union of Concerned Scientists environmental risks food safety nut allergies antibiotic resistance DNA modification human health risks scientific evaluations GM food commercialisation ArcticPusztai GE food safety European Federation of Biotechnology allergens from GM food genetically modified food GM food GMOs public use research scientific testing peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings safety U.S. Department of Agriculture USDA Union of Concerned Scientists UCS environmental risks nut proteins soybeans allergies antibiotic resistance DNA modification human health animal health ethical concerns regulatory oversight scientific evaluation commercialisation field releases data assessment safety claims risk assessment allergens genetic engineering biotechnology food safety public health environmental impact genetic modification technique antibiotic resistance spread transferred genes unintended Genetically modified food GM crops peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings safety claims U.S. Department of Agriculture USDA Union of Concerned Scientists UCS environmental risks GM food commercialisation nut proteins soybeans allergies human health DNA modification antibiotic resistance genetically modified food GMO safety peer review biotechnology companies government influence unbiased research environmental risks nut allergies antibiotic resistance DNA modification scientific evaluations GM food testing USDA evaluation Union of Concerned Scientists GM crops safety public health risks food commercialisation genetic engineering allergenic reactions health impacts regulatory oversight scientific community risk assessment genetic modification techniques long-term effects genetically modified food GMO peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings field releases U.S. Department of Agriculture USDA Union of Concerned Scientists UCS safety claims environmental risks GM food commercialisation nut proteins soybeans nut allergies DNA modification antibiotic resistance human health animal health genetic engineering biotechnology regulatory oversight scientific testing risk assessment
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro02a	Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain quick response EU slow institution 28 countries EU external policy slow faltering leaving EU UK freedom policy creation reframing policies changing circumstances challenges UK independence international relations sovereignty decision-making speed bureaucratic delay national interest external affairs responsiveness agility adaptability political autonomy Britain EU responsive institutions policy freedom reframing challenges sovereignty decision-making quick agile nationalism international relations Brexit autonomy external affairs multilateral unilateral Britain EU quick response policy-making 28 countries external policy slow faltering freedom own policies reframing changing circumstances challenges UK other countries views independence decision-making sovereignty agility flexibility institutional speed international relations Brexit unilateral action multilateral constraints Britain EU quicker response 28 countries EU policy slow decision-making UK independence policy flexibility changing circumstances national sovereignty international challenges unanimous decisions bureaucratic process external relations self-governance agile policymaking responsive governance institutional agility European Union UK policy freedom Britain EU quick response policy making 28 countries external policy slow faltering leaving EU greater freedom own policies reframe changing circumstances challenges no consideration other countries views Britain EU respond quickly 28 countries EU external policy slow faltering Leaving EU UK freedom policies changing circumstances challenges consider other countries views Britain EU responsiveness policy-making sovereignty quick decision-making external policies institutional flexibility UK freedom international challenges 28 countries bureaucracy agility national interests Brexit benefits Britain EU responsiveness external policy sovereignty policy flexibility international relations Brexit decision-making speed autonomy global challenges UK policy multilateral agreements national interest Britain EU respond quickly slow policy 28 countries UK freedom own policies changing circumstances external challenges country views Britain EU quick response policy-making institutional speed external policy member states freedom policy creation changing circumstances international relations Brexit sovereignty decision-making efficiency
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro01a	Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber warfare digital conflict state-sponsored hacking cyber espionage cyber terrorism information warfare digital security online aggression national cyber policy Stuxnet international cyber law cyber defense cyber offence digital weaponry cyber deterrence cyber retaliate Kosovo conflict Serbia air defense cyber operations cyber strategy digital domain 21st-century warfare electronic combat cyber campaigns cyber combat cyber security cyber threats cybercrime cyber-enabled warfare cyber power cyber tactics cyber doctrine cyber sovereignty cyber norms cyber governance cyber attacks traditional attacks digital domain warfare 21st century state-sponsored Stuxnet Iran USA Israel Kosovo Serbia air defence systems acts of war international law cyber warfare digital security state conflict cyber aggression military modernisation cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium online services military modernisation act of war digital domain 21st century warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks Stuxnet Iran USA Israel retaliatory attacks Kosovo war Serbia air defence systems large scale cyber attacks acts of war cyber warfare digital conflict state-sponsored hacking modern military strategy acts of war digital domain Stuxnet international cyber relations cyber aggression cyber retaliation Kosovo war Serbia air defense digital realm cyber security military modernization online services government cybersecurity business cybersecurity cyber policy international law digital warfare cyber conflict cyber defense cyber offense cyber espionage digital attacks cybercrime national security cyber sovereignty information warfare digital threats cyber deterrence cyber diplomacy cyber norms cyber governance international relations digital ethics cyber strategy cyber capabilities cyber infrastructure cyber attacks digital warfare state-sponsored hacking Stuxnet Iran nuclear program Kosovo war Serbia air defense cyber aggression digital realm 21st-century warfare cyber security international conflict acts of war military modernization online services government services business services digital medium cyber retaliation cyber defense cyber offense International Relations Cyber Policy Cyber Warfare Doctrine cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium business services government services military modernisation act of war digital domain 21st century warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks Stuxnet Iran nuclear programme retaliatory cyber attacks USA Israel Serbia air defence systems Kosovo war large scale cyber attacks acts of war cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium business services government services military modernisation act of war digital domain 21st century warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks Stuxnet Iran USA Israel Kosovo war Serbia air defence systems cyber warfare large scale cyber attacks international law cyber security state conflict digital aggression cyber retaliation cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium business services government services military modernisation digital developments act of war digital domain 21st century warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks Stuxnet Iran USA Israel retaliatory cyber attacks Kosovo war Serbia air defence systems large scale cyber attacks acts of war cyber warfare digital domain state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber conflict digital aggression cyber security international law digital realm cyber terrorism cyber espionage digital attacks cyber policy cyber operations cyber defense information warfare cyber strategy cyber capabilities cyber deterrence cyber norms cyber diplomacy cyber warfare digital realm acts of war state-sponsored cyber attacks Stuxnet military modernization digital domain Kosovo war Serbia air defence cyber aggression international cybersecurity cyber conflict digital warfare online government services digital medium evolution
test-education-udfakusma-con01a	Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. universities profit service education research free market student enrollment fees reinvestment infrastructure societal benefit universities profit education service business student enrollment research subjects educational free market state fees attraction cost reinvestment infrastructure society benefit funding academic institutions higher learning tuition public private investments financial revenue non-profit commercialization intellectual property innovation grants economic impact community affordability access quality competition value education policy administration governance sustainability growth development alumni donations endowment operational costs marketing branding reputation international universities profit education service business research free market state funding student enrollment fees reinvestment society infrastructure The University of Sheffield 2013 universities profit educational service business model student education research funding academic market state-funded education student fees profit reinvestment societal benefit university infrastructure educational free market university profit educational service business model student enrollment research activities educational free market state funding tuition fees academic competition reinvestment societal benefit university infrastructure education economics universities profit education service business research students fees free market competition reinvestment infrastructure societal benefit educational institutions revenue economic contribution academic value financial sustainability public funding private investment research funding tuition educational services market dynamics university finances cost recovery value creation educational outcomes research impact financial management academic excellence resource allocation institutional performance higher education economic model profit reinvestment educational research student attraction global competition academic market service provision financial strategies educational quality research innovation institutional development academic mission universities profit education service business students research free market state funding fees competition reinvestment society infrastructure universities profit service business education research free market state funding student enrollment fees reinvestment infrastructure societal benefit University of Sheffield financial sustainability educational institution academic research tuition financial aid higher education economic contribution nonprofit public good academic excellence student success research development institutional funding educational services market competition academic programs fiscal responsibility educational resources community impact educational investment scholarly work institutional revenue academic community financial management public education private education academic freedom research funding educational quality student services institutional support universities profit education service business student research subjects free market state funding fees success students reinvestment society infrastructure university finances educational institutions academic services research profits universities profit education service business research free market state funding student attraction fees reinvestment society benefit infrastructure education spending
test-international-appghblsba-pro04a	South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa Lesotho international stage stability influence image global stage aid smaller state Basotho people UN Africa Union annexation Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement trade unions signatures popularity South African Development Community South African Customs Union poorer neighbours responsibility South Africa Lesotho international influence stability global stage aid smaller state Basotho people UN Africa Union annexation sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa better image region People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions signatures popularity South African Development Community South African Customs Union integrate poorer neighbours responsibility South Africa Lesotho annexation influence stability international image global stage aid Sub-Saharan Africa sustainable development People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions South African Development Community South African Customs Union regional integration poorer neighbours UN Africa Union Basotho people Smith 2010 South Africa Lesotho international influence stability global stage aid Basotho people UN Africa Union annexation good intentions Sub-Saharan Africa better image regional influence People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions signatures popularity South African Development Community South African Customs Union poorer neighbours responsibility South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence stability image global stage aid Basotho people UN Africa Union Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions South African Development Community South African Customs Union poorer neighbours responsibility South Africa Lesotho international influence stability better image global stage aid smaller state Basotho people UN Africa Union annexation sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions signatures South African Development Community South African Customs Union integrate poorer neighbours responsibility South Africa Lesotho annexation influence stability international image global stage aid Basotho people UN Africa Union Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions signatures South African Development Community South African Customs Union integration responsibility poorer neighbors South Africa Lesotho annexation influence stability international image UN Africa Union Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions South African Development Community South African Customs Union regional integration poorer neighbours responsibility aid sustainable development global stage Basotho people signatures popularity positive response responsible leadership economic union political stability humanitarian aid regional cooperation strategic alliance national security economic growth trade benefits cultural exchange diplomatic relations border management security concerns public opinion governance policy reform economic development international relations South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence stability global stage aid Basotho people UN Africa Union Sub-Saharan Africa image People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions signatures South African Development Community South African Customs Union poorer neighbours integration responsibility South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence stability better image global stage aid smaller state Basotho people UN Africa Union Sub-Saharan Africa sustainable development People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions signatures popularity South African Development Community South African Customs Union integration poorer neighbors responsibility
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro02a	Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation teaching application expanded mandate healthier behavior pressure point lawmakers healthier lifestyles kids parents advice living continuous invention reinvention youth behavior modification New York Times Fitzgerald insights new role schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation healthier behavior lawmakers healthier lifestyles youth advice behavior modification environment provision youth reinvention education impact school mandates parental influence decline student development health education social learning policy impact educational reforms schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation teaching application expanded mandate healthier behavior choices lawmakers healthier lifestyles youth advice life guidance behavior modification environment influence parental influence youth development school environment role of schools New York Times Fitzgerald schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation emphasis on teaching application of knowledge expanded mandate healthier behavior choices pressure point lawmakers introducing healthier lifestyles kids parents school environments advice on living continuous reinvention youth behavior modification schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation emphasis teaching application expanded mandate healthier behavior choices pressure point lawmakers healthier lifestyles kids parents advice live lives traditional environments youth reinvent behavior modification New York Times Fitzgerald insights new role schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer creation of behaviors teaching application healthier behavior lawmakers healthier lifestyles kids parents school environment advice live lives continuous reinvention behavior modification schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation teaching application expanded mandate healthier choices lawmakers healthier lifestyles parental influence youth advice behavior modification reinvention environments school impact lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation applying knowledge expanded mandate healthier choices pressure point lawmakers healthier lifestyles kids advice school environment youth behavior modification New York Times Fitzgerald schools lifestyle changes knowledge transfer behavior creation healthier behavior lawmakers youth behavior modification parents environments advice invention reinvention potential formative role choices health teaching students apply knowledge mandate pressure point healthier lifestyles New York Times Fitzgerald insights new role accessed date reference school lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation healthier behavior lawmakers healthier lifestyles youth advice behavior modification New York Times Fitzgerald
test-education-tuhwastua-con01a	It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. university admissions standardized testing SAT grade variability instructor bias curriculum differences school quality objective comparison application process test-taking equality educational assessment college entrance exams fairness in evaluation academic measurement university admissions standardized tests SATs grade variability instructor bias curriculum differences school quality objective comparison application fairness test flaws universal standard arbitrary measures university admissions standardized testing SAT grading variability curriculum differences instructor bias objective comparison application process educational equity test validity college entrance exams academic assessment measurement consistency evaluation standards university admissions standardized tests SATs grades variability instructor bias curriculum differences school quality impact application comparison objective measurement arbitrary measures university admissions standardized tests SAT academic evaluation instructor variability curriculum differences school quality objective comparison application process test fairness educational assessment grading systems college applications admission criteria university admissions standardized testing SAT objective comparison arbitrary measures grades variability curriculum differences school quality impact test flaws universal standard applicant comparison educational assessment university admissions standardized testing SAT academic grading instructor variability curriculum differences school quality objective comparison application process testing flaws universal standard comparative analysis university admissions standardized testing SAT academic assessment educational equity grading variability curriculum differences instructor bias application comparisons objective measures test fairness admission criteria university admissions standardized testing grading variability SAT fairness educational equity application comparability instructor bias curriculum impact school quality influence test standardization objective evaluation admission criteria flaws universal testing metric university admissions standardized testing SAT academic grading instructor bias curriculum differences school quality objective comparison application process educational equity test fairness measurement reliability
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro01a	Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium France 2010 Muslim dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy equality Belgium full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium France dress rules inequality discrimination liberal societies symbols of oppression religious symbols gender equality divide Muslim Hijab oppression of women compulsory in Saudi Arabia compulsory in Afghanistan counter-productive to democracy counter-productive to equality Belgium full veil ban France full veil ban severe Muslim dress rules inequality as discrimination liberal societies combating discrimination symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab oppression of women Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality counter-productive democratic society Belgium banned full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules severe men inequality discrimination liberal societies fight forms of discrimination symbols oppression women religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium ban France ban dress rules inequality discrimination liberal societies symbols oppression women religious equality divide genders Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy Belgium ban full Muslim veil France 2010 dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality Belgium banned full Muslim veil France 2010 dress rules inequality discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols equality gender divide Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality counter-productive Belgium ban full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab compulsory Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium France dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro01a	PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 Consensus one China different interpretations RoC Taiwan population economy purchasing power parity international recognition Beijing Taipei Shirley A. Kan Congressional Research Service PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China different interpretations RoC population economy purchasing power parity international recognition Beijing Taipei Washington policy statements Congressional Research Service Shirley A. Kan global influence territorial claims diplomatic relations cross-strait relations PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 Consensus one China Different Interpretations RoC Taiwan Beijing Taipei United States Congressional Research Service Shirley A. Kan The World Factbook population economy purchasing power parity international recognition PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China Different Interpretations RoC population economy purchasing power parity states recognition Beijing Taipei Congressional Research Service The World Factbook PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China different interpretations RoC Taiwan population economy purchasing power parity international recognition Beijing Taipei Washington Congressional Research Service Shirley A. Kan The World Factbook PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 Consensus one China different interpretations RoC Taiwan Beijing Taipei One-China Policy population economy purchasing power parity states recognition Shirley A. Kan Congressional Research Service China PRC Taiwan Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China Different Interpretations ROC population economy purchasing power parity international recognition Beijing Taipei Congressional Research Service Shirley A. Kan PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China Different Interpretations RoC Taiwan population economy purchasing power parity international recognition Congressional Research Service The World Factbook PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus Taiwan one China Different Interpretations RoC population economy purchasing power parity states recognition Beijing Taipei Congressional Research Service Shirley A. Kan The World Factbook PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus Taiwan one China Different Interpretations RoC population economy purchasing power parity international recognition Beijing Taipei Congressional Research Service Shirley A. Kan The World Factbook
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con03a	Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrators misdeeds retribution court crime external factors free and fair justice system prosecution wealthy philanthropist community politicians immunity legal equality accountability political role unjust laws judicial fairness civic responsibility ethical governance rule of law legal protections public officials immune from prosecution judicial system equality before law political privilege legal exemptions justice system flaws democratic principles political accountability legal reforms citizen rights judicial oversight government transparency equitable treatment legal standards political ethics civic justice legal immune impunity political accountability justice equality prosecution crime perpetrator victim court fairness free society philanthropist community reprieve ethical standards legal system democratic values Immunity politicians unjust double standard victim perpetrator retribution justice system free fair prosecution political role wealthy philanthropist pillar of community reprieve accountability equality before law legal privilege public office immunity reform democratic principles Immunity for politicians unjust double standard equal justice under law accountability in politics political privilege legal equality judicial fairness prosecution of political figures no special treatment for politicians rule of law democracy and justice political accountability judicial integrity fairness in the justice system protection of victims' rights impartiality in the legal system ending political immunity equitable treatment under law no exceptions for the powerful immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrators misdeeds retribution justice system free fair prosecution wealth philanthropist community political role reprieve equality before-law legal accountability immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrators misdeeds retribution justice system free fair equal treatment prosecution political role wealthy philanthropist community reprieve accountability legal privilege democratic principles public servants rule of law judicial fairness exemption civic responsibility ethical governance power abuse impunity legal equality immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrators retribution justice system free fair prosecution political role wealthy philanthropist pillar of community politicians immunity legal equality accountability rule of law Immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrators misdeeds retribution justice system equality prosecution philanthropist community political role crime external factors free fair reprieve accountability legal protection democratic principles rule of law justice equality legal system accountability political immunity legal reform human rights democratic principles civic duty moral obligation legal standards public officials legislative immunity judicial fairness rule of law crime and punishment societal norms ethics in politics public trust government transparency immunity politicians double standard victims perpetrators justice system equality prosecution political role free society fairness retribution community philanthropist legal accountability democratic principles citizen rights rule of law
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro04a	An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, ICC enforcement arm credible organization Stalin Pope arrests trials convictions acceptance legal institution effective countries cooperation resources Henry Kissinger Europe political military apprehending convicting wanted person ICC enforcement arm credibility organization critics Stalin Pope divisions fugitives arrests trials convictions legal institution effectiveness cooperation countries resources Henry Kissinger Europe single leader political cooperation military cooperation apprehending convicting international criminals justice policing international peace security international police forces Chicago-Kent College of Law Wall Street Journal ICC enforcement arm credibility international criminal court arrests trials convictions legal institution effectiveness country cooperation resources Henry Kissinger Europe political cooperation military cooperation apprehending convicting international criminals policing international peace security international police forces ICC enforcement credible organization Stalin's dismissal Pope's influence arrest fugitives more trials more convictions acceptance of ICC serious court international criminals justice effective legal institution country cooperation necessary resources Henry Kissinger speak to Europe political cooperation military cooperation apprehending suspects convicting suspects help from ICC catch wanted person ICC enforcement credibility arrests trials convictions legal institution effectiveness cooperation resources international criminals justice policing international peace security Henry Kissinger Europe political cooperation military cooperation apprehending conviction wanted person ICC enforcement arm credible organization Stalin’s dismissal Pope influence arrests of fugitives more trials more convictions acceptance of ICC serious court effective legal institution countries cooperation Henry Kissinger speak to Europe European leader political cooperation military cooperation apprehending criminals convicting criminals catch wanted person ICC resources international criminals justice legal credibility institutional effectiveness international peace international security international police forces policing international security Chicago-Kent College of Law Wall Street Journal Marcin Sobczyk Henry H. Perritt ICC enforcement arm credibility Stalin Pope legal institution effectiveness international criminals justice countries cooperation resources Henry Kissinger Europe political cooperation military cooperation UK France apprehending convicting wanted person ICC enforcement arm credibility international court arrests trials convictions legal institution effectiveness cooperation countries resources apprehending conviction international criminals peace security policing Henry Kissinger Europe political cooperation military cooperation UK France Marcin Sobczyk Wall Street Journal Henry H. Perritt Chicago-Kent College of Law ICC enforcement arm credibility arrests trials convictions effectiveness international criminals cooperation resources European leadership political cooperation military cooperation apprehending fugitives legal institution international peace security policing Henry Kissinger Marcin Sobczyk Wall Street Journal Chicago-Kent College of Law Henry H. Perritt international police forces ICC enforcement arm credibility arrests trials convictions legal institution effectiveness cooperation resources Henry Kissinger Europe political cooperation military cooperation apprehending conviction international criminals justice policing international peace security international police forces
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro01a	Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 cluster bombs harm civilians modern warfare urban areas indiscriminate land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces bomblets duds children brightly colored demining dangerous casualties post-conflict unexploded ordnance humanitarian impact cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces dud bomblets child safety post-conflict hazards demining explosive remnants of war humanitarian impact unexploded ordnance peacekeeping exclusions military tactics civilian casualties bomblet attraction long-term dangers bomb disposal clearance challenges combat zones non-combatant protection war ethics international law weapon regulation Cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces dud bomblets brightly colored children post-attack harm demining dangerous process civilian casualties military targets initial assaults enemy troops combat areas peacekeeping Cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare combat in cities initial assaults enemy troops indiscriminate nature blast radius Zagreb attack Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly coloured attraction to children post-attack harm demining process dangerous demining cost lives cluster bombs civilian areas combat initial assaults enemy troops indiscriminate nature land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly coloured children significant harm demining dangerous process lives cost cluster bombs unacceptable harm civilians modern warfare civilian areas cities peacekeeping initial assaults large formations enemy troops indiscriminate nature land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces blast radius bomblets duds brightly colored children significant harm post-attack demining dangerous process casualties humanitarian impact cluster bombs civilian areas modern warfare peacekeeping initial assaults large formations enemy troops indiscriminate nature land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly coloured children significant harm demining dangerous process post-attack casualties cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare combat zones cities peacekeeping initial assaults enemy formations indiscriminate nature land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces blast radius bomblets duds brightly colored children significant harm post-attack demining dangerous process casualties cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons land mines Zagreb attack Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly colored children significant harm demining dangerous process post-attack casualties military targets initial assaults enemy formations peacekeeping civilian areas blast radius unexploded ordnance clearance efforts long-term impact humanitarian concerns cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons land mines Zagreb attack Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly coloured children safety post-attack harm demining dangerous process life cost
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con02a	Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. human rights internet access commodity inalienable rights media technologies TV telephones democratization news dissemination human rights violations digital divide free access internet charges communication technologies information rights Internet access human right commodity inalienable freely available charged download media advances TV telephones democratise news international human rights violations world opinions wide audience internet access commodity human right inherent inalienable freely available charged cut off download media advances TV telephones express opinions democratise news international human rights violations world technology accessibility equity digital divide internet access human right commodity inherent inalienable freely available rich charged cut off download TV telephones media advances express opinions democratise news international human rights violations world human rights internet access commodity inalienable rights free availability economic disparity digital divide technological advancements media technologies TV telephones freedom of expression democratization of news international communication human rights violations global awareness internet access human right commodity inherent inalienable freely available charged for access cut off not paying download more greater access media advances TV telephones express opinions democratise news international human rights violations told to the world Internet access commodity human right inherent inalienable freely available rich charged cut off download media advances TV telephones express opinions democratise news international human rights violations world internet access human right commodity inherent inalienable freely available rich charged cut off download media advances TV telephones express opinions democratise news international human rights violations world internet impact internet access human right commodity inherent inalienable freely available charged cut off download media advances TV telephones express opinions democratise news international human rights violations world internet impact technological equity digital divide commodity human right internet access inalienable freely available charged democratise news international human rights violations telephones TV media advances opinions audience internet freedom digital divide information rights communication technologies societal impact technological evolution
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro01a	All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. nuclear deterrence conventional weapons international system state sovereignty nuclear weapons self-defense small states nuclear equality rational use of nuclear weapons non-proliferation security studies international law military strategy geopolitical balance Ukraine Russia Georgia North Korea post-Cold War era international relations strategic studies nuclear deterrence state defense rights international system equalization of states nuclear weapons proliferation rational state behavior conventional weapons disparity small state security nuclear missiles international treaties state sovereignty wealth and manpower foreign attack deterrence existential threats post-cold war nuclear strategy Ukrainian nuclear deterrent Russian-Georgian conflict North Korea nuclear stance nuclear weapons self-defense state sovereignty international system nuclear deterrence conventional weapons poor states small states wealthy states foreign attack manpower nuclear equality state intimidation invasion Russian invasion of Georgia existential threat rational behavior nuclear proliferation Mearsheimer Jervis nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international security self-defense conventional weapons small states nuclear equality rational state behavior nuclear non-proliferation geopolitical stability Ukraine nuclear deterrent Russia-Georgia conflict nuclear strategy Cold War legacy international treaties state rights existential threats wealth and manpower foreign invasion strategic balance nuclear missiles international relations state survival rational use of nuclear weapons defensive capabilities global security architecture military doctrine nuclear proliferation deterrence theory international law state-based security international community security studies arms control national security strategic studies international politics nuclear deterrence state defense international system conventional weapons poor states small states nuclear equality state intimidation Russian invasion of Georgia North Korea rational nuclear use post-Cold War era Ukrainian nuclear deterrent nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international security defense capability conventional weapons small states wealthy states military invasion nuclear equality existential threat rational use of nuclear weapons post-cold war nuclear strategy Ukrainian nuclear deterrent Russian invasion of Georgia international treaties nation-state rights self-defense nuclear proliferation foreign attack manpower shortage nuclear missiles city destruction strategic balance state vulnerability survival instinct arms control nuclear arms race security studies political science international relations military strategy defense policy global security deterrence theory nuclear ethics international law state equality security dilemma nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international security defensive capabilities conventional weapons small states wealth manpower equalization existential threats rational behavior nuclear proliferation post-Cold War Ukrainian nuclear deterrent Russian invasion of Georgia North Korea international treaties state rights foreign attack unconventional warfare strategic balance geopolitical stability survival aggressive use nuclear weapons international system nation-state self-defense threat assessment security studies international relations defense policy deterrence theory strategic studies global security international organizations military strategy state capacity asymmetric warfare strategic equality defensive strategy nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international security defense capabilities small states wealth disparity military manpower nuclear equality existential threats rational state behavior nuclear proliferation international treaties state rights foreign invasion weaponized retaliation geopolitical balance strategic weapons international relations nuclear weapons conventional weapons nuclear deterrence international system state sovereignty self-defense nuclear proliferation conventional weapons poor states small states wealth manpower nuclear equality large states small states Russian invasion Georgia existential threat rational behavior nuclear strategy post-Cold War Ukrainian nuclear deterrent nuclear deterrence international system state sovereignty self-defense conventional weapons small states wealth manpower nuclear equality foreign invasion rational use nuclear proliferation post-cold war Ukrainian deterrent Russian invasion Georgia North Korea existential threat survival strategic stability
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro02a	"The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League ADL Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification international leadership national security rogue states North Korea terrorists nuclear force strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability rolling back loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism arms control agreements US Vice President Joe Biden reset relations global security strong sanctions advanced anti-aircraft missile system materiel flow NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship positive consequences Jewish issue Republican support Henry New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification treaty national security Middle East Senate rogue states North Korea nuclear proliferation terrorists transparency stability strategic nuclear relationship Russian assistance Afghanistan international terrorism loose nukes US Vice President Joe Biden reset relations sanctions NATO-Russia Council European security Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell Wall Street Journal Washington Post Atlantic New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security Senate reservations rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists transparency strategic nuclear relationship rolling back nuclear programs loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism national interest Vice President Joe Biden reset relations Russia sanctions anti-aircraft missile NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship significant positive consequences Jewish issue Republican support Washington Post Wall Street Journal New START treaty Iran’s nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification American international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability secure ""loose nukes"" Afghanistan international terrorism arms control agreements US national interest Vice President Joe Biden reset relations with Russia strong sanctions against Iran advanced anti-aircraft missile system NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship significant positive consequences dealing with rogue New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification Iranian nuclear weapons national security Israel Middle East Senate rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorism transparency stability strategic nuclear relationship arms control US national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russia sanctions anti-aircraft missile NATO-Russia Council European security Afghanistan materiel international leadership Republican support Washington Post Wall Street Journal Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagleburger New START treaty Iran’s nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League ADL Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification American international leadership national security Senate reservations rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability securing loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism arms control agreements US national interest Joe Biden reset relations with Russia global security strong sanctions anti-aircraft missile system NATO-Russia Council European security Jewish issue Republican case Washington Post Wall Street Journal New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification American international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security Israel Middle East Senate reservations rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability rolling back nuclear programs loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism arms control agreements national interest Vice President Joe Biden reset relations Russia strong sanctions anti-aircraft missile system NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship Republican support Henry Kiss New START treaty Iran’s nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman Iranian nuclear threat rogue states nuclear weapons Russia nuclear force arms control transparency strategic nuclear relationship loose nukes international terrorism Afghanistan Joe Biden relations with Russia global security sanctions against Iran NATO-Russia Council Republican case for New START Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell ratification national interest international leadership non-proliferation security cooperation US national security New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation non-proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification Iranian nuclear threat national security rogue states North Korea nuclear terrorism strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability international leadership arms control global security Russian support Joe Biden reset relations NATO-Russia Council European security Jewish issue Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell Republican support Senate international sanctions anti-aircraft missile system Afghanistan NATO New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification Iranian nuclear threat national security rogue states North Korea nuclear terrorism arms control Russian support nuclear force transparency strategic nuclear relationship securing loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism US national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russian cooperation strong sanctions anti-aircraft missile NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship significant positive consequences dealing with rogue states"
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con03a	Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook negative impact learning students distraction news status updates pictures comments educational progress studies social networks grades scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades social networks studying scholarship university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising debate Larry Rose American Psychological Association Julie D. Andrews Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades social networks studying scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising debate research Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades social networks scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising Larry Rose American Psychological Association Julie D. Andrews Debate Roils On Facebook negative impact learning students distraction news status updates pictures comments educational progress grades 20% lower scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising social networks studying Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades social networks studying scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing future prospects socialising Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook social media learning impact student distraction educational progress grades scholarship community college passing failing future prospects socialising negative effects study habits academic performance digital distraction youth education technology and learning social network influence college admissions educational psychology student success online behavior multitasking cognitive load attention span information overload academic achievement social interaction digital literacy screen time educational technology student engagement learning environment psychological impact social media addiction productivity time management academic goals educational resources online platforms digital wellness cognitive distraction learning outcomes Facebook negative impact learning students distraction news status updates pictures comments educational progress grades 20% lower scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades social networks studying scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades social networks studying scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association
test-law-umtlilhotac-con01a	ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC international criminal court legal systems domestic criminal trials disadvantages televising jury professional judges intimidation television broadcasts witness protection safeguards international tribunals ICC legal systems domestic criminal trial disadvantages televising international tribunals jury professional judges intimidated television broadcasts witness protection safeguards ICC legal systems domestic criminal trial disadvantages televising international tribunals jury professional judges television broadcasts witness protection safeguards ICC international criminal court legal systems domestic criminal trials disadvantages of televising no jury professional judges television broadcasts jury intimidation witness protection safeguards international tribunals legal advantages courtroom procedures judicial integrity media presence judicial system trial transparency legal protections ICC legal systems domestic criminal trial disadvantages televising international tribunals jury professional judges television broadcasts witness protection safeguards ICC legal systems disadvantages televising domestic criminal trial international tribunals no jury professional judges television broadcasts witness protection safeguards court procedures trial transparency judicial intimidation public trials legal integrity international justice criminal proceedings juror anonymity ICC international criminal court legal systems domestic criminal trials disadvantages televising trials jury professional judges intimidation television broadcasts witness protection safeguards international tribunals ICC international tribunals domestic criminal trials disadvantages of televising jury professional judges witness protection safeguards search efficacy legal systems trial broadcasts court procedures judge intimidation transparency in courts ICC legal systems domestic criminal trials disadvantages televising international tribunals jury professional judges intimidation television broadcasts witness protection safeguards ICC international tribunals domestic criminal trials disadvantages of televising jury professional judges television broadcasts witness protection safeguards court procedures legal systems international law criminal justice transparency public trials judicial intimidation legal safeguards
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con03a	Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, public decency freedom of speech South Africa historical context enriching public domain critical speech avoiding widespread offence The Spear Brett Murray graphic depiction male genitalia underlying message controversy utilisation of exposed penis public display personal offence depicting President Zuma lewd manner removal of artwork Robins P Amandla 2012 Public decency freedom of speech South Africa historical context enriching public domain criticism of government avoiding widespread offence The Spear Brett Murray graphic depiction male genitalia underlying message controversy breach of public decency personal offence President Zuma lewd depiction removal of artwork Robins. P Amandla 2012 Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Historical Context Enriching Public Domain Critical Speech Widespread Offence Graphic Depiction Male Genitalia Underlying Message Brett Murray Art Controversy Exposed Penis Public Decency Breach Personal Offence President Zuma Lewd Depiction Artwork Removal Public Display Robins Amandla Magazine Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Historical Context Enriching Public Domain Critique of Government Avoiding Widespread Offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic Depiction Male Genitalia Underlying Message Controversy Breach of Public Decency Personal Offence President Zuma Lewd Depiction Artwork Removal Public Display Robins. P Amandla Magazine 2012 Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Government Criticism Widespread Offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic Depiction Male Genitalia Message Conveyance Public Domain Enrichment President Zuma Lewd Depiction Artwork Removal Personal Offence Utilisation Public Display Robins P Amandla 2012 Spear Controversy Public decency freedom of speech South Africa government criticism widespread offence graphic depiction male genitalia The Spear Brett Murray public domain underlying message needless controversy notions of public decency personal offence President Zuma lewd depiction removal of artwork Robins. P Amandla 2012 Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Conveying Messages Enriching Public Domain Critical of Government Widespread Offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic Depiction Male Genitalia Underlying Message Needless Controversy Breaching Public Decency Personal Offence Depicting President Zuma Lewd Manner Removal of Artwork Preventing Further Offence Robins P Amandla 2012 Public decency freedom of speech South Africa historical context enriching public domain critical government messages avoiding widespread offence The Spear Brett Murray graphic depiction male genitalia underlying message controversy personal offence lewd depiction President Zuma removal of artwork preventing further offence Robins. P Amandla 2012 Public decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Conveying meaningful messages Criticism of government Avoiding widespread offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic depiction Male genitalia Underlying message Needless controversy Breaching public decency Personal offence President Zuma Lewd depiction Artwork removal Robins. P Amandla 2012 Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Government Criticism Widespread Offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic Depiction Male Genitalia Underlying Message Controversy Notions of Public Decency Personal Offence President Zuma Lewd Manner Removal of Artwork Prevent Further Offence Robins P Amandla 2012
test-international-iighbopcc-pro01a	The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, emissions cutting non-binding agreement government targets binding carbon reduction Paris climate talks voluntary subsidies insulation UK climate change advisers miss 2025 climate change emissions reduction non-binding agreements government targets carbon targets climate policy international agreements environmental policy United Kingdom Paris climate talks climate action environmental targets policy compliance subsidies housing insulation emissions reduction non-binding agreements government targets climate change voluntary targets binding commitments carbon targets climate policy international agreements environmental regulations Paris climate talks UK carbon targets subsidies housing insulation non-binding agreements emissions reduction government targets climate change voluntary targets Paris climate talks British government carbon targets subsidies reduction housing insulation climate advisers miss targets binding commitments environmental policy international agreements global warming carbon emissions policy effectiveness government compliance climate action emissions cutting non-binding agreements government targets climate change Paris climate talks British government carbon targets subsidies reduction housing insulation voluntary targets environmental policy international agreements global warming carbon reduction strategies cutting emissions non-binding agreement government targets climate change carbon targets voluntary targets Paris climate talks British government emissions reduction housing insulation climate change advisers carbon reductions policy binding environmental policy international agreements emissions cutting non-binding agreement government targets climate change voluntary targets Paris climate talks UK carbon targets climate change advisers housing insulation binding targets environmental policy international agreements global emissions reduction climate action government commitment carbon reduction policy enforcement environmental governance sustainability ecological impact climate change emissions reduction non-binding agreements government targets Paris climate talks carbon targets British government climate policy environmental policy international agreements voluntary commitments binding commitments climate action subsidies insulation climate advisers environmental targets global warming policy effectiveness compliance emissions cutting non-binding agreement government targets binding targets climate change Paris climate talks UK carbon targets climate change advisers housing insulation subsidies voluntary targets carbon reductions environmental policy climate change emissions reduction non-binding agreement government targets carbon targets Paris climate talks binding targets subsidies housing insulation UK climate policy climate change advisers voluntary targets international agreements environmental policy global warming mitigation
test-science-eassgbatj-con01a	Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] animal rights human characteristics moral consideration self-awareness social behavior communication moral trade-off greater good ethical treatment species comparison Animals human rights moral consideration brain size social groups communication self-awareness death awareness ethical trade-offs human benefits animal characteristics morality ethics animal rights human-animal comparison moral philosophy ethics of harm greater good utilitarianism animal rights human rights moral consideration self-awareness social structures communication abilities ethical trade-offs brain size cognitive abilities animal consciousness moral status ethical treatment human-animal comparison greater good philosophy animal rights human rights moral consideration animal characteristics human cognition social behavior communication self-awareness death awareness moral trade-off greater good ethical treatment animal welfare human-animal comparison rights justification moral philosophy ethical implications harm principle utilitarianism speciesism animal rights human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities social behavior communication self-awareness death awareness ethical trade-offs greater good species comparison moral status animal welfare human exceptionalism animal ethics human rights moral consideration brain size social behavior communication self-awareness death awareness animal characteristics moral trade-off greater good animal welfare human superiority ethical treatment moral philosophy speciesism animal rights human-animal relationship moral status ethical justification animal rights human rights moral consideration social groups communication self-awareness death awareness moral trade-offs greater good ethical treatment animal characteristics human characteristics harm to animals benefit to humans moral philosophy ethics rights ethics utilitarianism animal rights human rights moral consideration self-awareness death awareness social groups communication brain size ethical trade-offs greater good animal characteristics human characteristics moral philosophy ethics animal welfare human superiority animal cognition human-animal comparison moral obligations benefit to humans Animal rights human characteristics moral consideration self-awareness social behavior communication moral trade-off greater good ethical treatment species differences animal ethics moral consideration human superiority cognitive abilities social behavior communication skills self-awareness concept of death moral trade-offs benefit to humans animal characteristics rights comparison ethical justifications harm principle greater good philosophy
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro02a	Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Christianity religious freedom workplace attire legal protection discrimination faith symbols cross kirpan Sikh Church of England monarch religious rights conscience national brands NHS Heathrow American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum religious freedom workplace attire equal protection Christianity cross symbolism faith expression legislative consistency discrimination Church of England monarch workplace policies national brands employee rights conscience NHS Heathrow airport Sikh kirpan religious symbols legal rights commitment faith demonstration religious freedom prescribed clothing British law Christianity protection legislation discrimination workplace attire faith demonstration national brands state religion monarch Church of England conscience religious symbols NHS Heathrow airport Sikh kirpan commitment American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum religious freedom equal protection workplace attire faith symbols Christianity cross wearing employment rights discrimination state religion monarch Church of England conscientious belief religious symbols Sikh kirpan NHS Heathrow airport legislative consistency American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum Christianity prescribed clothing British law hypocrisy discrimination workplace faith symbols national brands monarch Church of England conscience NHS Heathrow airport sikh kirpan commitment American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum religious freedom clothing rights British law Christian protection legislative consistency workplace attire faith demonstrations national brands religious symbols conscience legal respect American Heritage Dictionary Kirpan Sikh rights workplace diversity faith commitment equality discrimination constitutional monarchy Church of England human rights religious accommodation employment law British values cultural sensitivity legal precedent cross wearing faith expression professional attire individual rights public sector private sector ethical standards legal philosophy religious pluralism secularism workplace policies employee rights faith-based attire religious insignia legal discrimination faith-based discrimination religious freedom workplace attire faith symbols legal protection equal rights Christianity cross hypocrisy discrimination British law constitutional monarchy Church of England conscience personal belief symbolic expression kirpan Sikhism religious accommodation legislative consistency employment rights cultural sensitivity individual rights collective values moral obligation legal precedent social equity human rights religious diversity multiculturalism employee rights workplace diversity faith-based practices symbolic significance legal equality moral rights societal norms religious practices cultural respect legislative reform symbolic representation faith-based attire legal standards religious dedication professional religious freedom equal protection workplace attire faith expression Christianity cross kirpan Sikhism British law discrimination conscience established church national brands religious symbols workplace policies legal consistency American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum religion clothing British law Christianity protection legislation discrimination workplace faith national brands monarch Church of England conscience NHS Heathrow airport Sikh kirpan commitment American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum religious freedom equality discrimination workplace attire faith symbols Christianity cross other religions prescribed clothing British law monarchy Church of England national brands conscience sikh kirpan NHS Heathrow airport commitment all faiths
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con01a	Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones military targets civilian protection disarmament child recruitment legal enforcement humanitarian law strategic objectives militia warfare tactics international justice Africa central Asia community safety armed conflict protection of minors militarisation of children displacement surprise attacks self-protection massacres human rights child welfare combat zones prosecuted deterrence moral norms legal principles ethical standards child exploitation international community peacekeeping security policies military ethics child soldiering war zones conflict resolution ceasefire peace agreements non-combat child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones military targets civilians developing world war zones defense convictions militarisation children communities resistance strategic objectives battlefield protection massacres displacement surprise attacks Africa central Asia child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones militarisation of children civilian targets community targeting African warfare central Asian warfare military strategy child protection war ethics international law humanitarian law child rights armed conflict strategic objectives displacement surprise attacks defense mechanisms legal enforcement tactical normalization defense policies war tactics child participation resistance capabilities military objectives survival strategies massacre prevention legal condemnation investigation protocols human rights violations conflict resolution peacekeeping measures ethical warfare child soldier recruitment international justice legal defense combat zones civilian safety child combatants child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones military tactics civilian targeting child protection militarisation of children communities as military targets war strategies Africa central Asia child rights international law armed conflict strategic objectives resistance displacement surprise attacks massacres child soldiers military targets conflict zones ICC war crimes militarisation civilian protection strategic objectives community targeting armed conflict massacres displacement surprise attacks warfare Africa central Asia child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian targeting military tactics child militarisation community targeting armed conflict resolution impact self-protection child targets strategic objectives war strategy battlefield features European ideals legal enforcement defence motion massacre prevention organised displacement surprise attacks Africa central Asia children military targets ban child soldiers conflict zones European ideal ICC war crimes convictions militarisation communities war resistance automatic targets massacres organised displacement surprise attacks Africa central Asia child soldiers military targets conflict zones ban enforcement ICC role war crimes convictions community targeting civilian protection militarisation of children strategic objectives armed conflict survival strategies massacre prevention organised displacement surprise attacks warfare characteristics African conflicts central Asian conflicts child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones European ideals civilian targeting developing world military strategies war crime convictions militarisation of children community targeting armed conflict survival strategies massacres displacement surprise attacks Africa central Asia child soldiers military targets war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian protection militarisation of children war zones Africa central Asia community targeting armed conflict strategic objectives displacement surprise attacks massacres survival strategies convictions European ideals INFLEXIBLE IMPLEMENTATION
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con03a	It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints unhealthy food poverty nutrition equity fresh produce WHO regressive policy healthy diet accessibility socioeconomic status public health food security affordability nutritionally unbalanced government intervention health inequality fat tax regressive taxation economic inequality healthy food access nutrition policy food affordability public health intervention socioeconomic impact dietary habits government regulation poverty and nutrition health equity WHO recommendations tax equity nutritional balance fresh produce accessibility vulnerable populations fiscal policy health disparities food policy economic constraints fat tax economic constraints unhealthy food poorest population junk food fresh produce nutritional imbalance regressive policy equity healthy food accessibility vulnerable society government policy Stracansky Romania WHO fat tax economic constraints poorest population nutritional imbalance regressive policy equity perspective healthy produce accessibility junk food fresh produce caloric intake vulnerable society government intervention health policy socio-economic impact fat tax economic constraints poorest population unhealthy food nutritional imbalance regressive policy equity perspective healthy produce food accessibility vulnerable society fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints unhealthy food nutritionally unbalanced regressive policy equity perspective fresh produce accessibility government intervention poverty and diet caloric intake health inequality Romania WHO statement food affordability junk food consumption dietary restrictions social equity nutritional balance food policy impact fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints unhealthy food poverty nutritionally unbalanced regressive policies equity healthy produce accessibility Romanian government WHO Stracansky fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints unhealthy food Romania junk food nutritionally unbalanced WHO regressive policy equity healthy produce accessibility poverty social impact government intervention fiscal policy public health dietary choices economic inequality caloric intake fat tax unhealthy food economic constraints poverty fresh produce nutritionally unbalanced regressive policies equity food accessibility healthy diet government intervention social impact Romania WHO calorie source vulnerable population taxation public health economic policy food affordability fat tax economic constraints poorest population unhealthy food fresh produce regressive policies nutritional imbalance equity perspective government intervention accessible healthy food Stracansky Romania 2010
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro02a	Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified organisms GM crops ecosystem threats biodiversity loss crop strains disease resistance environmental impact herbicides non-target species butterfly population pollen drift cross-pollination gene pool contamination labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene sustainable agriculture biotechnology ethics GMO risks ecological balance genetically modified organisms GM crops environmental impact biodiversity loss crop variety reduction disease susceptibility ecosystem disruption non-target species butterfly population decline transgene escape herbicide tolerant crops Bt crops Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin cross-pollination gene pool contamination labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene ethical concerns terminator technology access Genetically modified food GM foods environmental danger ecosystem impact crop diversity rice varieties disease resistance butterfly population Monsanto transgenes herbicide tolerant crops Bacillus Thuringiensis Bt crops cross-pollination natural gene pool labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene terminator technology GMO ethics sustainable agriculture WWF Switzerland GM crop pollen unmodified crops genetic pollution ecological consequences GMO risks non-target species GM crop spread agricultural biodiversity Genetically Modified Organisms GMO controversy genetically modified food GM foods environmental danger ecosystem damage crop biodiversity disease vulnerability monoculture farming butterfly population decline Monsanto field trial transgenes herbicide tolerant crops Bt crops Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin non-target species cross-pollination gene pool contamination labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene technology access sustainable agriculture WWF Switzerland GMO risks Genetically modified food GM foods environmental danger ecosystem impacts crop biodiversity disease resistance butterfly population Monsanto field trial transgenes herbicide tolerant crops Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin Bt crops cross-pollination gene pool pollution labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene terminator technology GMO regulation sustainable agriculture WWF Switzerland report Whitman D. study Genetically modified food GM foods environmental danger ecosystem impact crop diversity rice varieties disease resistance butterfly population Monsanto field trial transgenes herbicide tolerant crops Bacillus Thuringiensis non-target species pollen drift cross-pollination gene pool contamination labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene terminator technology GMO regulation sustainable agriculture WWF Switzerland GM crops agricultural biodiversity ecological balance food security ethical concerns biotechnology genetic engineering environmental ethics ecological footprint agricultural practices plant breeding GMO risks ecosystem services pollinator decline agricultural sustainability genetically modified food GM crops ecosystem threat biodiversity reduction crop variety disease resistance environmental impact herbicide tolerant GM crops Bacillus Thuringiensis Bt crops non-target species butterfly decline pollen drift cross-pollination gene pool contamination labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene biotechnology ethics GMO regulation sustainable agriculture WWF Whitman D. genetically modified food GM foods ecosystem danger environmental threat crop strain reduction traditional ecosystem disease resistance catastrophic failure ecosystem balance biodiversity loss butterfly population Monsanto field trial transgene escape broad-spectrum herbicides countryside ecosystems Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin non-target species cross-pollination natural gene pool labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene gene technology ethical concerns agricultural sustainability WWF Switzerland GMOs sustainable development Whitman genetically modified crops pollen transfer unmodified crops terminator technology company access genetic pollution moral implications genetically modified food ecosystem threats GM crops environmental risks crop biodiversity traditional agriculture disease resistance strain diversity rice varieties butterfly population Monsanto field trial transgenes broad-spectrum herbicides countryside ecosystems Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin Bt crops non-target species cross-pollination natural gene pool labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene terminator technology sustainable agriculture GMO ethics GM food safety ecological balance WWF Switzerland GM crop fertilization pollen flow genetic contamination agricultural development ethical concerns biotechnology ethics GM food labeling terminator genetically modified foods GM crops ecosystem impact biodiversity reduction rice varieties disease resistance butterfly population Monsanto transgenes environmental escape herbicide tolerant crops broad-spectrum herbicides Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin Bt crops non-target species pollen drift cross-pollination gene pool contamination labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene moral concerns technology access sustainable agriculture WWF Switzerland pesticide resistance ecological balance genetic pollution crop diversity unmodified crops environmental consequences GM food debate biotechnology risks ecological disruption sustainable development agricultural practices
test-law-ilppppghb-con02a	"The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. universal human rights self-determination nation states international treaties supra-national rules citizen rights majority culture EU citizens common rights European citizenship freedom of movement minority rights anti-discrimination treaties Northern Ireland Catholic rights international enforcement universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states treaties international organisations citizens rights international boundaries supra-national rules individual citizen rights and privileges majority culture EU citizens common rights European citizenship freedom of movement member states minorities arms oppressive nation state rights against discrimination international treaty universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states treaties international organisations citizen rights supra-national rules international boundaries majority culture EU citizens common rights European citizenship freedom of movement member states minorities oppressive nation state rights against discrimination international treaty universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states international treaties individual rights supra-national rules international boundaries minority rights EU citizenship freedom of movement anti-discrimination rights international enforcement historical comparison minority groups political violence modern governance global ethics human dignity cultural majority minority protection international law global citizenship universal human rights self-determination modern nation states international treaties supra-national rules citizen rights minority rights EU citizenship freedom of movement anti-discrimination treaties majority culture minority groups Northern Ireland Catholics oppressive states international boundaries global citizenship human rights enforcement international law global governance state sovereignty cultural rights political rights social rights economic rights legal rights civil rights human dignity statelessness national identity ethnic identity religious identity linguistic identity regional autonomy global community international cooperation human rights organizations human rights defenders human rights education human universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states international organisations citizen rights international boundaries individual citizen majority culture EU citizens common rights European citizenship freedom of movement member states minorities fifty years ago Catholics Northern Ireland discrimination international treaty self-determination universal human rights developed world nation states international treaties supra-national rules citizen rights majority culture EU citizens common rights European citizenship freedom of movement minority rights anti-discrimination international treaties Northern Ireland Catholics oppressive nation state new rights guaranteed rights enforced rights universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states international organisations treaties supra-national rules individual citizen rights privileges majority culture EU citizens common rights European citizenship freedom of movement member states minorities oppressive nation state rights against discrimination international treaty self-determination universal human rights international treaties supra-national rules modern nation states citizen rights EU citizenship freedom of movement minority rights anti-discrimination treaties international boundary majority culture Northern Ireland Catholics oppressive nation states new rights enforced rights self-determination universal human rights modern nation states international organisations treaties supra-national rules common rights individual citizen majority culture EU citizens common European citizenship freedom of movement member states minorities oppression discrimination international treaty"
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con04a	Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? online gambling stock market risk-taking horse-racing games bonds shares currency derivatives economy legal illegal financial markets betting investment regulatory differences economic expertise gambling laws financial gambling market speculation regulated activities unregulated activities financial instruments gambling forms investment strategies market knowledge gambling expertise risk assessment financial risk legal gambling illegal gambling market betting financial markets vs gambling economic bets financial speculation gambling regulation investment regulation online financial activities legal financial activities illegal financial activities financial markets legality gambling legality financial risk-taking online gambling stock market gambling vs stock trading horse-racing games knowledge expertise risk-taking legal gambling illegal gambling financial markets betting economy derivatives bonds shares currency investment regulatory differences gambling laws financial regulations risk management speculative trading casino games sports betting online trading market analysis financial expertise legal considerations economic betting regulated markets unregulated gambling online gambling stock market horse-racing games bonds shares currency derivatives legal gambling illegal gambling financial markets investment risk-taking economic understanding betting regulation laws gambling laws financial regulation expertise success chances market knowledge investment knowledge gambling vs investing online trading online betting online gambling horse-racing stock market trading bonds shares currency derivatives risk-taking legal gambling investment knowledge market expertise online gambling horse-racing stock market trading bonds shares currency derivatives legal gambling financial betting risk-taking economy understanding investor expertise gambling regulation financial markets online trading betting laws market speculation gambling vs investing online gambling stock market horse-racing betting trading bonds shares currency derivatives legal gambling financial markets risk-taking investment expertise economy legal differences online betting financial expertise market understanding regulated gambling investment strategies financial betting market risks lawful gambling regulated financial activities online financial transactions betting laws investment risks economic expertise financial risk-taking legal online activities financial gambling market betting regulated online betting lawful financial betting investment knowledge economic betting online financial gambling market expertise financial risk assessment lawful online gambling betting regulations financial online gambling horse-racing stock market trading bonds shares currency derivatives legal risk-taking financial markets gambling laws investment betting expertise economy regulatory differences market prediction sports betting financial trading legal gambling illegal trading financial regulations gambling vs investing market analysis betting strategies financial expertise economic understanding risk assessment legal frameworks gambling legislation online trading financial gambling market speculation legal betting investment strategies regulated markets unregulated gambling financial instruments betting laws market risks investment risks legal versus illegal betting on sports financial online gambling horse-racing stock market financial trading risk-taking legal gambling betting derivatives shares bonds currency trading market expertise investment knowledge regulatory differences economic bets gambling laws financial markets betting vs investing risk assessment legal betting online trading platforms online gambling stock market risk-taking horse-racing trading derivatives regulatory differences legal gambling financial markets investment vs gambling economic understanding betting expertise market speculation legality of online activities financial regulation gambling laws investment risks betting on outcomes financial expertise economic bets online gambling stock market risk-taking horse-racing games bonds shares currency derivatives economy legal regulation financial markets betting investment expertise knowledge success trading investors online trading financial gambling legal gambling illegal gambling market prediction economic understanding financial risk speculative investing
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro02a	Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. cyber attacks state damage large scale attacks armed attack governmental dependence online services government disruption financial services economy disruption banking services commercial services government websites confidential information security compromise power grids infrastructure shutdown USA 2007 mass disruption Russia Georgia 2008 communication disruption military attack Pentagon act of war cyber warfare state security cyber threat international relations cyber policy digital defense cyber espionage critical infrastructure cyber defense strategies national security cyber conflict cyber crisis cyber vulnerability government operations cyber resilience cyber cyber warfare state security online disruptions government services financial systems confidential data theft power grid attacks infrastructure sabotage military response international relations cyber conflict digital espionage national defense cyber terrorism economic instability critical infrastructure protection cyber resilience cyber policy legal implications armed conflict analogy cyber attacks state damage large scale armed attack government services financial services confidential information power grids infrastructure economic disruption military attack act of war cybersecurity state security international relations cyber warfare national defense digital infrastructure critical services cyber espionage Russia Georgia USA Pentagon cyber policy legal frameworks international law cyber threats defense strategies cyber conflict information security cyber defense strategic studies cyber operations cyber incident response national security cyber treaties cyber norms cyber diplomacy cyber terrorism cyber hygiene network security data protection cyber resilience cyber attacks state damage armed attack equivalence government services financial services mass disruption economy disruption financial services banking services commercial services government websites confidential information country security power grids infrastructure shutdown large scale cyber attack Russia Georgia 2008 communication disruption Pentagon act of war military attack high-level disruption state vulnerability government operation failure cyber warfare nation-state attacks critical infrastructure economic disruption government cybersecurity financial sector security power grid attacks information theft military response cyber deterrence international law cyber conflict state security cyber espionage cyber terrorism digital warfare online services disruption cyber policy US Pentagon cyber threats state vulnerability cyber attack classification armed conflict cyber defense cyber strategy national security cyber incident response cyber resilience cyber intelligence cybercrime cyber security measures cyber warfare ethics cyber norms cyber diplomacy cyber warfare consequences cyber peace cyber arms control cyber warfare laws cyber cyber attacks state damage large scale substantial harms armed attack government services financial services online dependency mass disruption economy disruption financial services banking services commercial services government websites confidential information country security USA 2007 power grids infrastructure shutdown vulnerability government operation Russia Georgia 2008 Pentagon act of war military attack high-level disruption state security cyber warfare international law digital warfare national security cyber defense cyber espionage critical infrastructure cyber threats strategic assets geopolitical tensions cyber conflict cyber terrorism information cyber attacks state damage armed attack government services financial services mass disruption economy disruption financial services banking commercial services government websites confidential information country security power grids infrastructure shutdown USA 2007 Russia Georgia 2008 Pentagon act of war military attack high-level disruption state vulnerability government operation cyber warfare international relations national security digital infrastructure cyber defense cyber threat cyber espionage cyber terrorism cyber conflict cyber crime cyber policy cyber warfare laws cyber strategy cyber response cyber resilience cyber security cyber attacks state damage armed attack government services financial services mass disruption economy disruption confidential information power grids infrastructure shutdown USA 2007 Russia Georgia 2008 Pentagon act of war military attack large-scale cyber attacks state security cyber warfare digital infrastructure national security cyber threats information security critical infrastructure cyber espionage cyber conflict international relations cybersecurity policy cyber defense digital disruption cyber terrorism cyber crime cyber operations cyber incident cyber strategy cyber resilience cyber incident response cyber intelligence cyber protection cyber cyber attacks state damage armed attack government services financial services mass disruption economy banking commercial services government websites confidential information security compromise USA 2007 power grids infrastructure shutdown Russia Georgia 2008 communication disruption Pentagon act of war military attack high-level disruption cyber attacks state damage armed attack government services financial services mass disruption economy disruption confidential information country security power grids infrastructure shutdown cyber attack examples USA 2007 Russia Georgia 2008 Pentagon act of war large-scale cyber attacks military attack state vulnerability government operation
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro03a	EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada regional blocks South Korea trade agreements merchandise trade World Trade Organisation #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre campaigning groups trade negotiations terms and conditions EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada regional blocks South Korea trade agreements economy merchandise trade World Trade Organisation #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre exports imports EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada trade groupings regional blocks South Korea free trade agreements economy size trade in goods merchandise negotiation terms #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre World Trade Organisation EU economic preference customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy UK free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership TTIP rejection South Korea free trade agreements UK trade negotiation regional trade blocks Korea trade volume UK trade terms international trade agreements global trade partnerships economic sovereignty trade policy flexibility independent trade negotiations trade agreement conditions regional trade integration global trade dynamics trade bloc alternatives bilateral trade deals trade policy reform post-Brexit trade strategies EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada regional blocks South Korea trade negotiations terms and conditions exports imports merchandise World Trade Organisation #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership TTIP regional trade blocks South Korea free trade agreements Korea trade volume UK trade volume merchandise trade trade negotiations trade terms and conditions NoTTIP campaign EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada campaign groups noTTIP South Korea regional blocks economy trade in goods negotiations terms and conditions exports imports merchandise World Trade Organisation Asia Regional Integration Centre EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy UK free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada EU UK trade freedom campaign groups TTIP rejection regional blocks South Korea free trade agreements Korean economy UK merchandise trade World Trade Organisation Asia Regional Integration Centre free trade negotiation trade terms and conditions EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada regional blocks South Korea free trade agreements economy trade in goods negotiation terms and conditions noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre World Trade Organisation EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada campaigning groups regional blocks South Korea free trade agreements economy trade in goods negotiation terms conditions World Trade Organisation noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro04a	Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damage Reversal Resources Exploitative Behaviour Navajo Urban Outfitters Legislation Rulings Minority Communities Development Recognition Traditional Designs Justice Small Communities Native American Arts Crafts Counterfeit Goods Protection Sales Culture Cultural Appropriation Compensation Victim Resources Navajo Urban Outfitters Legislation Minority Communities Traditional Designs Justice Native American Arts Counterfeit Goods Protection Cultural Recognition Economic Benefits Legal Rulings Quantifiable Compensation Artistic Rights Indigenous Communities Intellectual Property Fair Trade Practices Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damages Reversal Resources Deserves Exploitative Behavior Navajo Urban Outfitters Legislation Rulings Minority Communities Development Recognition Traditional Designs Justice Minority Recognition Benefits Native American Arts Crafts Counterfeit Goods Protection Culture Sales Native American Businesses Proposal for Action Legislation Legal Protection Economic Impact Cultural Integrity Intellectual Property Rights Indigenous Rights Legal Framework Fair Trade Ethical Consumption Cultural Preservation Economic Empowerment Restorative Justice Cultural Heritage Policy Reform Legal Remedies Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damages Minority Communities Legislation Justice Native American Arts Counterfeit Goods Recognition Traditional Designs Exploitative Behaviour Navajo Urban Outfitters Economic Benefits Legal Rulings Cultural Protection Market Value Authenticity Intellectual Property Rights Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damage Reversal Resources Exploitative Behaviour Quantifiable Legislation Rulings Minority Communities Development Recognition Traditional Designs Justice Small Communities Benefits Native American Arts Crafts Counterfeit Goods Sales Protection Culture Protection Proposal for Action Legal Protection Economic Impact Artistic Rights Indigenous Communities Fair Trade Intellectual Property Heritage Preservation Cultural Respect Ethical Consumption Market Regulation Policy Reform Community Empowerment Restorative Justice Cultural Exchange Fair Compensation Economic Empowerment Artisan Support Cultural Identity Market Integrity Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damages Exploitative Behaviour Resources Navajo Urban Outfitters Legislation Rulings Minority Communities Development Recognition Traditional Designs Justice Recognition Native American Arts Counterfeit Goods Protection Sales Culture Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damage Reversal Resources Justice Legislation Rulings Minority Communities Traditional Designs Recognition Navajo Urban Outfitters Native American Arts Counterfeit Goods Market Protection Sales Protection Proposal for Action Indian Country Today Helen B. Padilla Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damages Victims Resources Exploitative Behavior Navajo Urban Outfitters Legislation Rulings Minority Communities Development Recognition Traditional Designs Justice Small Communities Native American Arts Crafts Counterfeit Goods Market Protection Sales Culture Cultural appropriation compensation Navajo Urban Outfitters legislation minority communities traditional designs Native American arts counterfeit goods justice recognition economic impact legal protection cultural heritage intellectual property indigenous rights market regulation ethical trade Cultural Appropriation Compensation Navajo Urban Outfitters Legislation Minority Communities Justice Native American Arts and Crafts Counterfeit Goods Economic Impact Legal Protection Traditional Designs Recognition Resource Allocation Exploitative Behavior Reversing Damage Community Development Indigenous Rights Intellectual Property Fair Trade Artistic Integrity Cultural Heritage Economic Empowerment Policy Reform Ethical Consumption Market Regulation Cultural Respect Social Justice Legal Remedies Financial Remuneration Cultural Ownership Craftsmanship Authenticity Cultural Exchange Intellectual Property Rights Community Benefits Ethical Marketing
test-education-udfakusma-con02a	Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. private funding cost sharing research projects government funding open access universities profit third parties corporate funding research results funding sources public access research impact funding trends academic research financial sustainability intellectual property commercialization research collaboration funding diversity open access private funding university research government funding cost sharing research projects corporate funding open access impact research profitability funding sources academic financing research sponsorship public vs private funding funding trends U.S. university funding research commercialization research funding private funding university funding government funding cost sharing open access research results profit from research corporate funding university research funding sources research projects public funding private sector funding growth government support research profitability third-party funding research accessibility funding requirements private funding cost sharing open access research results profit intention university research government funding corporate funding research projects funding sources research profitability funding growth government support decline universities financial sustainability open access impact private sector collaboration research commercialization academic funding diversity research investment funding requirements private funding university research government funding cost sharing open access research results profit corporate funding funding growth government support private funding research projects government funding cost sharing open access university research profit business funding research results funding sources funding growth government support corporate funding university finances research costs research sponsorship funding trends academic funding research impact public access university funding private funding government funding research projects cost sharing open access research results profit motivation corporate funding research sponsorship funding trends academic finance research financing public-private partnerships intellectual property academic-industry collaboration funding sources research investment financial sustainability academic research funding private funding university research government funding cost sharing open access research projects private investors corporate funding profit motive research results funding sources funding growth government support universities research costs public access research profits funding requirements financial support academic funding universities private funding government funding research projects cost sharing open access research results businesses profit funding sources corporate funding university research funding growth government support research financing public funding private investment academic research funding mechanisms private funding research projects government funding cost sharing open access third-party funding corporate funding university research profit intention funding sources research outcomes financial support academic funding private sector public funding research collaboration funding trends academic finance research investment funding alternatives
test-education-tuhwastua-con02a	Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. admissions criteria standardized testing non-standardized assessments extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income students low income students school districts test fairness minority students college applications educational equity objective measures subjective factors academic performance standardized test scores alternative assessments educational opportunities socioeconomic status college admissions test bias college readiness academic achievements holistic review admission outcomes educational background student diversity admission standards educational reform testing alternatives academic evaluation student potential admission policies educational assessment test reliability test validity admission criteria college selection educational justice alternative admissions criteria non-standardized assessments extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income students poorer school districts minority students SAT performance objective measures educational benchmarks university admissions government statistics school progress measurement subjective evaluation standardized testing educational equity opportunity gaps admissions diversity admissions criteria standardized testing objective evaluation benchmarking educational equity socioeconomic status extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income students poor school districts test fairness minority students college applications educational assessment non-standardized assessment subjective factors academic performance school progress government statistics alternative admissions criteria standardized testing pros SAT benefits objective evaluation educational benchmarks non-standardized assessments subjective factors extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income student advantages poorer school districts minority students SAT opportunities test fairness admissions equality admissions SATs objective evaluation benchmarks education system universities comparison candidates government statistics progress schools subjective assessment extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income students opportunities poorer districts minority complain performance impress officials alternative factors admissions process SATs mathematical objective evaluation benchmark education system universities admissions candidates government statistics school progress non-standardized assessment subjective factors extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income students poorer school districts minority students test opportunity admissions officials admissions criteria standardized testing subjective assessments educational equity socioeconomic status extracurricular activities volunteer work teacher recommendations school resources test fairness college applications academic performance non-cognitive skills holistic review bias in education opportunity gap minority students high-income students educational benchmarks government education statistics school progress measurement test preparation cultural capital community service leadership experience personal statements diversity in admissions testing alternatives educational disadvantage academic achievement standardized test scores admissions processes college admissions test validity educational outcomes socioeconomic factors educational opportunity admission standards educational inequality admissions criteria standardized testing SAT alternatives objective evaluation educational benchmarks university admissions government education statistics subjective assessment extracurricular activities volunteer work references high-income students poor school districts minority students test performance admissions opportunities admissions criteria standardized testing objective evaluation benchmarking educational equity non-standardized assessments subjective factors extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income students poor school districts minority students test performance educational opportunities college admissions SAT fairness academic achievement socio-economic status college applications evaluation methods standardized test scores alternative assessments educational diversity college selection admission standards standardized measurement educational progress government statistics school performance admission processes test reliability educational benchmarks student assessment admission equity test bias educational access college recruitment academic preparation admissions policies admissions criteria standardized testing objective evaluation benchmarking educational equity subjective assessments extracurricular activities volunteer work reference access high income students poorer school districts test performance minority students college admissions education system government statistics school progress non-standardized assessments opportunity disparity
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro03a	Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 nutrition physical exercise academic performance memory concentration literacy numeracy junk food primary school literacy scores numeracy scores government healthier meals schools grades upward mobility obesity epidemic socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism staff time behavior problems concentration performance health academic achievement students fast food overweight cost education school meals public health child health learning outcomes cognitive function diet physical activity school policies health education childhood obesity socioeconomic factors academic success health disparities nutrition physical exercise academic performance literacy scores numeracy scores junk food healthy meals schools student health upward mobility obesity epidemic socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism behavior problems concentration academic achievement CDC Paton Society for the Advancement of Education better nutrition student performance healthy lifestyle physical exercise improved memory concentration academic achievement junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government policies healthy meals in schools student benefits academic mobility ethnic groups obesity epidemic socioeconomic status school benefits standardized testing reduced absenteeism staff time behavior problems low concentration academic performance CDC student health academic achievement Paton fast food test scores Society for the Advancement of Education overweight students school costs better nutrition improved academic performance healthy lifestyle physical exercise memory enhancement concentration improvement junk food impact literacy scores numeracy scores government intervention healthier school meals student upward mobility ethnic groups obesity epidemic socioeconomic status standardized testing reduced absenteeism staff time behavior problems low academic performance hidden costs concentration issues student performance student health academic achievement healthy lifestyle nutrition physical exercise memory improvement concentration enhancement academic performance junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government intervention healthier meals schools upward mobility obesity epidemic socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism staff time behavior problems low concentration performance issues hidden costs overweight students school costs healthy lifestyle adequate nutrition physical exercise improved memory concentration academic performance junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government policies healthier meals in schools student benefits upward mobility obesity epidemic socioeconomic status school benefits standardized testing scores reduced absenteeism staff time behavior problems hidden costs low concentration performance issues CDC Student Health and Academic Achievement Paton Graeme Too much fast food harms children’s test scores Society for the Advancement of Education Overweight students cost schools plenty nutrition physical exercise academic performance memory concentration junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government policy healthy meals schools student health academic achievement obesity epidemic socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism staff time behavior problems concentration issues performance issues hidden costs Paton Graeme The Telegraph CDC Society for the Advancement of Education better nutrition improved academic performance healthy lifestyle physical exercise memory enhancement concentration improvement literacy scores numeracy scores junk food consumption government intervention healthier school meals student upward mobility obesity epidemic socioeconomic status standardized testing scores reduced absenteeism staff time reduction behavior problems hidden costs low concentration academic underperformance nutrition physical exercise academic performance healthy lifestyle junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government policies school meals student health academic achievement obesity epidemic socioeconomic status standardized testing school absenteeism student behavior concentration performance hidden costs education improvement public health initiatives dietary habits educational outcomes childhood obesity health education policy making student welfare teacher workload school resources health promotion academic success health and education correlation better nutrition student performance healthy lifestyle physical exercise improved memory concentration academic performance junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government intervention healthier meals school meals student benefits academic grades upward mobility obesity epidemic socioeconomic status school benefits standardized testing reduced absenteeism staff time behavior problems low concentration low performance
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro02a	Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, economic benefits diplomatic recognition China Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure schools roads parliament building trade growth Chinese companies economic incentive Chinese envoy resentment economic benefits diplomatic recognition China PRC Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure schools roads parliament building trade growth economic incentives Chinese envoy resentment China Malawi Taiwan diplomatic recognition economic benefits financial package infrastructure development trade growth Chinese investment economic incentives international relations joint economic projects foreign aid development assistance political relations economic diplomacy economic benefits diplomatic recognition China joint economic projects Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure development trade growth economic incentives Chinese envoy international relations foreign policy bilateral agreements economic diplomacy investment opportunities development aid political recognition economic cooperation economic benefits diplomatic recognition China Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure development schools roads parliament building trade growth economic incentives Chinese envoy resentment Diplomatic recognition China economic incentives Malawi Taiwan financial aid infrastructure projects Chinese investment trade growth economic benefits political realignment international relations bilateral trade development projects economic cooperation political leverage foreign policy strategic partnerships economic sanctions diplomatic ties Economic benefits diplomatic recognition China joint economic projects Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure schools roads parliament building trade growth economic incentive Chinese envoy resentment diplomatic recognition China economic benefits Taiwan Malawi financial package Chinese investment infrastructure schools roads parliament building trade growth economic incentive Chinese envoy resentment diplomatic recognition China economic benefits Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure schools roads parliament building trade growth Chinese companies economic incentive Chinese envoy resentment diplomatic recognition economic benefits China Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure development schools roads parliament building trade growth economic incentives Chinese envoy resentment
test-health-hdond-pro01a	A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. organ donation donor registration non-donor organ allocation priority system waiting list life expectancy serotype kidney transplant private donation organ swap public health policy medical ethics transplant criteria donation pledge organ donation prioritization donor registry non-donor organ allocation serotype kidney transplant waiting list life expectancy donor pledge private donation organ swap public health policy medical ethics organ donation donor registration non-donor organ allocation priority system waiting list life expectancy serotype matching private donations organ swaps public health policy transplant ethics incentive systems medical ethics health resource allocation organ allocation donor priority non-donor restrictions transplant policy kidney allocation serotype matching organ scarcity transplant waiting list life expectancy ranking donor registration terminal illness donation private organ donation organ swapping public transplant system organ donation donor registration non-donor organ allocation priority system waiting list life expectancy kidney serotype private donations organ swaps public system transplant policy donor criteria registration period pledge to donate terminally ill donors organ usability organ donation donor registration non-donor restrictions organ allocation priority system life expectancy waiting list serotype matching private donations organ swaps public health policy transplant ethics donor incentives healthcare equity medical prioritization organ donation policy implementation donor registration non-donor restrictions organ allocation priority system waiting list life expectancy private donations organ swaps public system B serotype kidney transplantation terminal illness pledge commitment organ donation donor registration non-donor restrictions priority system organ allocation kidney transplant B serotype waiting list life expectancy donation criteria private organ swaps public health policy incentive-based donation ethical considerations medical prioritization health equity transplant ethics organ scarcity donation pledge terminally ill donors organ donation transplant policy donor priority non-donor restrictions life expectancy waiting list kidney donation B serotype ethical considerations medical prioritization private organ swaps public health system donor registration transplant criteria organ allocation public policy healthcare ethics medical resource distribution organ scarcity donor incentives policy implementation organ donation recipient prioritization donor registration non-donor restrictions organ scarcity serotype matching waiting list priority life expectancy donor qualification private organ donation organ swaps public system policy
test-international-ghwcitca-pro01a	Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, arenas conflict regulation warfare Geneva Conventions weapons treaties Land Mine Ban UN Charter internet cyber-conflict cyber warfare Pentagon cyber-attack rules regulations prevention escalation international law digital security state actors military response cyber defense cyber security international treaties cyber policy legal framework offensive cyber-attacks cyber norms global governance technology regulation cyber ethics conflict resolution peacekeeping international relations cybersecurity framework cyber diplomacy digital warfare online conflict cyber threats cyber operations cyber strategy international cybersecurity digital regulation cyber Arenas conflict regulation Geneva Conventions armed conflict weapons treaties Land Mine Ban UN Charter cyber-conflict internet cyber warfare military response cyber-attacks international law digital warfare cybersecurity state actors international treaties cyber security policy defensive cyber strategies offensive cyber capabilities Arenas conflict regulation warfare Geneva Conventions armed conflict weapons treaties Land Mine Ban UN Charter cyber-conflict internet cyber warfare Pentagon military response cyber-attacks international law digital warfare state actors cyber security early regulation preventative measures international treaties cyber offense cyber defense escalation control international norms digital threats cybersecurity policies global conflict regulation international agreements cyber governance military protocols cyber operations legal frameworks digital arms control international cooperation cyber strategy defensive strategies cyber warfare regulations cyber peacekeeping cyber deterrence Arenas of potential conflict conflict regulation Geneva Conventions armed conflict regulation conduct of involved actors weapon regulations Land Mine Ban UN Charter state conflict initiation new conflict areas cyber-conflict internet threat cyber warfare Pentagon response military response to cyber-attack early regulation cyber-attack consequences state agreement offensive cyber-attacks Arenas conflict regulation warfare Geneva Conventions treaties weapons Land Mine Ban UN Charter cyber-conflict internet cyber warfare Pentagon military response cyber-attacks international law early regulation state agreement offense cyber-attacks prevention escalation consequences global security digital warfare cyber security international treaties cyber regulations armed conflict cyber threats international cooperation arenas of potential conflict conflict regulation Geneva Conventions armed conflict conduct of involved actors weapon regulation Land Mine Ban UN Charter state conflict initiation cyber-conflict internet conflict cyber warfare Pentagon response cyber-attack consequences state agreement offensive cyber-attacks early regulation conflict escalation international treaties cyber security digital warfare international law conflict prevention military response to cyber threats Arenas conflict regulation warfare Geneva Conventions armed conflict rules weapons treaties Land Mine Ban UN Charter legal initiation new area potential conflict internet cyber-conflict cyber warfare large scale threat Pentagon military response cyber-attacks rules regulations consequences state agreement offence prevention damage Arenas conflict regulation warfare Geneva Conventions armed conflict weapons treaties Land Mine Ban UN Charter cyber-conflict internet cyber warfare military response cyber-attacks rules consequences international law digital warfare state actors prevention escalation security Pentagon acts of war BBC Adam Brookes US policy international security cyber policy cyber defense cyber security conflict resolution international treaties cyber regulations state engagement cyber offense cyber defense strategy global conflict cyber threats international regulations cyber norms cyber ethics cyber diplomacy cyber cyber warfare internet conflict international regulation Geneva Conventions Land Mine Ban UN Charter cyber-attacks Pentagon military response conflict prevention treaty cyber security digital warfare international treaties armed conflict cyber rules cyber offense state engagement cyber threat warfare regulation cyber warfare international regulation Geneva Conventions cyber conflict Pentagon military response cyber-attack international treaties Land Mine Ban UN Charter cyber security international law digital conflict cyber defense state actors cyber offense
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro03a	An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, ICC Enforcement arm defendants trial indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo justice in-house enforcement capturing indictees state parties competent under-resourced under-trained national forces war criminals resources politics Joseph Kony LRA peacekeepers Human Rights Watch ICC Enforcement defendants trial indicted ICC Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army DR Congo enforcement arm capturing indictees state parties competent forces under-resourced under-trained national forces war criminals focused resources sidetracked priorities political influence Joseph Kony LRA leaders peacekeepers ICC force Human Rights Watch Anneke Van Woudenberg Catch Joseph Kony ICC Enforcement arm defendants trial indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo justice in-house enforcement capturing indictees state parties competent under-resourced under-trained national forces resources politics Joseph Kony LRA peacekeepers Human Rights Watch ICC enforcement arm defendants trial indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo justice in-house enforcement capturing indictees state parties competent under-resourced under-trained national forces resources politics Joseph Kony LRA peacekeepers Human Rights Watch ICC enforcement arm defendants trial indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo justice in-house enforcement capturing indictees state parties competent under-resourced under-trained national forces war criminals resources politics Joseph Kony LRA peacekeepers Human Rights Watch ICC Enforcement Arm Defendants Trial Indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo Alive Justice In-House Enforcement Capturing Indictees State Parties Competent Under-Resourced Under-Trained National Forces Focusing Resources Politics Peacekeepers Joseph Kony LRA Human Rights Watch Anneke Van Woudenberg March 2012 War Criminals Effective Capture Solution Greater Involvement ICC Enforcement Arm Defendants Trial Indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo Justice In-House Force Capture Indictees Competent Resources Trained National Forces War Criminals Priorities Politics Peacekeepers Joseph Kony LRA Human Rights Watch Anneke Van Woudenberg 2012 ICC Enforcement Arm Defendants Indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo Justice Capturing Indictees State Parties Competent Under-resourced Under-trained National Forces War Criminals Focusing Resources Politics Joseph Kony LRA Peacekeepers Human Rights Watch ICC enforcement arm defendants trial indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo alive avoiding justice in-house enforcement capturing indictees state parties competent under-resourced under-trained national forces war criminals resources politics Joseph Kony LRA peacekeepers Human Rights Watch ICC Enforcement arm defendants trial indictments Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo justice in-house enforcement capturing indictees state parties competent national forces resources politics Joseph Kony LRA peacekeepers Human Rights Watch
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro02a	Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom issues alienation bullying PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregation ban religious symbols schools societal division classroom issues hijab educational environment student alienation bullying practical concerns PE swimming technology lessons crucifix ban Italy non-Christian segregation public classrooms Religious symbols division schools society Hijab classroom issues alienation bullying PE swimming technology science Crucifix public classrooms Italy Christian segregation ban religious symbols school problems societal division Hijab issues classroom divisiveness alienation bullying practical dangers PE lessons swimming technology lessons science lessons machinery operation Crucifix ban public classrooms Christian segregation Italy authority decision Religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom alienation bullying PE swimming technology science Crucifix public classrooms Italy Christian segregation ban Religious symbols school problems societal division Hijab issues classroom division alienation bullying PE safety science lesson risks Crucifix ban Italy Crucifix controversy non-Christian segregation religious symbols problems in schools societal division hijab classroom division alienation bullying impractical dangerous PE swimming technology lessons science lessons machinery crucifixes public classrooms Christian symbol segregation non-Christian Italy ban legal case Times of Malta March 17th 2011 July 24th 2011 religious symbols school problems societal division classroom division Hijab school issues alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology lessons science lessons machinery safety Crucifix ban public classrooms Christian symbol segregation Italy non-Christian students religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Christian symbol segregation Italy Crucifix ban Times of Malta legal case religious symbols school division Hijab classroom problems alienation bullying PE swimming technology science machinery Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian symbol segregation non-Christian
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con01a	Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. unrestricted coca production cocaine availability coca leaf extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence ECDD Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961 scheduling narcotic active ingredient potency legal correlation Bolivia coca eradication 1980s 1990s Evo Morales legalization cultivation cocaine producers societal harms Jelsma Martin Transnational Institute Forero Juan New York Times Bolivia's Knot coca cocaine production availability extraction coca leaf World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs scheduling narcotic concentration raw material correlation Bolivia coca eradication Evo Morales legalization cultivation harms societal impact drug policy legislative reform Bolivia's cocaine situation coca chewing ban Unrestricted Coca production increase availability cocaine coca leaf extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee Drug Dependence ECDD Single Convention Narcotic Drugs 1961 scheduled narcotic raw material potent legal Bolivia coca eradication 1980s 1990s Evo Morales legalized consumption cocaine producers society harms widespread use Transnational Institute Legislative Reform Policies New York Times Bolivia's unrestricted coca production cocaine availability coca leaf extraction World Health Organization drug dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca scheduling narcotic classification cocaine concentration raw material correlation coca legalization cocaine production Bolivia coca eradication Evo Morales coca consumption cocaine harm societal impact legislative reform drug policies Bolivia cocaine production coca chewing New York Times coca production cocaine availability coca leaf cocaine extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs narcotic scheduling coca leaf concentration cocaine concentration coca legality cocaine production Bolivia coca eradication Evo Morales coca cultivation cocaine producers cocaine harms drug policy legislative reform Unrestricted Coca Cocaine Availability Coca Leaf Extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs Narcotic Scheduling Cocaine Concentration Coca Legalization Cocaine Production Correlation Bolivia Coca Eradication Evo Morales Coca Legalization Impact Cocaine Harm Increase Unrestricted Coca Cocaine Availability Coca Leaf Extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs Narcotic Scheduling Coca Leaf Concentration Narcotic Correlation Bolivia Coca Eradication Evo Morales Legalization Impact Cocaine Production Increase Societal Harms coca leaf cocaine production World Health Organization ECDD Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs narcotic scheduling coca eradication Bolivia Evo Morales cocaine producers societal harms drug policies legislative reform coca chewing Unrestricted Coca Cocaine Availability Coca Leaf Extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs Active Ingredient Concentration Narcotic Scheduling Global Cocaine Production Bolivia Coca Legalization Evo Morales Coca Eradication Cocaine Production Increase Societal Harms Drug Policies Legislative Reform Coca Chewing Bolivia's Cocaine Control Unrestricted Coca production cocaine availability coca leaf extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs narcotic scheduling active ingredient concentration globalization drug policy Bolivia coca eradication Evo Morales legalization cultivation cocaine producers societal harms legislative reform drug control national policy international treaty narcotic drugs psychoactive substances public health drug enforcement illicit drug trade agricultural policies economic development traditional use cultural significance
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con03a	Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access human rights information access enabler technology digital rights content availability right to information information storage legal rights technological evolution digital divide information retrieval government responsibility technological obsolescence digital enabler ethical considerations societal impact Vinton G. Cerf New York Times internet access human rights information access enabling technology right to information digital rights information storage new technologies content availability screen staring library access government responsibility inalienable rights transitory technology Vinton G. Cerf New York Times Internet access human rights information access enabling technology right to information digital rights content availability technological change information storage government responsibility library access digital divide technological obsolescence Vinton G. Cerf New York Times Internet access enabler of rights human right access to information enabling technology right to information transitory nature information storage digital rights content availability legal perspectives technological evolution Vinton G. Cerf New York Times Internet access human rights information access digital rights technology evolution right to information enabling technology content availability information storage societal rights digital divide government responsibility technological obsolescence Vinton G. Cerf New York Times 2012 internet access human right information access enabling technology right to information content availability digital rights information storage technological evolution legal entitlement digital divide societal needs informational freedom communication tools internet dependency digital age public libraries government responsibility technological advancements equitable access Internet access human rights information access enabling technology digital rights content availability information storage technological evolution right to information government responsibility digital Divide technological obsolescence internet access human rights information access enabling technology transitory technology right to information digital rights Vinton G. Cerf New York Times internet ethics information ethics technology ethics digital divide information freedom content accessibility technological development government responsibility digital library information storage information retrieval internet dependency digital enabler human right to information technological obsolescence digital rights management information society digital citizenship internet governance digital inclusion digital literacy information privilege technology policy information access inequality digital empowerment information communication technology ICT rights digital infrastructure information rights internet access human rights information access enabling technology digital rights content availability information storage right to information government responsibility technological obsolescence internet value rights infringement library access information retrieval speed inalienable rights Vinton G. Cerf New York Times internet access human rights information access enabling technology digital rights content importance information storage government responsibility technological evolution inalienable rights
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con04a	Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity hyper-masculinity President Zuma excessive wealth capitalism penis sex power violence equity social system hypermasculinity Thomas J. Scheff Universitas hyper-masculinity violence social system power penis equity President Zuma capitalism masculinity painting young men excessive wealth sex figure head instrumental unhelpful women men live Thomas J. Scheff Universitas Fall 2006 Masculinity Hyper-masculinity Violence Power Penis Sex President Zuma Excessive Wealth Capitalism Social System Equity Women Men Painting Symbolism Thomas J. Scheff Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System masculinity hyper-masculinity President Zuma excessive wealth capitalism penis sex power violence equity social system Thomas J. Scheff hypermasculinity and violence instrumental image figure head national symbol painting controversy young men influence unhelpful societal norms Masculinity Hyper-masculinity Violence President Zuma Wealth Power Penis Sex Capitalism Social System Equity Women Men Painting Symbolism Thomas J. Scheff Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System Masculinity Hyper-masculinity President Zuma Wealth Capitalism Penis Sex Power Violence Equity Social System Thomas J. Scheff Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System Universitas Fall 2006 Masculinity hyper-masculinity violence President Zuma wealth capitalism penis sex power equity social system hypermasculinity Thomas J. Scheff Universitas Fall 2006 painting symbolism young men encouragement unhelpful women men Masculinity Hyper-masculinity Violence President Zuma Capitalism Power Sex Equity Social System Thomas J. Scheff Universitas Masculinity hyper-masculinity violence President Zuma wealth capitalism power penis sex equity women men social system Thomas J. Scheff Universitas hypermasculinity intrinsic link painting symbolizes young men excessive wealth figure head nation pinnacle encouragement unhelpful Masculinity hyper-masculinity violence social system President Zuma wealth capitalism power penis sex equity young men women painting symbolism influence societal norms gender roles sexualization objectification male identity cultural impact art controversy political symbolism masculinity studies gender studies social psychology violence studies cultural criticism iconography visual representation public imagery social influence moral values ethical considerations sexual politics power dynamics gender equality societal change masculinity critique feminist theory male dominance cultural symbolism art and society gender
test-international-iighbopcc-pro02a	Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement compliance failure government successors state backtracking green policies subsidies reduction carbon capture cancellation energy efficiency funding green investment bank sovereign government compliance climate change pledges environmental policy rollback renewable energy cuts international treaty penalties non-compliance non-binding agreement failure government successors backtrack states backtracking UK green policies subsidies renewables carbon capture storage domestic energy efficiency green investment bank climate change sovereign governments pledges compliance international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement government successors state backtracking green policies renewable subsidies carbon capture energy efficiency green investment bank climate change sovereign governments compliance pledges international treaty penalties for non-compliance non-binding agreement government succession climate change policies renewable subsidies carbon capture and storage energy efficiency funding green investment bank sovereign government compliance climate pledges policy backtracking international treaty penalties non-compliance non-binding agreement government successors backtracking green policies renewables carbon capture energy efficiency green investment bank climate change sovereign governments compliance pledges international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement government successors climate change green policies renewable subsidies carbon capture energy efficiency green investment bank sovereign compliance environmental pledges international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement government succession backtracking states UK green policies subsidies for renewables carbon capture and storage domestic energy efficiency green investment bank climate change government indifference sovereign compliance environmental pledges international treaty penalties non-compliance non-binding agreement failure government successors backtracking decades states pre-agreement UK green policies subsidies renewables carbon capture storage domestic energy efficiency green investment bank sovereign governments compliance pledges climate change indifference life death Monbiot George The Guardian 2015 international treaty non-compliance penalties binding agreement government successors state backtracking green policies renewable subsidies carbon capture energy efficiency green investment bank climate change sovereign governments pledge compliance climate change international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement government pledges environmental policy renewable energy carbon capture energy efficiency green investment sovereign compliance Monbiot The Guardian
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con02a	Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians crimes unfit serve irresponsibility public trust reasonable citizen represented domestic abuser fraudster public treasury atonement redemption prosecution office removed state politics crime public office unfit irresponsibility public trust domestic abuse fraud prosecution removal state welfare atonement redemption Politicians crimes unfit to serve irresponsibility public trust domestic abuser fraudster public treasury atonement redemption prosecution immediate removal state improvement accountability ethical standards leadership moral conduct governance justice integrity public service civic responsibility legal offenses political ethics public officials crime prevention legal consequences political responsibility public confidence official misconduct criminal behavior political representation public safety law enforcement political integrity public office moral fitness legal accountability professional ethics political accountability citizen expectations public leadership political accountability moral accountability politicians crimes unfit to serve irresponsibility public trust domestic abuser fraudster public treasury atonement redemption prosecuted removed state crime politicians unfit serve irresponsibility public trust domestic abuser fraudster prosecution removal state atonement redemption politicians crimes unfit public trust domestic abuser fraudster atonement redemption prosecution office state ethics integrity accountability leadership responsibility moral character citizen representation governance justice policy law misconduct political ethics public service democratic principles governance standards legal accountability criminal behavior political responsibility public confidence leadership qualities moral conduct legislative integrity official misconduct political representation civic duty ethical leadership judicial processes political accountability citizen expectations government transparency public official judicial system legal consequences political career public interest politicians crimes unfit serve irresponsibility public trust domestic abuser fraudster public treasury atonement redemption prosecution office removal state integrity ethical standards representative duty criminal behavior political ethics accountability politicians crimes unfit public trust domestic abuser fraudster atonement redemption prosecution removal state integrity politicians crimes unfit public trust domestic abuser fraudster atonement redemption prosecution removed state ethics governance accountability Integrity criminal behavior political representation public office legal standards moral responsibility Politicians crimes unfit public trust domestic abuser fraudster public treasury atonement redemption prosecution removal state integrity
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro01a	"The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. New START nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations global security nuclear arsenals verification measures bilateral cooperation Cold War tensions mutual security peace treaty strategic nuclear forces international stability disarmament non-proliferation mutual trust deterrence military planning strategic insights nuclear deterrent Christian perspective Republican support Russian nuclear arsenal on-site inspections treaty ratification nuclear build-up global peace strategic stability international relations arms control diplomatic relations verification protocol national security strategic arms reduction Russo-American treaty disarmament treaty global disarmament mutual interest New START nuclear arms reduction verification treaty US Russia nuclear weapons stockpiles safer world Dr. David Gushee bilateral verification mutual security Cold War mutual suspicion Vladimir Putin nuclear build-ups world peace strategic nuclear arsenal military planners Republican support ratification international cooperation disarmament security nuclear deterrence Christian perspective political endorsement arms control global stability New START treaty nuclear arms reduction verification measures mutual security Cold War Russia United States nuclear weapons peace strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections military planners Christian perspective Vladimir Putin former Secretaries of State ratification global security international cooperation non-proliferation nuclear deterrent mission bipartisan support international relations arms control treaty benefits nuclear disasters symbolic value trust mutual suspicion legal framework global stability security policy strategic stability international peace disarmament nuclear reduction verification treaty importance nuclear safety international diplomacy world peace nuclear New START treaty nuclear arms reduction verification measures US-Russia relations mutual security Cold War tension nuclear build-ups strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections military planners nuclear deterrent mission peace and cooperation Dr. David Gushee Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell Vladimir Putin The Moscow Times Washington Post Huffington Post New START nuclear disarmament US-Russia relations security peace treaty verification bilateral cooperation arms control nuclear arsenal reduction strategic stability international security Cold War legacy mutual trust non-proliferation global stability military planners verification measures nuclear deterrent strategic nuclear forces ratification political support diplomatic relations nuclear safety humanitarian impact global peace disarmament treaty international law 核查 核武器 安全世界 核裁军 美国 俄罗斯 新削减战略武器条约 核军控 国际安全 New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations global security verification measures mutual trust arms control non-proliferation international peace strategic stability Cold War tensions military planners nuclear arsenals on-site inspections national security Christian perspective bipartisan support ratification political leadership global leadership cooperative security nuclear deterrence international cooperation disarmament verification treaty deployed nuclear weapons delivery vehicles bilateral agreements strategic nuclear forces global stability nuclear safety symbolic value mutual security peace negotiations strategic arms reduction international treaties nuclear policy global threats New START treaty nuclear arms reduction verification treaty US-Russia relations bilateral verification nuclear weapons stockpiles global security mutual security Cold War tensions nuclear build-ups verification measures strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections national security military planners nuclear deterrent world peace Christian perspective Republican support international cooperation nuclear disarmament reduction in arsenals symbolic value international stability non-proliferation 核查措施 核武库透明度 安全保障 和平伙伴 威胁减少 核武器控制 国际信任 New START nuclear arms reduction verification treaty United States Russia deployed nuclear weapons delivery vehicles arsenals safer world nuclear disarmament mutual security Cold War suspicion animosity nuclear build-ups verification measures trust peace strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections national security military planners nuclear deterrent Christian perspective political support ratification New START nuclear weapons US Russia treaty reduction verification security peace Dr. David Gushee Cold War mutual suspicion Vladimir Putin nuclear build-ups Kissinger Shultz Eagleburger Baker Powell strategic nuclear arsenal non-proliferation international cooperation arms control military planners national security on-site inspections deterrent mission Christian perspective Huffington Post The Moscow Times Washington Post nuclear arms reduction verification measures mutual security bilateral relations US-Russia relations Cold War tensions nuclear weapons stockpiles New START treaty world peace strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections national security nuclear deterrent Christian perspective political support treaty ratification international cooperation mutual trust global security nuclear disarmament"
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro05a	Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations colonialism developing world economic development poverty social challenges charity aid rejection wealth transfer historical sensitivity relationship improvement dignified aid spurious assistance former colonial powers Britain France America reparations colonialism developing world economic development poverty social challenges aid charity dignity relationships historical context wealth transfer former colonial powers America Britain France reparations developing world colonial justifications former colonial powers economically developed America Britain France dire poverty social challenges aid as charity derogatory rejected recipients transfer of wealth sensitive history improve relationship dignified aid not spurious reparations colonial justifications former colonial powers economically developed America Britain France dire poverty social challenges developing world aid as charity derogatory rejected recipients wealth transfer historical sensitivity improved relationships dignified aid spurious reparations colonialism developing world economic development America Britain France poverty social challenges aid charity dignity historical responsibility relationship improvement wealth transfer post-colonial international relations ethical obligation human rights global justice reparations developing world colonial justifications economic development America Britain France poverty social challenges aid charity derogatory rejected transfer of wealth historical sensitivity improve relationships dignified aid spurious means reparations developing world colonial justifications former colonial powers economically developed America Britain France dire poverty social challenges aid charity derogatory rejected transfer of wealth history relationship improvement dignified aid spurious reparations colonialism developing world economic development poverty social challenges aid charity dignity historical sensitivity relationship improvement wealth transfer former colonial powers America Britain France reparations developing world colonial justifications economic development America Britain France poverty social challenges aid charity derogatory rejected wealth transfer historical sensitivity relationship improvement dignified aid spurious assistance reparations developing world colonial justifications former colonial powers economically developed America Britain France poverty social challenges aid charity derogatory potential recipients transfer of wealth history relationship improvement dignified aid spurious
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro01a	Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration faith Christianity respect UK nation tolerant religious beliefs law actions harm rights commitment cross faith respect religiously diverse society militant religious profession workplace simple jewellery harm offence women important tolerance diversity credibility right exercise convenient legitimate practices inconvenient tolerant society demonstration validity Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida Europe BBC News website article date Christianity faith respect religious beliefs UK tolerance diversity law actions harm rights commitment cross society workplace jewellery women Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida militant inconvenience legitimate practices BBC News Website Galatians 6:14 Christianity faith religious beliefs tolerance respect UK law religious practices religious symbols wearing a cross religious jewellery workplace rights religious freedom religious expression societal tolerance diversity credibility inconvenience legitimate practices Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida European Court religious profession BBC News Galatians 6:14 Declaration of faith Christianity respect for beliefs UK religious tolerance law and religious actions no harm principle wearing cross religious jewellery commitment to faith religious diversity workplace tolerance inconvenient rights legitimate practices Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News Galatians 6:14 Declaration of faith Christianity respect religious beliefs UK tolerance diverse society law rights harm wearing cross commitment religious profession workplace jewellery inconvenience legitimate practices Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida Europe BBC News Galatians 6:14 Declaration of faith Christianity religious tolerance UK law religious beliefs respect for beliefs religious diversity wearing religious symbols workplace appropriateness religious rights religious practices societal tolerance inconvenient rights legal respect religious jewelry personal faith religious commitment cross wearing militant religious expression legitimate practices religious freedom faith expression tolerance credibility Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News religious discrimination European Court of Human Rights Christianity religious beliefs respect tolerance UK law faith cross jewellery workplace religious profession society credibility inconvenient rights Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News human rights religious freedom legal recognition cultural diversity ethical standards public policy Declaration of faith Christianity religious respect UK tolerance religious beliefs legal respect non-harmful actions rights protection religious diversity cross commitment religious jewellery workplace appropriateness faith expression societal credibility inconvenience tolerance legitimate rights religious demonstration Galatians 6:14 BBC News Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida cross wearing religious freedom Christianity Declaration of faith religious beliefs UK tolerance religious diversity wearing cross religious jewellery workplace appropriateness religious rights Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News religious freedom societal tolerance legitimate practices inconvenience religious commitment legal respect harm to others religious profession Christianity religious beliefs legal respect religious actions harm rights religious diversity tolerance wearing cross jewellery faith demonstration workplace religious profession inconvenient rights Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro03a	"GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs biotechnology companies dependency shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing intellectual property Monsanto potato farmers Federal law cross contamination corporate law pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos intellectual property patents United States patents anti-social corporate behavior shareholder pressure North American corporations legislative framework historical behavior big business genetic modification food modification public health environmental impact corporate ethics patent laws seed sovereignty farmer rights genetic pollution ecological risks economic dependence agricultural biotechnology corporate profits sustainable agriculture genetic GMOs dependency biotechnology companies shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing intellectual property Monsanto patent law GMO controversy corporate responsibility environmental impact food security farmer rights genetic modification ethical concerns legislative framework big business North American corporations pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos anti-social practices potato farmers Federal law Playing God in the Garden Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear The Toxic Ten GMOs biotechnology companies shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing cross contamination corporate law shareholder pressure environmental pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos potato farmers Monsanto intellectual property Federal law GMOs dependency biotechnology companies shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing cross contamination corporate law pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos potato farmers Monsanto intellectual property patents GMOs dependency biotechnology companies legislative framework historical behavior shareholder returns GM modifications terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance superweeds gene licensing intellectual property corporate law shareholder performance environmental pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos anti-social corporate behavior potato farmers Monsanto Federal law intellectual property rights genetic modification biotech patents corporate control farmer rights genetic engineering patent infringement wind contamination natural gene use corporate responsibility public health profit maximization agricultural practices legal restrictions genetic patents GMO regulation corporate ethics sustainable GMOs biotechnology companies shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing intellectual property corporate law environmental impact tobacco dioxins asbestos potato farmers Monsanto intellectual property rights legislative framework historical behavior big business genetic modification anti-social behavior corporate responsibility North American corporations water pollution share performance shareholder pressure GMO regulation biotech patents agricultural dependency corporate ethics public health concerns genetically modified crops legal battles cross contamination seed sovereignty farmer rights GMO opponents corporate greed environmental degradation health impacts GMOs biotechnology companies dependency legislative framework shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing patent protection corporate law environmental impact tobacco dioxins asbestos potato farmers Monsanto intellectual property Federal law GMOs dependency biotechnology companies shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing cross contamination intellectual property Monsanto patent infringement environmental impact corporate responsibility food security farmer rights sustainable agriculture genetic modification legal framework corporate law pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos anti-social practices potato farmers genetic patents Federal law intellectual property rights big business legislative framework historical behavior shareholder interests profit maximization public health agribusiness genetic engineering biotechnology industry economic dependency monoculture biodiversity GMOs biotechnology companies legislative framework shareholder returns GM modifications terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing corporate law environmental pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos potato farmers Monsanto intellectual property patent laws corporate responsibility shareholder interests public health genetic modification agricultural dependency economic control legal restrictions societal impact environmental ethics corporate accountability genetic engineering ecological concerns biotech regulations farmer rights patent infringement natural evolution artificial selection ethical considerations long-term consequences biodiversity food security sustainable agriculture corporate greed regulatory frameworks GMOs biotechnology companies dependency legislative framework shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing intellectual property corporate law environmental impact public health ethical concerns Monsanto patent law farmer rights genetic modification crop diversity sustainable agriculture economic implications corporate responsibility regulatory oversight genetic contamination patent infringement historical corporate behavior shareholder pressure corporate profits anti-social corporate practices North American corporations law pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos potato farmers intellectual property rights federal law genetic property biotech patents legal restrictions"
test-law-ilppppghb-con03a	Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. self-determination nation-states destabilisation destructive consequences nationalism racial identification religious lines global citizenship conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist ideologies inter-ethnic differences inter-religious differences self-determination nation-states destabilization destructive consequences nationalism racial identity religious identity global citizenship conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist ideologies ethnic differences religious differences self-determination nation-states destabilization destructive consequences nationalism racial lines religious lines global citizen ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia separatist terrorism nationalist ideologies ethnic groups religious groups conflict ideology racism human development separatism globalization self-determination nation states destructive consequences nationalist ideologies racial lines religious lines global citizen conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s breakup ethnic groups religious groups difference nationalism self-determination nation-states destabilisation consequences principle nationalistic racial religious global citizen nationalism difference conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s ideologies racist nationalist human development self-determination nation states destructive consequences nationalism racial lines religious lines global citizen conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist ideologies self-determination nation-states destabilization destructive-consequences nationalism racial-identities religious-lines global-citizen conflict separatist-terrorism ethnic-conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist-ideologies ethnic-groups religious-differences self-determination nation-states destabilisation destructive-consequences nationalism racial-identity religious-lines global-citizen conflict separatist-terrorism ethnic-conflicts Yugoslavia nationalist-ideologies human-development racist-ideologies ethnic-groups religious-groups separatism extremism peace unity international-relations state-sovereignty human-rights ethnic-cleansing civil-war political-stability cultural-identity self-identification globalisation interdependence shared-values self-determination nation-states destabilisation destructive consequences nationalism racial lines religious lines global citizen conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist ideologies ethnic groups religious groups self-determination nation-states destructive-consequences nationalism racial-identities religious-identities global-citizen conflict separatist-terrorism ethnic-conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist-ideologies ethnic-groups religious-groups
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con02a	Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, child soldiers armed conflict recruitment armed political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies drugs irreversible damage dehumanisation ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimate resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment exploitation abuse propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility financial rewards atrocities drugs addiction coercion threats relativist morality irreversible dehumanising care treatment ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment armed political groups volunteering social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats parental harm uniformed personnel abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drug control coercion threats relativist morality irreversible damage dehumanization International Criminal Court universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimacy resistance movements care treatment demobilization healing suffering unpardonable crime child soldiers armed conflict recruited armed political groups not de-facto adults defending communities defined political objectives volunteering propaganda social disintegration escape domestic violence forced marriage forcibly abducted uniform threats vulnerable abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction coerced threatened objectively harmful irreversible damage dehumanising combat care treatment ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance Child Soldiers International Global Report 2008 Coalition to child soldiers armed conflict recruitment propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction military organizations uniform threats parental harm vulnerability abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility bullet immunity financial rewards atrocities drugs addiction coercion threats relativist morality irreversible damage dehumanization post-conflict care ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimacy resistance movements Child Soldiers International Global Report 2008 Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers child soldiers armed conflict recruitment armed political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction military organizations uniform threats induct army abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction irreversible dehumanizing ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimacy resistance movements care treatment demobilizing healing damage unnecessary destructive unpardonable crime international justice human rights abuses global report coalition child protection legal accountability military units political child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups military objectives propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats family abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility financial rewards atrocities drugs addiction coercion threat relativist morality irreversible dehumanising ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimacy resistance movements Child Soldiers International Global Report 2008 Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers armed conflict child soldiers recruited armed political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage forcibly abducted abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies drugs irreversible damage demobilising ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimate resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction military exploitation abuse propaganda inexperience gullibility drug addiction coercion threats irreversible damage demobilization healing ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment armed political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction military organizations abuse exploitation minesweepers spies drug addiction irreversible damage dehumanization ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords resistance movements
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con02a	A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 tax obesity consumption fast food economic factors culture cigarettes necessary food multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical activity public transportation education social factors junk food habits poverty financial impact community strategies recommended measurements tax obesity fat tax consumption public awareness economic behavior fast food habit culture cigarettes multifaceted approach healthy food vending machines physical exercise school requirements recreation public transportation calorie burning education social factors junk food habits tax obesity fatty food consumption economic behavior fast food cultural habits cigarettes luxury items food necessity multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical exercise school requirements public transportation calorie burning education lasting change income inequality social factors junk food habits tax ineffectiveness obesity fatty food price sensitivity poor diets fast food cultural habits necessary consumption multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical exercise public transportation education social factors junk food habits tax obesity economic impact food consumption public health dietary habits fast food fiscal policy health policy socioeconomic factors nutrition physical activity education vending machines school programs public transportation calorie expenditure social determinants multifaceted approach health promotion tax effectiveness obesity fat tax consumption change public awareness diet poverty habit culture fast food necessary food multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical exercise school requirements public transportation calorie burning nutrition education lasting change community strategies obesity prevention social factors junk food habits tax obesity fatty food consumption public awareness LSE researchers poor diets economic behavior culture fast food cigarettes luxury necessary food multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical exercise school requirements public transportation calorie burning education lasting change poverty financial impact social factors junk food habits tax inefficacy obesity economic behavior poor diets habit culture fast food necessity multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical exercise public transportation education social factors junk food habits fat tax price sensitivity healthy eating public health strategies tax obesity fatty food consumption public awareness economic behavior fast food culture necessity multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical exercise school requirements public transportation calorie burning education lasting change social factors junk food habits fat tax obesity economic behavior food habits public health vending machines physical exercise public transportation health education social factors junk food fast food consumption patterns dietary choices poverty public policy health initiatives community strategies obesity prevention nutrition physical activity
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con05a	Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government online gambling benefit hypocrisy control economy National Lottery public racecourse betting better odds attractive games government control online gambling public gambling economic boost national lottery racecourse betting gambling regulation public interest gambling odds attractive games government hypocrisy gambling purposes local economy legal gambling government profit government online gambling benefit hypocrisy local economy National Lottery public racecourse betting public gambling control better odds attractive games government control online gambling public economy legal gambling National Lottery racecourse betting government hypocrisy public gambling better odds attractive games government profit local economy boost gambling regulation online gambling firms government-only objects Government online gambling benefit hypocritical gambling local economy National Lottery public racecourse control better odds attractive games Government online gambling hypocrisy gambling regulation economic benefit National Lottery public racecourse betting local economy public gambling online gambling firms government control better odds attractive games government control online gambling hypocrisy economic boost public gambling National Lottery racecourse betting better odds attractive games legal gambling public desire government profit gambling regulation local economy gambling expansion Government online gambling benefit hypocrisy economy legal gambling National Lottery public racecourse control odds games Government online gambling benefit hypocrisy gambling control economic boost legal gambling National Lottery public racecourse public interest gambling regulation better odds attractive games government control government online gambling benefit hypocrisy local economy National Lottery public racecourse control better odds attractive games
test-education-udfakusma-con03a	Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. open access university education incentive to study online learning international students tuition fees critical thinking engagement with ideas resource availability educational value learning content academic qualifications higher education global competition institutional policies student motivation educational resources learning environment university attendance academic benefits open access university education incentive to study learning content critical engagement online learning international students tuition fees educational resources academic institutions global education market higher education trends open access university education incentive to study learning content critical thinking online environment international students tuition fees educational resources academic engagement open access university education incentive to study learning content critical engagement online learning international students tuition fees educational resources academic motivation open access university education learning content critical engagement online environment international students tuition fees educational resources academic incentives higher education value open access university education incentive to study learning content engaging with new ideas online environment international students tuition fees resource availability critical thinking educational value university attendance open resources educational institutions global education trends university education open access incentive to study international students critical thinking online learning tuition fees learning resources academic engagement higher education value open access university education incentive to study online learning critical engagement international students tuition fees educational resources learning environment qualification achievement open access university education online learning critical thinking international students tuition fees learning resources academic engagement higher education value educational incentive university open access incentive study learning resources international students tuition fees critical thinking online environment education qualification subject knowledge engagement ideas
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con05a	Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Russian influence Ukraine Europe Yanukovych Putin customs union NATO European Union democracy human rights eastern neighbours Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post Vice President Biden USA Today political emotions possible NATO membership European country democracy rules failure of EU failure of NATO policy European Union NATO Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin customs union democracy human rights eastern neighbours Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post Vice President Biden NATO membership political emotions U.S. support European country democratic rules international relations geopolitical strategies European Union NATO Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin Customs Union democracy human rights NATO membership European country political emotions keen interest failure of policy eastern neighbours Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post USA Today Biden Europe prevent Russian influence Ukraine shuns Yanukovych alternative Russia Putin re-elected customs union initially rejecting showing interest NATO membership Vice President Biden European country democracy rules turn towards Russia failure European Union policy eastern neighbours promote democracy human rights European Union NATO Russian influence Ukraine democracy human rights Yanukovych Putin customs union NATO membership eastern neighbours political emotions international relations geopolitical strategy bilateral relations European integration Russian foreign policy Ukrainian politics membership aspirations security alliance regional stability Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin customs union NATO democracy human rights European Union eastern neighbors political emotions Biden U.S. support Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post USA Today Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Russia Putin customs union NATO European country democracy human rights eastern neighbours political emotions keen interest U.S. support NATO bid Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin customs union NATO democracy human rights European Union eastern neighbours political emotions U.S. support Biden Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post USA Today possible NATO membership failure of policy promote democracy international relations geopolitical strategy Eastern Europe foreign policy regional stability Euro-Atlantic integration security architecture political alignment strategic interests diplomatic relations economic partnership trade bloc sovereignty national interest international community global politics historical context political landscape decision-making leadership governance international law Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Russia Putin customs union NATO democracy human rights European Union eastern neighbours Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post Vice President Biden USA Today Ukrainian politics international relations European security Russian foreign policy Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin customs union NATO democracy human rights eastern neighbours political emotions Biden U.S. support Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post USA Today
test-health-hdond-pro02a	Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors incentive to donate organ donation saving lives policy effectiveness organ transplant donor registration organ scarcity non-donors organ donor rate donor registration incentive organ donation policy donor priority organ availability donation equilibrium organ demand donation scarcity confirmed organ donors donor registration rate organ donation benefits organ donation threat donation revival organ donation equilibrium donor policy impact Prioritizing donors incentive to donate save lives increase donor registration organ scarcity non-donor denial donor registration rate organ donation policy transplant prioritization confirmed organ donors donation equilibrium organ demand policy effectiveness donor scarcity organ transplant registration incentive donor proportion donor scarcity elimination donation revival prioritizing donors incentive to donate organ donation policy saving lives transplant priority confirmed organ donors donor registration organ scarcity incentive to register organ donation equilibrium non-donors donor scarcity organ availability donation rate transplant denial Prioritizing donors incentive to donate saving lives increase donor registration organ transplant policy eliminate organ scarcity donor incentives organ donation rates donor registration non-donor denial organ scarcity equilibrium organ donor status quo confirmed organ donors organ usefulness transplant priority donor scarcity donation equilibrium policy benefits organ donation incentives Donor prioritization organ donation transplant policy life-saving donor incentive donor registration organ scarcity non-donor denial donor equilibrium organ donation rate confirmed organ donors donor scarcity transplant efficiency public health policy ethical organ allocation organ donor registration medical resource allocation health care incentives organ donor proportion organ transplant waiting list donor incentive policy healthcare scarcity organ donation ethics organ donor status organ donation awareness organ donor commitment organ donor benefits health policy impact donor commitment organ donor statistics organ donor demographics organ donation improvement organ donation advocacy organ donor education prioritizing donors incentive to become a donor save lives policy effectiveness organ donation rate donor registration organ scarcity organ transplants non-donors donor equilibrium organ demand healthcare policy moral incentives organ donation incentives transplant prioritization donor scarcity organ donation rate increase donation equilibrium organ transplant policy donor registration increase donor prioritization organ donation transplant policy save lives increase donor registration reduce organ scarcity incentive to donate confirmed organ donors 移植政策 生命救助 器官捐赠者优先 激励机制 器官捐赠率 减少器官短缺 登记捐赠者 非捐赠者拒绝器官 捐赠者平衡 需求匹配 donor prioritization organ donation transplant policy save lives increase donor registration organ scarcity incentive to donate confirmed organ donors eliminate organ shortage transplant incentives donor equilibrium organ donation rate non-donor denial organ scarcity reduction donation equilibrium donor registration incentive organ transplant efficiency donor policy benefits prioritizing donors incentive to donate save lives organ donation policy increase donor registration reduce organ scarcity transplant prioritization donor registration rate organ availability non-donor denial donation equilibrium organ scarcity elimination donor incentive organ donor status quo confirmed organ donors donor registration bonus policy effectiveness organ transplant ethics donor scarcity life-saving policy organ donation rate organ donor incentives donor prioritization benefits donor registration impact transplant policy organ donation incentives donor registration increase organ donor shortage organ donation system donor registration motivation organ donor policy donor prioritization organ donation benefits donor prioritization organ donation transplant policy incentivizing donation donor registration organ scarcity saving lives policy effectiveness donor incentives transplant scarcity donor equilibrium organ demand non-donor denial donation rate confirmed organ donors donor proportion organ uselessness donor scarcity incentive revival
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro01a	Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition culture of human rights rule of law Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety and rule of law Mo Ibrahim Foundation human rights culture of respect capital punishment human rights violation international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition rule of law progress commitment principles Guinea Bissau abolitionist nation bottom ten Africa rule of law Ibrahim Index of African Governance Mo Ibrahim Foundation governance safety law top ten abolitionist countries human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies civil society abolition rule of law cultural development progress principles Guinea Bissau African governance safety Mo Ibrahim Foundation Ibrahim Index culture of respect human rights capital punishment human rights violation international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition culture of human rights rule of law benchmark of progress commitment to principles Guinea Bissau abolitionist nation bottom ten countries Africa rule of law Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety and rule of law Mo Ibrahim Foundation Ibrahim Index of African Governance 2013 human rights culture of respect capital punishment international community liberal democracies civil society abolition rule of law progress commitment Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index African Governance safety law category human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition culture of human rights rule of law Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index of African Governance Mo Ibrahim Foundation safety and rule of law Africa governance culture of respect human rights capital punishment human rights violation international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition development of human rights rule of law benchmark of progress symbol of commitment Guinea Bissau abolitionist nation bottom ten countries Africa rule of law Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety Mo Ibrahim Foundation 2013 human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition culture of human rights rule of law benchmark of progress symbol of commitment Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety and rule of law Mo Ibrahim Foundation human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition culture of human rights rule of law Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety and rule of law Mo Ibrahim Foundation human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition culture of human rights rule of law benchmark of progress symbol of commitment Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety and rule of law Mo Ibrahim Foundation
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro03a	Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious oppression internalized division non-Muslims Islam Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka banning veil moderate Islam severe Islam religious symbols division Western society Hijab pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalized oppression Muslim head coverings non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil Burka Workers Power Rumy Hassan Religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams internalized oppression non-Muslims Islamic interpretations Koran dress prescriptions moderate Islam severe Islam Burka banning veil moderate interpretations severe interpretations Religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders observance religious oppression internalization non-Muslims different schools of Islam Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations full covering Burka banning veil moderate Islam severe Islam Religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders observance religious oppression internalization non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka banning veil moderate Islam severe Islam religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders observance Muslim division religious oppression internalization non-Muslims essential tenet Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veil moderate Islam severe Islam Religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious oppression internalized oppression Muslim head coverings non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations full covering Burka banning the veil moderate Islam severe Islam Religious symbols division Western society Hijab pressure Muslim women social influence religious observance internalized oppression non-Muslims Islamic interpretations Koran modest dress severe interpretations banning moderate Islam veil Burka entrenchment religious symbols division Western society Muslim women Hijab social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious observance internalized oppression non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka banning veil moderate Islam severe Islam religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious oppression internalized oppression non-Muslims different schools of Islam Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka banning veil moderate interpretations severe interpretations entrenchment
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro01a	It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. natural biological programming species preservation parental sacrifice terminal illness generational responsibility organ donation ethical considerations humanist perspective nursing care life experience moral obligation natural biological programming species preservation offspring importance parental sacrifice terminal illness older generation sacrifice statistical likelihood life experience causation of existence protection obligation ethical considerations humanist perspective nursing care organ donation process natural biologically-programmed preserve-species offspring importance sacrifice older-generation younger-generation terminal-illness parents doctors nursing-care humanist-perspective organ-donation statistical-likelihood life-experience cause-of-existence protect cost natural instinct biological programming species preservation parental sacrifice terminal illness generational responsibility humanist perspective nursing care offspring welfare life experience moral obligation parental love child protection ethical consideration organ donation self-sacrifice natural biologically-programmed species-preservation offspring-importance parental-sacrifice terminal-illness generational-sacrifice statistical-mortality life-experience humanist-perspective nursing-care organ-donation-process natural behavior biological programming species preservation parental sacrifice terminal illness generational ethics life experience humanist perspective nursing care organ donation ethical considerations child protection statistical likelihood life value moral obligation natural biological programming species preservation offspring importance parental sacrifice terminal illness generational sacrifice statistical likelihood life experience parental responsibility humanist perspective organ donation nursing care biological programming species preservation parental instinct self-sacrifice terminal illness generational responsibility life experience humanist perspective organ donation nursing care ethical considerations child protection parental duty natural instincts survival mechanisms moral obligations biological programming species preservation parental sacrifice terminal illness generational responsibility organ donation humanist perspective nursing care ethical considerations life value offspring welfare elderly sacrifice statistical likelihood life experience parental duty child protection moral obligation altruism survival instinct healthcare ethics natural instinct biological programming species preservation parental sacrifice terminal illness generational responsibility life experience humanist perspective nursing care organ donation process
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con04a	Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access human rights availability inalienable inherent technology global connectivity freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights Internet access human rights inalienable rights inherent rights technology rights global internet access government responsibility freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights technological dependency digital divide universal rights right to information online freedom Internet access human rights inalienable inherent technology universal availability government responsibility freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights digital divide global internet access technological dependency human rights violations analogies in rights essential human capabilities Internet access human rights availability inalienable rights inherent rights technology human right violation freedom of movement communication rights global internet access technological inequality basic human needs digital divide essential freedoms human rights inalienable inherent technology internet access global availability freedom of movement communication rights government responsibility digital divide universal rights technological dependency accessibility human dignity civil liberties Internet access human right availability inalienable inherent technology global access government responsibility freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights Internet access human rights availability inalienable inherent technology global reach government responsibilities freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights Internet access human right availability inalienable rights inherent human rights technology global access government responsibility freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights technological dependency social inequality digital divide universal rights access disparity internet access human right availability inalienable rights inherent rights technology human rights global access government responsibility freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights Internet access human rights availability technology inalienability inherent rights global access government responsibility freedom of movement technological dependency communication rights digital divide universal rights necessity accessibility
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con02a	Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. legalisation coca production undermines war drugs economy UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia exceptions international narcotics control efforts integrity global drug system US official evidence increased cultivation network marketplace cocaine policy eradication crops narcotics acceptable global market commitment international community cocaine drugs availability drug abuse ruined lives coca production legalisation war on drugs UN INCB Bolivia narcotics control international policy eradication crops cocaine network marketplace US official drug abuse commitment community availability ruined lives legalising coca war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia international narcotics control drug control system US official coca production cocaine drug abuse global market eradication efforts international community narcotic drug availability ruined lives legalising coca undermining war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board integrity of global drug control US official statement increased coca production Bolivia cocaine network international narcotics control drug abuse global anti-drug efforts coca cultivation drug eradication international drug policy legalising coca war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia international narcotics control drug control system US official coca production cocaine network drug abuse drug policy global market eradication efforts international community narcotic acceptance drug availability ruined lives legalising coca undermining war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board Bolivia exception international narcotics control US official statement increased coca production global drug control system cocaine production drug abuse international community drug eradication efforts global market narcotic legalization drug availability ruined lives legalising coca war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia international narcotics control drug control system US official coca production cocaine drug abuse global market eradication efforts international community drug availability legalising coca undermining war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia exceptions international narcotics control US official statement coca production increase cocaine network drug control system eradicating crops global market acceptance international commitment drug availability drug abuse consequences legalising coca war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia international narcotics control coca cultivation drug control system US official coca production cocaine network drug abuse international drug policy global anti-drug efforts coca-leaf chewing drug eradication international community narcotics acceptance global market drug availability ruined lives policy shift drug control commitment legalising coca undermining war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board Bolivia exception international narcotics control US official statement coca production increase global drug control system narcotics eradication international drug policy drug availability drug abuse consequences
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con01a	The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. prosecution politicians abuse of power deterrence illegal actions torture wiretapping accountability legal consequences political misconduct judicial oversight criminal charges public officials rule of law electoral influence governance corruption justice system ethical standards prosecute politicians abuse power threat deter illegal torture wiretapping accountability legal consequences political misconduct deterrent public influence voting policies prosecution politicians abuse of power legal accountability deterrence political misconduct illegal actions torture wiretapping judicial oversight public influence voting policies legal consequences civic responsibility government transparency ethical governance rule of law political ethics accountability mechanisms prosecution of politicians abuse of power deterrence illegal actions political accountability legal consequences public oversight judicial system political ethics government transparency prosecute politicians abuse of power threat of prosecution aggressive prosecution illegal torture wiretapping illegal actions public influence deterrent political accountability legal consequences transparent governance judicial oversight political misconduct voter power policy enforcement legal prosecution political oversight government integrity law enforcement against politicians prosecute politicians abuse of power protection threat of prosecution aggressive prosecution illegal torture wiretapping illegal actions voter influence deterrent political accountability legal consequences political misconduct public oversight justice system political corruption law enforcement civic responsibility ethical governance prosecution politicians abuse of power deterrent illegal actions torture wiretapping accountability legal consequences political accountability voter influence legal reform political misconduct judicial system public trust governance legal enforcement political ethics ability prosecute politicians protection abuse power threat prosecution deter illegal torture wiretapping populace influence policies aggressive actions deterrent laws state voting prosecution politicians abuse of power deterrence illegal actions torture wiretapping accountability legal consequences political accountability judicial oversight corruption impeachment legal reform public trust governance ethics democratic principles civic engagement rule of law prosecution politicians abuse of power deterrent illegal actions torture wiretapping accountability legal consequences political accountability judicial oversight citizen rights democratic process legal prosecution political transgressions
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro04a	Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. freedom of expression civil rights human rights tolerance liberty inconvenience challenging speech offensive speech segregation apartheid legal precedent UK law tolerance in society UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 言论自由 社会宽容 人权法律 公民权利 宗教自由 劳动权利 freedom of expression right inconvenience challenging offensive tolerance acceptance human rights legal protection precedent employment liberty UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 segregation apartheid liberties rules freedom visibility recognition social acceptance minor sanctions job loss tolerance in UK benign expression forthright statements legal defense societal norms democratic values individual rights public discourse freedom of speech expression limitations legal boundaries moral obligations civil liberties free speech advocacy social responsibility cultural sensitivity human dignity legal rights freedom of expression rights inconvenience relevance visibility rules liberties history segregation apartheid prejudice logic offense tolerance law precedent human rights UN Declaration Articles 18 19 23 freedom of expression inconvenient truths defending liberties out of sight out of mind segregation apartheid tolerance UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 challenging speech offensive speech precedent setting livelihood liberty wearing religious symbols benign statements forthright opinions freedom under law human rights civil liberties freedom of religion freedom of thought freedom of conscience freedom of expression right inconvenience relevant tolerance liberty segregation apartheid prejudice precedent UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 wearing jewellery benign statement forthright statement defending liberties out of sight out of mind rules sanctions livelihood tolerant country challenging offensive petty rules human rights legal defence free speech expression rights societal norms moral reasoning ethical consideration democratic values civil liberties individual freedom public opinion legislative protection historical context social justice political discourse human dignity cultural freedom of expression rights inconvenient challenging offensive segregation apartheid tolerance UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 wearing jewellery defending liberties petty rules loss of livelihood legal precedent liberty human rights freedom of expression rights inconvenience relevance recognition challenging offensive segregation apartheid tolerance precedent UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 liberty tolerance UK jewellery law defending statements benign forthright Freedom of expression human rights liberty tolerance constitutional law civil liberties free speech legal precedent social justice individual rights UN Declaration of Human Rights Article 18 Article 19 Article 23 segregation apartheid religious freedom employment rights public policy moral philosophy ethical dilemmas societal norms legal sanctions personal freedoms public discourse minority rights democratic values political science jurisprudence human dignity societal impact legal protections expressive conduct symbolic speech freedom of religion workplace rights cultural sensitivity civic responsibility legal principles human rights freedom of expression inconvenience challenging offensive tolerance human rights UN Declaration of Human Rights segregation apartheid liberty precedent tolerance acceptance rules sanctions livelihood jewellery statements defending liberties noble absurd history recognition relevance laws society ethics justice equality freedom of expression inconvenient truths tolerance human rights UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 right to offend legal precedents segregation apartheid petty rules job security liberty societal norms wearing religious symbols public declarations challenging statements defending liberties out of sight out of mind noble history prejudice freedom limitations rule-breaking minor sanctions livelihood loss UK tolerance benign expressions forthright opinions law limitations
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con01a	Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. defamation freedom of speech South African Law responsibility freedom of expression 'The Spear' Jonathan Joule President Zuma personal life policy critique penis exposed rape accusation libel character defamation public domain lawsuit artwork removal defamation South African Law freedom of speech constitutional protections responsibility freedom of expression The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life policy critique penis exposed rape accusations libel character defamation lawsuit public domain falsehood damage artwork removal Defamation South African Law Freedom of Speech Responsibility The Spear Murray President Zuma Personal Life Policy Critique Penis Exposed Rape Accusations Acquitted Libel Character Defamation Public Domain Falsehood Damaging Sue for Defamation Artwork Removal defamation South African law freedom of speech constitutional protections responsibility The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life policy critique penis exposed rape accusations libel character defamation public domain falsehood lawsuit artwork removal damage to reputation South African Law freedom of speech constitutional protections responsibility offence The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life policy critique penis exposed rape accusations libel defamatory character public domain falsehood lawsuit artwork removal damage to reputation Defamation South African Law Freedom of Speech Constitution Responsibility Offence The Spear Murray President Zuma Personal Life Policy Critique Penis Exposed Rape Accusations Libel Character Defamation Legal Action Artwork Removal Public Domain Falsehood Damaging Zuma defamation South African Law freedom of speech constitutional protections responsibility The Spear Brett Murray Jacob Zuma personal life policy critique penis exposed rape accusations acquittal libel character defamation public domain falsehood lawsuit artwork removal damage Zuma defamation South African law freedom of speech constitution responsibility The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life critique of policy penis exposed rape accusations acquitted libel character sue artwork removed public domain damaging falsehood defamation freedom of speech South African law constitution responsibility The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life policy critique penis exposed rape accusations libel character lawsuit public domain falsehood damage artwork removal Defamation South African Law Freedom of Speech Constitution Responsibility The Spear Murray President Zuma Personal Life Policy Critique Penile Depiction Rape Accusations Libel Character Defamation Legal Action Artwork Removal Public Domain Damaging Information
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro02a	"Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination equality of opportunity poverty trap historical denial education opportunities employment opportunities psychological damage tangible disadvantages community rejection Brazil African communities slavery selection fairness leveling the playing field social justice economic disparity legacy of discrimination positive discrimination systemic inequality affirmative action discrimination legacy of disadvantage perpetual poverty psychological damage denial of opportunities education employment poverty trap equality of opportunity historical denial Brazil African communities slaves Wide Angle PBS Edward Telles Philip Aka American Bar Association affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination playing field legacy of disadvantage perpetual poverty psychological damage tangible effects denial of opportunities education employment poverty trap historical denial of opportunity equality of opportunity Brazil African communities slavery discrimination in Brazil affirmative action benefits leveling the playing field selection assistance societal equality economic disparity racial discrimination social justice policy effectiveness affirmative action policies historical context community impact racial equity opportunity gaps inequality systemic issues poverty cycles policy solutions affirmative action programs long-term impacts societal improvement equitable opportunities underprivileged affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination legacy poverty trap equal opportunity historical denial brazil slave communities discrimination impact psychological damage tangible effects education denial employment denial selection assistance opportunity leveling black experience affirmative action benefits equality promotion societal fairness cyclical poverty solutions affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination playing field legacy of disadvantage perpetual poverty psychological damage denial of opportunities education employment poverty trap historical denial equality of opportunity Brazil African communities slavery inequality selection assistance affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination playing field psychological damage tangible effects education opportunities employment opportunities poverty trap cycle of poverty equality of opportunity historical denial Brazil African communities slaves ABA Philip Aka Edward Telles PBS Wide Angle affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination playing field psychological damage tangible effects education denial employment denial poverty trap historical denial equality of opportunity Brazil African communities slavery selection assistance leveling the playing field Affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination legacy poverty trap equality of opportunity historical denial playing field psychological damage tangible effects education denial employment denial Brazil example African communities slavery impact selection assistance opportunity provision leveling the field societal equity legal support community impact socioeconomic status racial disparity social justice policy effectiveness affirmative action benefits disadvantaged groups institutional racism systemic inequality cultural barriers economic mobility generational poverty policy solutions affirmative action debate educational opportunities employment opportunities social mobility community empowerment policy implementation measurable outcomes long-term benefits Affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination equality of opportunity poverty trap historical denial education employment Brazil African communities slavery psychological damage tangible effects selection assistance leveling the playing field past discrimination affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination playing field psychological damage tangible effects opportunity denial poverty trap historical denial equality of opportunity Brazil African communities slavery selection assistance leveling the playing field sociological impact economic disparity educational opportunities employment opportunities community rejection legacy of disadvantage perpetual poverty race relations social justice"
test-environment-assgbatj-con02a	People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research penicillin drug costs patient outcomes medical innovation clinical trials animal ethics human health benefits drug efficacy pharmaceutical industry drug safety medical treatments health care costs drug availability patient access medical breakthroughs animal welfare human suffering drug regulation biotechnology medical advancements research ethics drug pricing clinical research therapeutic development health economics public health medication development animal experimentation medical ethics health policy drug discovery drug trials health disparities medication safety medical science health innovation pharmaceutical economics health benefits patient animal testing drug development new drugs UK penicillin drug cost drug companies patient outcomes medical research ethical considerations animal testing drug development new drugs UK drug testing penicillin drug cost drug companies patient safety medical advancements pharmaceutical industry clinical trials animal welfare human health medical research drug efficacy disease treatment public health healthcare costs drug approval scientific research alternative testing methods ethical considerations animal testing drug development drug testing pharmaceutical research medical innovation human health drug costs drug availability penicillin medical advancement patient safety ethical considerations animal welfare clinical trials healthcare improvement disease treatment drug efficacy pharmaceutical industry regulatory requirements medical ethics animal testing drug development pharmaceutical costs medical research penicillin drug approval patient safety health economics clinical trials animal welfare human suffering pharmaceutical industry drug efficacy regulatory requirements medical innovation animal testing drug development pharmaceutical costs medical advancements human benefits ethical concerns animal welfare drug safety research alternatives healthcare innovation public health drug efficacy clinical trials medical ethics regulatory requirements drug availability treatment accessibility economic impact scientific research health outcomes animal testing drug development pharmaceutical industry medical research drug costs patient safety ethical considerations health economics drug efficacy clinical trials animal welfare human health benefits drug availability medical innovation regulatory requirements treatment access public health drug pricing research ethics medical advancements safety assessment drug discovery health outcomes economic impact treatment affordability disease prevention medical breakthroughs health care costs drug approval process research methods alternative testing biomedical research drug safety health policy medical ethics clinical research drug trials health care systems patient care drug production treatment options animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research human benefits medical advancements drug costs treatment availability public health research ethics animal welfare animal testing drug development drug approval medical research pharmaceutical industry drug costs healthcare innovation public health medical ethics animal welfare penicillin drug efficacy patient safety health economics research ethics clinical trials medical advancements treatment access drug availability healthcare policy animal testing drug development pharmaceutical costs medical advancements human benefits research ethics animal welfare penicillin drug approval process healthcare innovation treatment accessibility public health suffering reduction mortality rates clinical trials alternative testing methods regulatory requirements scientific progress health economics
test-economy-thsptr-con01a	Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals property income deserving achievement market place society progressive taxation property rights poor wealthy injustice social worth competence desirability state punishment disproportionate fairness forced labor wealth appropriation Seligman Edwin Progressive Taxation Theory Practice American Economic Association Nozick Robert Anarchy State Utopia Basic Books 1974 Individuals property income deserving achievement value market society progressive taxation system property rights poor wealthy injustice income societal worth goods services competence desirability employer state punish social worth work others fair forced labor wealth acquire appropriated manifestly unjust Seligman Edwin Progressive Taxation Theory Practice Publications American Economic Association Nozick R Anarchy State Utopia Basic Books Individuals property income deserving achievement market place society progressive taxation property rights poor wealthy injustice individual income societal worth goods services socially desirable competence desirability employer state punish social worth tax disproportionally fair forced labor wealth acquire appropriated regime unjust Seligman Progressive Taxation Theory Practice Nozick Anarchy State Utopia Individual property income social achievement market contribution progressive taxation property rights wealth inequality social justice individual worth societal value competence employer desirability state intervention fair taxation forced labor economic philosophy political ethics Seligman Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Progressive Taxation Theory economic inequality moral philosophy tax policy public economics social contract individual rights wealth redistribution economic freedom property ownership personal achievement social responsibility economic contributions income inequality social desirability employer value work ethics state appropriation wealth acquisition property rights income social worth progressive taxation wealth justice economic contribution market value taxation fairness individual achievement societal contribution compulsory labor Nozick Seligman Individuals property income deserving achievement value market place society progressive taxation property rights poor wealthy injustice social worth competence desirability employer state punish disproportionate fair forced labor wealth appropriated manifestly unjust Seligman Progressive Taxation Nozick Anarchy State Utopia individuals property income deserving achievement value market society progressive taxation system poor wealthy property rights injustice social worth competence desirability employer state punish disproportionate fairness forced labor wealth acquire appropriated manifestly unjust Seligman Nozick theory practice Anarchy State Utopia Individuals property income deserving achievement market society progressive taxation wealth poor sacred ownership rights injustice social worth competence employer state punish fairness forced labor appropriation unjust Seligman Nozick Anarchy State Utopia property rights income societal worth progressive taxation wealth fairness forced labor injustice Nozick Seligman economic theory market contribution competency social desirability taxation ethics wealth appropriation state intervention economic justice moral philosophy property rights income societal worth progressive taxation wealth justice forced labor Nozick Seligman market value competence employer desirability state appropriation economic inequality moral philosophy political economy tax fairness individual rights social contribution
test-education-udfakusma-con04a	Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Open access publishing costs academic writing journal articles editorial process typesetting peer review Gold OA Green OA university funding publication charges academic workload technology adoption scholarly communication research dissemination cost distribution author fees institutional subsidies research impact funding models academic labor digital publishing open science research policy scholarly journals academic resources publication models funding challenges higher education research infrastructure academic publishing open access mandate article processing charges self-archiving research accessibility publication ethics academic contributions scholarly works content creation academic recognition research visibility publication open access gold open access green open access academic publishing scholarly journals publication costs article processing charges university funding researcher workload digital publication self-archiving academic writing editing peer review typesetting lecture materials online education academic labor cost distribution electronic publishing higher education policy research dissemination open access gold open access green open access academic publishing article publication charges university funding scholarly journals electronic publishing academic workload cost of publishing research funding self-archiving open access repositories academic writing editing costs typesetting costs peer review costs lecture materials online academic technology use academic compensation scholarly journals publishing costs open access gold open access green open access academic publishing article publication charges university funding research dissemination academic workload lecture materials online electronic publishing open access repositories academic writing editing costs typesetting peer review publishing process research funding academic labor technology integration cost implications higher education policy research communication open access models academic resources institutional repositories scholarly communication publication fees academic journals copyright intellectual property academic freedom publishing industry research impact access to information academic integrity digital publishing academic libraries research infrastructure open access Gold OA Green OA publishing costs academic publishing article publication charges university funding scholarly journals electronic publishing academic workload technology integration research dissemination author payment academic compensation lecture notes online bibliographies online open accessRepositories UK open access policy research costs peer review typesetting editorial costs author editor typesetter reviewing publishing cost open access Gold OA Green OA universities funding academic workload technology unpaid labor scholarly journals electronic publishing research dissemination cost distribution author payment publication charges academic writing editing self-archiving open access repositories higher education budget financial impact scholarly communication peer review article processing charges academic publishing lecturer lecture notes bibliographies online content digital resources education technology faculty workload institutional support research funding open science academic freedom intellectual property copyright distribution models academic community open access gold open access green open access academic publishing scholarly journals article publication charges university costs academic workload electronic publishing research dissemination open access repositories academic writing editing costs typesetting peer review academic technology lecture notes online bibliographies scholarly communication publishing economics research funding academic labor open access policies UK open access panning for gold detrimental effects open access research cost implications Golnessa Galyani Moghaddam Paul Ayris Guardian Professional scholarly communication systems academic publishing models academic resources digital scholarship intellectual property 学术期刊 出版成本 开放获取 金色开放获取 绿色开放获取 大学支出 学术讲座 在线资源 技术投入 作者费用 编辑成本 排版成本 评审成本 写作时间 出版时间 学术出版 电子出版 开放获取政策 英国开放获取 学术研究成本 讲义 参考书目 自存储 出版费用 学术交流 科研成果传播 学者 open access gold open access green open access academic publishing journal costs article publication charges self-archiving university funding academic labor scholarly communication electronic publishing open access repositories academic writing editing costs typesetting peer review lecture materials online education academic technology research funding UK open access policy open access gold open access green open access academic publishing scholarly journals publication costs article processing charges APCs self-archiving university funding research dissemination academic labor cost of publishing electronic publishing peer review typesetting academic writing lecture notes bibliographies technology integration higher education research impact funding models scholarly communication UK research policy open access mandates intellectual property academic tenure academic reward systems
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro01a	The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, UK independent foreign policy Britain sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office exiting powers influence freedom manoeuvre options negotiate powers Policy making trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy Britain sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office exiting EU powers influence freedom negotiation policy making trade policy European Commission UK foreign policy sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office Brexit influence freedom negotiation policy making trade policy UK independence foreign policy sovereignty EU common foreign policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power UK exit policy negotiation freedom increased international influence sovereign decision-making UK independent foreign policy Britain sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office Brexit policy making trade policy influence negotiation options international relations global strategy diplomatic freedom UK independent foreign policy Britain European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office exiting EU powers influence freedom to manoeuvre trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy Britain sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office Brexit power transfer influence negotiation options trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office Brexit powers influence freedom negotiation options trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office exiting powers influence freedom manoeuvre negotiation policy making trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office Brexit policy making trade policy influence freedom negotiation international relations power dynamics diplomatic autonomy
test-health-dhiacihwph-con01a	Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries high quality pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research patents Western countries obligatory quantities Africa research investment disease combat generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation reinvestment donating countries high quality generics drug patents CAMR Access to Medicine Regime obligatory generics research incentives drug export patent access pharmaceutical research disease combat Africa drug manufacturers Western countries patent surrender drug production healthcare policy generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation reinvestment donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research profit reinvestment obligatory generic quantities Africa research incentives disease combat drug patents Taylor generic-drug solution generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation reinvestment donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada CAMR Access to Medicine Regime pharmaceutical research profit reinvestment obligatory generic quantities Africa research incentive disease combat generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research profit reinvestment obligatory generics Africa research incentives disease combat generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation reinvestment donating countries high-quality generics pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research profit reinvestment obligatory generics Africa research incentives disease combat generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research profits industry investment obligatory quantities generic drugs export Africa research incentives disease combat patent relinquishment generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation reinvestment donating countries high quality generics drug patents Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR obligatory generic drug quantities Africa research-based companies disease combat investment patent relinquishment drug manufacturing health policy international drug regulations pharmaceutical research medicinal progress drug access health equity global health initiatives patent laws intellectual property drug affordability healthcare economics pharmaceutical industry drug development medical research health innovation drug export pharmaceutical policy generic drug production drug pricing patent protection medical breakthroughs drug patents impact patent law reform healthcare generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research patents profit reinvestment obligatory generic drugs Africa research incentive disease combat Taylor Generic-drug solution Africa not needed Generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation reinvestment donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patent access Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research profit reinvestment obligatory generics Africa research incentives disease combat Taylor generic-drug solution
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro01a	Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 childhood obesity nutritional education physical education school lunch health policy school curricula student health obesity epidemic public health school nutrition health education school meals budget cuts obesity prevention health initiatives school environment healthy choices academic time nutritional standards health programs government role obesity factors biological factors social factors policy makers Michelle Obama Veggiecation Kent County Council ScienceDaily University of Michigan San Francisco State University Obesity Society SOLUTIONS Washington Times New York Times American children teenagers personal finance sex education relationships citizenship childhood obesity school nutrition physical education school meal programs educational reform public health initiatives obesity prevention school curricula nutritional education government policy health education student well-being cafeteria improvements budget constraints health policy social factors biological factors obesity epidemic school responsibility healthy choices academic time extracurricular activities student health nutritional standards health campaigns obesity research school environment health and wellness food quality school funding policy making health advocacy nutritional guidelines teacher training student engagement community support health awareness lifestyle education dietary habits obesity solutions childhood obesity nutritional education physical education school meals cafeteria reform health initiatives media coverage civil society personal finance sex education citizenship education free milk free fruit calcium intake vitamin intake budget cuts resource limitations obesity epidemic biological factors social factors government policy healthy choices school environment Michelle Obama obesity campaign academic time Kent County Council nutritional standards Veggiecation Program New York Coalition junk food elimination SOLUTIONS obesity eradication school childhood obesity nutritional education physical education cafeteria meals media coverage civil society personal finance sex education citizenship health programs free milk vitamins budget cuts obesity epidemic biological factors social factors policy makers healthy choices Michelle Obama academic time Veggiecation junk food elimination SOLUTIONS initiative Eradicating obesity childhood obesity nutritional education physical education school meals media coverage civil society health policy school curricula personal finance sex education relationships citizenship free milk fruit national health programs calcium vitamins budget cuts Obesity Society biological factors social factors health choices obesity epidemic Michelle Obama academic time Kent County Council Veggiecation program New York Coalition junk food SOLUTIONS Robert Kushner eradicating obesity Washington Times New York Times University of Michigan San Francisco State University ScienceDaily school childhood obesity nutrition physical education cafeteria meals media coverage civil society health programs curriculum personal finance sex education citizenship free milk fruit vitamin intake budget cuts policy makers obesity epidemic biological factors social factors healthy choices schools childhood obesity media coverage civil society nutritional education physical education cafeteria meals personal education social education homework school curricula personal finance sex education relationships citizenship free milk fruit vitamins calcium national health programs health food curricula school lunch budget cuts healthful alternatives physical education programs obesity epidemic biological factors social factors policy makers healthy choices Michelle Obama Veggiecation Program New York Coalition Kent County Council ScienceDaily SOLUTIONS Washington Times San Francisco State University University of Michigan school nutrition physical education childhood obesity media coverage civil society cafeteria meals personal education social education homework school curricula personal finance sex education relationships citizenship national health programs free milk fruit calcium vitamins nutritional curricula school lunch resources budget cuts obesity epidemic biological factors social factors policy makers healthy choices Michelle Obama Veggiecation Program Kent County Council ScienceDaily SOLUTIONS Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic University of Michigan San Francisco State University Obesity Society schools media coverage civil society childhood obesity nutritional education physical education cafeteria meals personal education social education school curricula personal finance sex education citizenship education national health programs free milk fruit nutritional curricula school lunch budget cuts healthful alternatives physical education programs obesity epidemic biological factors social factors policy makers healthy choices Michelle Obama U.S. children academics Kent County Council Nutritional Standards Veggiecation Program New York Coalition eradicating obesity Washington Times childhood obesity nutritional education physical education school lunch reform health policies public health initiatives school curricula health education academic time obesity prevention government role school resources budget cuts healthy choices social responsibility nutritional standards obesity epidemic public awareness civil society media coverage
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro02a	The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. guilt heavy burden relative save life parent child death post-traumatic stress syndrome suicide wish to hasten death psycho-oncology guilt heavy burden relative save life parent child death Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome suicide wish to hasten death psycho-oncology clinical studies guilt burden relative save life parent child death post-traumatic stress syndrome suicide wish hasten death psycho-oncology review clinical studies guilt heavy burden relative save life parent child death Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome suicide wish to hasten death psycho-oncology guilt burden relative save life parent child death Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome suicide wish to hasten death psycho-oncology guilt burden relative save life unfair parent child death PTSD suicide wish hasten death review clinical studies guilt burden relative save life fair parent live child death post-traumatic stress syndrome suicide wish hasten death psycho-oncology clinical studies Monforte-Royo C. Guilt Relative Saved Life Parent Child Death Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome Suicides Wish to Hasten Death Psycho-Oncology guilt burden relative save life parent child death post-traumatic stress syndrome suicide wish hasten death psycho-oncology review clinical studies guilt burden relative save life parent child death post-traumatic stress syndrome suicides wish hasten death review clinical studies psycho-oncology
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro03a	"The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START treaty US nuclear missile defence nuclear armament modernization Obama administration nuclear arsenal Energy Department nuclear weapons complex funding Jon Kyl nuclear arsenal maintenance missile defenses Russia NATO Article 5 Washington Treaty strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear weapons reduction US-Russian relations security concerns medical concerns treaty ratification Republican support Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagleburger Powell Biden Wall Street Journal Washington Post New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization nuclear armament infrastructure Senate ratification funding Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl strategic importance NATO Russian relations Article 5 Washington Treaty ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense territorial missile defense strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear liability security concerns medical concerns bipartisan support international relations arms control nuclear reduction global stability verification compliance international security non-proliferation New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization program Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Senator Jon Kyl NATO Article 5 Washington Treaty strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms international relations Russia nuclear arms reduction global security bipartisan support treaty ratification nuclear liabilities non-proliferation New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization infrastructure Energy Department nuclear weapons complex funding Senate ratification Sen. Jon Kyl nuclear arsenal maintenance US Military civilian leaders Article 5 NATO Russian cooperation strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear weapons liability US-Russia relations security concerns medical concerns treaty ratification international relations defense policy arms control global security bipartisan support Washington Treaty ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense territorial missile defense 信任 confidence building New START treaty US nuclear missile defense nuclear modernization Obama administration nuclear arsenal Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl nuclear arsenal maintenance US military civilian leaders missile defense plans Joe Biden NATO Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO-Russian relations US-Russian relations strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear weapons liability security concerns medical concerns treaty ratification Republican support Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagleburger Powell Wall Street Journal New START US nuclear missile defence modernization infrastructure arsenal funding negotiations ratification 10-year plan Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl Arizona Republican implementing maintaining nuclear arsenal decade US Military civilian leaders effective missile defenses Russia oppose limit conversion launchers more expensive new missiles defense purposes Joe Biden Russian cooperation missile defense Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO strategic nuclear forces levels 1950s verification mechanisms Senate approval relationship trust confidence New START treaty US nuclear missile defense modernization Obama administration Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Jon Kyl Republican nuclear arsenal ratification strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms NATO Russian cooperation missile defense systems Article 5 Washington Treaty strategic importance nuclear weapons reduction stable relationship security concerns medical concerns Senate approval treaty benefits nuclear liability international relations arms control global security non-proliferation defense policy military strategy political negotiations treaty ratification process bipartisan support strategic stability defense infrastructure nuclear deterrence treaty limitations New START US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization infrastructure Senate ratification Energy Department nuclear weapons complex funding Jon Kyl maintenance strategic stability military leaders civilian leaders treaty limitations conversion of launchers NATO Russian cooperation missile threat assessment theater missile defense territorial missile defense strategic importance trust confidence security medical concerns nuclear reduction verification mechanisms over-abundance liability 21st Century security Republican support Washington Post Wall Street Journal Joseph Biden Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization infrastructure funding Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Senate approval verification mechanisms strategic nuclear forces NATO Russia international relations non-proliferation security medical concerns Republican support Democratic support bipartisan agreement strategic stability global security deterrence arms control international cooperation Article 5 Washington Treaty ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense territorial missile defense trust building strategic importance relationship improvement reduction of nuclear weapons liability over-abundance safety stability 21st Century security New START treaty US nuclear missile defence nuclear modernization infrastructure nuclear arsenal Energy Department nuclear weapons complex funding negotiations ratification Sen. Jon Kyl Arizona Republican military leaders civilian leaders effective missile defenses Russia opposition launchers conversion new missiles Joe Biden Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO Russian relations strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear liability security concerns medical concerns treaty ratification Republican support international relations arms control global security non-proliferation bipartisan support defense policy strategic stability nuclear deterrence"
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con03a	"Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. coca chewing harmful proscribed ban coca leaves UN Commission Inquiry Coca Leaf ECOSOC noxious detrimental health harms caffeine cocaine potent damaging unique health considerations prohibition acceptable legislative reform drug policies coca chewing harmful health proscribed banned UN Commission Inquiry Coca Leaf ECOSOC noxious detrimental caffeine cocaine potent dangerous damaging prohibition legislative reform drug policies Jelsma Transnational Institute coca chewing health risks prohibition cocaine production UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf ECOSOC Jelsma Transnational Institute drug policy reform caffeine comparison inveterate use noxious effects health harms legislative reform drug policies coca leaf banned substances potent drugs damaging use unique health considerations acceptable prohibition inveterate coca use coca leaf report 1950 UN report detrimental effects non-dismissed health risks drug diversion potent drug use illegal drug production public health impact traditional use coca coca chewing harmful health effects UN Commission of Inquiry coca leaf noxious habit prohibition justification cocaine production drug policy reform legislative considerations health risks addictive substances banned substances public health concerns traditional use cultural practices addictive properties substance abuse potential for misuse legal restrictions pharmaceutical dangers coca chewing proscribed health harm 1950 UN Commission Inquiry Coca Leaf ECOSOC noxious detrimental caffeine cocaine potent damaging unique considerations prohibition acceptable Jelsma Transnational Institute legislative reform drug policies coca chewing harmful health effects UN Commission of Inquiry coca leaf prohibition cocaine drug policies Jelsma Transnational Institute legislative reform health risks potent use dangerous substances human health evidence-based policy drug control addiction substance abuse public health legal restrictions coca chewing harmful proscribed health ban UN Commission Inquiry Coca Leaf ECOSOC noxious detrimental caffeine cocaine potent dangerous prohibition legislative reform drug policies Transnational Institute Coca chewing harmful proscribed health risks UN Commission of Inquiry coca leaf noxious detrimental health harms prohibition acceptable caffeine cocaine diversion dangerous unique health considerations drug policies legislative reform Transnational Institute coca chewing harmful proscribed ban human health UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf noxious detrimental risk health harms caffeine cocaine prohibition unique health considerations drug policies coca chewing health risks prohibition UN Commission of Inquiry coca leaf cocaine potent drugs legislative reform drug policies caffeine harmful substances human health evidence-based policy Transnational Institute Martin Jelsma"
test-health-hdond-pro03a	Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. organ donation reciprocity moral principles deserving societal norms ethical treatment fairness justice altruism mutual respect civic duty interpersonal ethics donation incentives organ allocation medical ethics social contract merit-based distribution impartiality fairness in healthcare patient rights reciprocity organ donation moral principle deserving donor non-donor practical reality incoherent unjustified premise concept of desert societal values ethical treatment organ allocation fairness justice hypothetical reciprocity intrinsic value civil unrest framing innocent moral obligations reciprocity organ donation moral principle deserving social contract justice fairness ethical treatment merit societal norms donor rights non-donors medical ethics organ allocation principled behavior civic duty self-interest altruism inherent worth legal frameworks organ donors reciprocity principle moral treatment donor deservingness practical reciprocity social justice ethical considerations organ allocation fairness in healthcare moral philosophy societal values desert theory equitable treatment non-donors hypothetical reciprocity organ donation ethics moral coherence intrinsic value innocent people civil unrest social utility moral principles healthcare ethics reciprocal fairness organ transplant deserving recipients moral psychology ethical reciprocity altruism societal norms moral obligations value of life medical ethics public health organ registry donation consent reciprocal justice ethical dilemmas moral responsibility reciprocity organ donation moral principle deserving practical reality desert social contract ethical treatment fairness altruism justice medical ethics resource allocation societal norms human value incoherence unjustified premise reciprocity organ donation moral principle deserving social contract desert fairness justice altruism self-interest ethical treatment societal norms organ recipients donor rights non-donors civil responsibility moral obligation ethical reciprocity organ allocation medical ethics fairness in healthcare donation ethics moral philosophy public health policy patient rights medical justice organ donors reciprocity moral principle hypothetical situation practical reality deserving organs unjustified premise societal values concept of desert innocent people civil unrest ethical treatment fairness organ allocation mutual obligation social contract fairness in healthcare organ donation ethics reciprocity in society moral coherence value of life equitable treatment organ recipient criteria justice in organ distribution ethical considerations in healthcare public health policy organ donation incentives moral philosophy deontological ethics utilitarianism healthcare ethics distributive justice organ donation reciprocity moral principle treatment hypothetical position practical reality deserve unjustified premise desert societal foundation innocent prison civil unrest ethical treatment donor rights non-donors organ allocation fairness justice organ donation reciprocity moral principle deserving organ allocation fairness social contract ethical treatment donor rights non-donors justice societal values reciprocal altruism ethical philosophy desert theory moral obligation public policy healthcare ethics organ transplant medical ethics reciprocity organ donation moral principle deserving practical reality societal values justice fairness ethical treatment social contract incoherence unjustified premises desert innocence civil unrest framing utility human value
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro03a	The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, religious freedom faith expression personal identity Nadia Eweida British Airways workplace policy religious symbols uniform code Chaplin case health and safety Archbishop of Canterbury bureaucratic rules Christian beliefs cross-wearing employment rights legal appeal tribunal decision faith significance personal beliefs heartfelt convictions religious freedom faith expression personal identity uniform policies corporate regulations legal challenges workplace rights symbolic attire health and safety bureaucratic restrictions human rights employment law cultural sensitivity spiritual beliefs Christian symbols religious discrimination workplace diversity employee rights corporate image public perception legal precedents faith-based practices religious accommodations moral values ethical considerations personal convictions workplace policies religious liberty legal reforms religious practices cultural norms social acceptance faith-based identity workplace equality legal discourse religious symbolism personal freedoms cultural conflicts corporate guidelines legal battles religious expression professional religious faith wearing cross Nadia Eweida British Airways policy change Anne Chaplin health and safety Archbishop of Canterbury heartfelt beliefs managerial decisions bureaucratic rules Christian symbols uniform policy legal cases religious freedom personal identity workplace regulations faith expression compliance issues individual rights religious freedom wearing religious symbols workplace policies Nadia Eweida British Airways 政策变更 宗教信仰的重要性 宗教标志 个人身份 宇宙观 管理层决策 健康与安全法规 信仰表达 心灵信念 行政僵化 信仰自由 宗教权利 个体权利 雇主责任 基督教 信仰象征 个人自由 法律裁决 宗教歧视 工作环境 信仰与工作 法 religious faith wearing cross nadiaeweida british airways policy chaplin health and safety archbishop of canterbury wooden-headed bureaucracy sincere beliefs heartfelt beliefs uniform policy legal appeal christianity workforce diversity religious expression employment rights personal identity public image organizational rules individual rights corporate image workplace regulations faith-based decisions managerial discretion legislative impact religious symbolism religious accommodations workplace attire employee rights religious freedom organizational management legal precedents faith in workplace uniform standards religious discrimination employment law organizational culture personal liberties managerial religious faith confession importance rules wearing cross identity Universe Nadia Eweida employer uniform British Airways policy change religious imagery Chaplin health and safety cross and chain Archbishop of Canterbury wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness sincere beliefs harm respect individuals Christianity tribunal nurse crucifix work appeal BBC News Daily Mail The Telegraph religious faith wearing cross Nadia Eweida British Airways policy change religious symbols workplace uniform Chaplin health and safety Archbishop of Canterbury wooden-headed bureaucracy sincere beliefs heartfelt beliefs Christianity tribunal crucifix risk assessment identity faith importance uniform policy religious expression employee rights religious freedom faith expression wearing cross Nadia Eweida British Airways policy employment rights religious symbols uniform code health and safety Chaplin case Archbishop of Canterbury bureaucratic rules personal beliefs identity expression faith significance legal appeal Christian employees workplace discrimination religious tolerance cultural sensitivity individual rights organizational policies faith-based practices religious attire symbolic representation belief protection moral support societal norms freedom of religion workplace accommodation legal precedent public opinion faith community employee rights crucifix ban faith-based identity religious imagery workplace regulations respectful accommodation religious faith wearing cross Nadia Eweida British Airways policy change religious symbols uniform policy health and safety Chaplin case sincere beliefs Archbishop of Canterbury bureaucratic silliness heartfelt beliefs Christianity crucifix employment rights religious freedom religious freedom faith expression workplace policies Nadia Eweida British Airways religious symbols uniform code employment rights Chaplin case health and safety bureaucratic regulations Archbishop of Canterbury sincere beliefs legal appeals crucifix ban Christian employees faith-based identity religious tolerance workplace diversity employee rights
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con02a	Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa past problems Black people Black Men caricaturing lascivious sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment President genitals exposed negative comment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive protests genuine offence political grandstanding Goodman Gallery City Press removal offensive art hurt Sarah Baartmanisation black body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa gross caricaturing Black people Black Men lascivious overtly sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment genitals exposed polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive protest genuine offence political grandstanding Goodman Gallery City Press Sarah Baartmanisation black body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa gross caricaturing Black people Black Men lascivious overtly sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive Goodman Gallery City Press hurt protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa gross caricaturing Black people Black Men lascivious overtly sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment President genitals exposed negative comment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive Goodman Gallery City Press remove offensive art hurt caused quell protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body Infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa Black people Black Men caricaturing lascivious sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment President genitals exposed negative comment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive hurt protest genuine offence political grandstanding Goodman Gallery City Press Sarah Baartmanisation black body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa Black people Black Men caricaturing sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment genitals exposed negative comment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive remove offensive art hurt protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body Infantilisation Prejudice The Spear Historical Context South Africa Black People Black Men Caricaturing Inferior Beings Inhumane Treatment President Genitals Exposed Polygamy Zulu Culture Social Standing Offensive Protest Genuine Offence Political Grandstanding Goodman Gallery City Press Remove Art Sarah Baartmanisation Black Body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa Black people Black Men caricaturing lascivious overtly sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment genitals exposed polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive art hurt protest genuine offence political grandstanding Goodman Gallery City Press Sarah Baartmanisation black body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa Black people Black Men caricaturing lascivious sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment President genitals exposed negative comment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive Goodman Gallery City Press remove offensive art hurt protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sipho Hlongwane Sarah Baartmanisation Simphiwe Dana infantilisation prejudice The Spear South Africa historical context Black people Black Men caricature sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment President genitals exposed polygamy Zulu culture social standing Goodman Gallery City Press offensive protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro04a	A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 religious symbols public buildings ban enforcement police authorities France schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teachers security guards BBC News French scarf ban ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities check wearing societies public buildings France ban religious symbols schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards public buildings police issue BBC News French scarf ban 2 September 2004 accessed 28/8/11 ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities public buildings France schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel public buildings teachers security guards BBC News French scarf ban ban enforcement simple creation religious symbols public visibility police checking societal bans France example 2004 law conspicuous symbols public buildings school restrictions teacher enforcement security guards non-police enforcement ban enforce create religious symbols visible police authorities societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous apparel teachers security guards entry buildings ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France school ban conspicuous apparel teacher enforcement security guards policy implementation religious attire regulation ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities check societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards BBC News French scarf ban ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings police checks France example school bans conspicuous apparel teacher enforcement security guards legal precedents policy implementation public policy religious freedom legislative measures compliance monitoring administrative ease cultural sensitivity moral arguments ethical considerations societal norms ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous apparel teacher security guards BBC News French scarf ban ban enforcement creation religious symbols police authorities societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous apparel teacher security guards BBC News French scarf ban
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro01a	"There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. moral obligation affirmative action societal duty righting wrongs compensation unjust treatment discrimination disadvantaged groups education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness physical harm psychological harm community rejection past discrimination physical goods psychological safety country responsibility symbolic advantages social justice equality fairness marginalized communities race relations historical injustices reparative measures civil rights moral obligation affirmative action societal responsibility righting wrongs compensating injustice discrimination unjust treatment tangible impacts African American community USA education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness physical harms psychological harms community denial physical goods psychological safety symbolic advantages moral obligation affirmative action societal duty righting wrongs compensatory justice discrimination unjust treatment disadvantaged groups education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness African American community USA physical harm psychological harm community rejection moral responsibility physical goods psychological safety symbolic advantages historical discrimination social justice equity racial injustice minority rights ethical obligation reparative measures social equality inclusive practices moral obligation affirmative action societal wrongs compensation unjust treatment discrimination disadvantaged groups arbitrary disadvantages tangible negative impacts African American community education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness physical harms psychological harms community rejection moral responsibility physical goods psychological safety symbolic advantages societal steps historical discrimination remedial measures social justice equality fairness reparative policies inclusive practices affirmative programs meritocracy challenges systemic issues racial equity social progress ethical considerations human rights dignity societal improvement policy justification equitable treatment marginalized populations transformative justice opportunity gaps moral obligation affirmative action societal responsibility righting wrongs compensation unjust treatment discrimination overt discrimination covert discrimination disadvantages uncontrollable factors theoretical wrongs tangible impacts African American community USA education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness physical harm psychological harm community rejection physical goods psychological acceptance safety symbolic advantages societal steps historical discrimination reparative measures moral obligation affirmative action societal responsibility compensatory justice discrimination unjust treatment tangible negative impacts African American community education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness physical harm psychological harm community disadvantages physical goods psychological acceptance safety symbolic advantages past discrimination moral duty societal steps equality social justice ethical responsibility human rights fair treatment marginalized groups social equity inclusive practices reparative measures civic duty historical injustice community restoration legal justification ethical arguments moral philosophy social sciences affirmative action programs disadvantaged groups compensatory measures societal improvement moral obligation affirmative action societal duty righting wrongs compensatory justice discrimination unacceptable practice disadvantages control theoretical harm tangible impacts African American community USA education employment opportunities success happiness physical harm psychological harm rejection community physical goods psychological acceptance safety country symbolic advantages denied steps society Philip Aka American Bar Association moral obligation affirmative action compensate wrongs discrimination unjust treatment education opportunities employment opportunities physical harms psychological harms community rejection societal responsibility symbolic advantages historical injustice racial discrimination social equity African American community compensation societal wrongs physical goods psychological acceptance safety moral duty reparations social justice equitable treatment societal redemption equitable opportunities ethical responsibility moral obligation affirmative action societal duty righting wrongs compensatory justice discrimination overt discrimination covert discrimination unjust disadvantage uncontrollable grounds theoretical immorality tangible negative impacts African American community USA education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness physical harm psychological harm community rejection moral responsibility physical goods psychological acceptance safety society compensatory measures affirmative action programs Philip Aka American Bar Association moral obligation affirmative action societal responsibility discrimination unjust treatment compensation African American community USA education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness physical harm psychological harm rejection community physical goods psychological safety country symbolic advantages denied opportunities past discrimination steps society action"
test-environment-assgbatj-con01a	Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] animal rights human rights moral consideration self-awareness social behavior communication cognitive abilities ethical trade-offs animal welfare human-animal relationship moral status ethical treatment speciesism rights philosophy moral significance cognitive characteristics animal consciousness ethical dilemmas moral justification human superiority animal rights human exceptionalism moral consideration cognitive abilities social behavior communication self-awareness mortality awareness moral trade-offs ethical justification speciesism anthropocentrism utilitarianism animal welfare human-animal relationship ethical dilemmas rights philosophy moral status sentient beings animal rights moral consideration human characteristics social groups communication self-awareness moral trade-off ethical justification greater good harm principle speciesism moral status cognitive abilities ethical treatment animal welfare human-animal relationship moral philosophy ethical dilemma rights theory moral value animal ethics moral consideration human-animal distinction brain size social behavior communication self-awareness mortality awareness moral trade-offs utilitarianism animal rights debate animal rights human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities social behavior communication self-awareness moral trade-off ethical implications species differences greater good harm principle moral philosophy animal ethics human-animal relationship ethical treatment animal welfare moral status cognitive characteristics ethical dilemmas animal rights human morality ethical considerations cognitive abilities social behavior communication skills self-awareness moral worth species comparison ethical trade-offs greater good philosophy animal rights human rights moral consideration self-awareness social behavior communication brain size ethical trade-offs animal characteristics human superiority moral philosophy speciesism ethical treatment animal welfare moral status consciousness death awareness moral value rights ethics utilitarianism animal rights human rights moral consideration sentience ethical treatment animal consciousness human-animal comparison moral trade-off greater good social complexity communication abilities self-awareness death awareness ethical philosophy utilitarianism rights philosophy animal welfare human superiority moral status ethical justification harm-benefit analysis animal ethics human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities social behavior communication self-awareness mortality awareness moral trade-offs greater good animal welfare ethical treatment human-animal relations rights philosophy moral status animal rights human cognition moral consideration self-awareness animal communication social behavior ethical trade-offs moral philosophy speciesism utilitarian ethics animal welfare
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con04a	Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. rehabilitation expense recidivism offenders economic sense prisoners sentences tax payers programs society britain spending re-offend investment policy justice conservative bars harm minimum rehabilitation expense recidivism offenders economic prisons sentencing taxpayers society investment retribution 保守政策 justice crime punishment deterrence penal reform social impact fiscal responsibility criminal justice system incarceration public safety rehabilitation expense recidivism offenders economic sense prisoners sentences tax payers society Britain prison costs re-offend government spending retribution modern conservative justice policy crime prevention penal reform incarceration social impact criminal behavior legal system public safety fiscal responsibility correctional programs penal philosophy crime reduction societal investment rehabilitation unjustifiable expense recidivism rates offenders economic sense prison sentences tax payers' money government spending re-offend Britain prisoners rehabilitation programs scrapped bare minimum behind bars modern conservative justice policy retribution societal impact cost-effectiveness criminal justice reform Rehabilitation expense recidivism offenders economic prison sentences taxpayers society investment retribution justice policy Britain cost effectiveness crime punishment bars harm minimal funding criminal reform society impact correctional programs public safety judicial system incarceration penal debate philosophy law order morality ethics human rights governance accountability transparency efficiency resource allocation justice system improvement offender recidivism reduction strategies community reintegration evidence based practices rehabilitation unjustifiable expense recidivism offender rehabilitation economic sense prison sentences tax payers' money government spending prisoner recidivism reoffending rehabilitation programs scrapping rehabilitation taxpayer burden prison costs retribution conservative justice policy rehabilitation expense recidivism offenders economic prison time sentences tax programs society investment retribution policy crime justice government bars harm minimum cost effectiveness conservative modern punishment treatment crime prevention social impact financial burden criminal justice system public safety incarceration rehabilitation programs tax payer money sentencing reform penal system prison reform prison population penal policies criminal behavior societal reintegration penal philosophy correctional facilities criminal justice reform prison conditions prisoner rights rehabilitation effectiveness prison spending crime rehabilitation expense recidivism offenders economic sense prison sentences tax payers government spending Britain prisoners re-offend justice policy retribution conservative investment societal impact criminal justice penal reform public safety cost-effectiveness incarceration social investment punitive measures crime prevention judicial system offender management prison reform legal policy fiscal responsibility criminal behavior penal philosophy taxpayer value judicial sentencing crime reduction societal benefit punishment rehabilitation programs prison population crime rates public funds judicial efficiency criminal recidivism prison conditions rehabilitation unjustifiable expense recidivism rates offender rehabilitation economic sense cut rehabilitation programs prison sentencing tax payers' money government spending prisoner costs re-offend dead investment retribution rehabilitation policy conservative justice policy rehabilitation recidivism expense economic sense prisoner crime sentencing tax payers government spending retribution conservative justice policy cost-effectiveness societal impact criminal behavior penal reform incarceration public safety judicial system crime prevention offender management
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con03a	"The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. boycott Poland Ukraine Yanukovych Euro 2012 tournament Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders Ukrainian people democratic aspirations European Union policies democracy boycott Poland Ukraine Yanukovych Euro 2012 tournament Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics Viktor Yanukovych representation election Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders championship democratic aspirations European Union policies democracy The Warsaw Voice BBC Ukrainian School of Russian and Asian boycott Euro 2012 Poland Ukraine Ukrainian people Viktor Yanukovych Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics European Union Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change democracy sports international relations European leaders athletic tournament political impact democratic aspirations media news reporting public opinion government policies boycott Poland Ukrainian people Yanukovych Euro 2012 Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders championship Ukrainian democracy European Union democratic aspirations boycott Poland Ukrainian people Yanukovych Euro 2012 Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk games politics Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders Ukrainian democratic aspirations European Union policies democracy boycott Euro 2012 Poland Ukrainian people Yanukovych tournament impact Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk political disruption Viktor Yanukovych Ukrainian representation election results Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders Ukrainian support democratic aspirations European Union political policies democracy support boycott Poland Ukraine Yanukovych Euro 2012 tournament Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics games Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders championship Ukrainian people democratic aspirations European Union policies democracy The Warsaw Voice School of Russian and Asian BBC Ukrainian boycott Poland Ukraine Euro 2012 tournament Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko election results Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders Ukrainian people democratic aspirations European Union policies democracy support displeasure attendance meeting impact interest games scenario visit representation margin vote second round Warsaw Voice School of Russian and Asian BBC Ukrainian news reporting Russia boycott Euro 2012 Poland Ukraine Yanukovych Ukrainian people Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics sports European Union democracy Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders democratic aspirations tournament impact media reporting Russian news Svitlana Dorosh BBC Ukrainian School of Russian and Asian Studies boycott Poland Ukrainian people Yanukovych Euro 2012 tournament impact Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics games Viktor Yanukovych Ukraine elections Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders Ukrainian democracy European Union democratic aspirations policy criticism Euro 2012 boycott Ukrainian support international relations sports diplomacy political protest European championship leader attendance democratic values political interference sports events national representation public opinion political margins voter turnout international solidarity"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con02a	Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 ongoing region Asia numbers non-state 2004 2011 decline hope end 2020 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP Armed by Region Non-state 1989-2011 Africa warlike continent 2012 conflicts region 13 ongoing Asia last fifty years 10 year non-state 2004 2011 22 manage end 2020 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP Armed Conflicts Non-state Conflicts Region 1989-2011 Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 ongoing region Asia numbers non-state decline 2004 2011 manage end 2020 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP Armed Regional statistics trends violence peace resolution governance instability warfare tribal ethnic political militarization security humanitarian impact development socio-economic factors causes international intervention diplomacy negotiations ceasefire peacekeeping operations reconstruction post-conflict Africa warlike continent 2012 conflicts ongoing conflicts non-state conflicts conflict management Armed Conflicts Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP regional conflicts conflict trends Asia conflicts end conflicts 2020 goals Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 ongoing non-state Asia Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP regional armed statistics 2004 2011 2020 management decline historical trends violence political instability peace research data international relations security studies humanitarian impact resolution efforts global affairs sociology political science geography development challenges prevention intervention impact assessment policy analysis governance state actors non Africa warlike continent 2012 conflicts 13 ongoing conflicts Africa Asia conflicts 10 conflicts yearly non-state conflicts 2004 non-state conflicts 2011 non-state conflicts 22 non-state conflicts ending conflicts 2020 goal Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP Armed Conflicts 2012 Armed Conflict by Region Non-state Conflicts by Region 1989-2011 Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 13 ongoing Asia 50 years 10 non-state 2004 20 2011 22 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP 2020 manage end regions armed distinct regional trends violence warfare disputes battles combat strife turmoil unrest disputes turmoil warfare battles combat strife violence armed conflict war region global Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 13 ongoing non-state 2004 2011 22 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP manage end 2020 Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 ongoing non-state Asia UCDP Uppsala Conflict Data Program armed regional 2020 manage end wars violence peace statistics historical trends military political social unrest skirmishes battles regional disputes civil unrest terrorism insurgencies Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 ongoing non-state Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP regions Asia 2020 armed 2004 2011 manage end peace violence regional security trends historical comparisons statistics warfare stability geopolitics international relations humanitarian issues social political instability military operations peacekeeping interventions terrorism civil unrest ethnic disputes territorial claims resource competition governance
test-health-dhiacihwph-con02a	Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs consumer trust price differences generic drugs patented drugs pharmaceuticals drug effectiveness cost-effectiveness drug safety USA generic drugs safety suicidal tendencies Africa drug screening public health developing world essential medicines access barriers cheaper drugs consumer trust generic drugs patented drugs price differences pharmaceuticals drug effectiveness USA generic drugs safety suicidal tendencies drug screening Africa public health crisis developing world essential medicines access drug regulation pharmaceutical industry healthcare costs medication quality consumer perception generic drugs patented drugs consumer trust price differences pharmaceutical effectiveness drug safety generic drug side effects suicidal tendencies drug screening public health crisis developing world essential medicines access cheaper drugs consumer distrust price differences generic drugs patented drugs cost-effectiveness pharmaceuticals generic drug safety suicidal tendencies drug screening Africa public health crisis essential medicines access barriers Cheaper drugs consumer trust generic drugs patented drugs price differences pharmaceuticals expense effectiveness generic drug safety suicidal tendencies drug screening Africa public health crisis essential medicines access developing world healthcare barriers cheaper drugs trusted by consumers generic vs patented drugs price differences pharmaceuticals expensive means effective generic drugs suicidal tendencies USA lower screening drugs in Africa distrust in cheaper drugs public health crisis developing world access to essential medicines generic drugs patented drugs drug pricing consumer trust pharmaceutical costs effectiveness perception generic drug safety suicidal tendencies drug screening Africa public health essential medicines developing world access barriers cheaper drugs consumer trust price differences generic drugs patented drugs pharmaceuticals expense effectiveness drug efficacy USA generic drugs risks suicidal tendencies Africa drug screening public health crisis developing world essential medicines access generic drugs patented drugs drug pricing consumer trust pharmaceuticals drug effectiveness generic drug safety USA suicidal tendencies Africa drug screening public health crisis developing world access to medicines generic patented pharmaceuticals price effectiveness consumer trust generic drugs suicidal tendencies drug screening Africa public health essential medicines cost-effective brand-name medication safety health policy pharmaceutical industry drug regulation affordable healthcare treatment access
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro01a	Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, moving relocation sovereignty population nation Seychelles Kiribati Fiji land purchase small island states rising oceans statelessness displacement environmental law policy climate change adaptation global warming sea level rise international relations strategic planning national security human rights refugee resettlement sustainable development ecological migration climate refugees Moving imperative Seychelles sovereign nation population relocation unified relocation land purchase sovereignty land-spare countries small island states Kiribati Fiji last resort statelessness displacement rising oceans environmental migration climate change adaptation international relocation strategies Seychelles relocation sovereignty population nation-together purchasing-land sovereignty-transfer land-spare small-island-states statelessness displacement rising-oceans Kiribati Fiji last-resort Bobby-Yu The-Arizona-Journal-of-Environmental-Law-&-Policy moving imperative Seychelles sovereign nation relocate population keep nation together purchase land sovereignty land-spare country little choice small island states Kiribati bought land Fiji last resort statelessness displacement rising oceans Seychelles relocation sovereignty population nation purchasing land Kiribati Fiji climate change rising oceans statelessness displacement Sovereign nation population relocation national unity land acquisition sovereignty exchange climate refugees island state adaptation rising sea levels environmental migration international land purchase statelessness prevention Kiribati-Fiji land deal Seychelles relocation strategy small island states coastal displacement solutions global climate change impacts land-scarce countries sustainable relocation models international cooperation environmental policy Seychelles relocation sovereignty land purchase small island states Kiribati climate change rising oceans statelessness displacement environmental migration international law human rights global warming adaptive strategies national identity community preservation Fiji Pacific islands policy responses legal frameworks sustainable development ecological refugees government initiatives international cooperation climate justice Moving imperative Seychelles sovereign nation population relocation national unity purchasing land sovereignty land-spare countries climate change small island states Kiribati Fiji statelessness displacement rising oceans environmental migration international agreements territorial exchange climate refugees moving imperative Seychelles sovereign nation relocate population nation together purchasing land sovereignty another country land to spare small island states Kiribati bought land Fiji last resort people statelessness displacement rising oceans Sovereign nation population relocation national unity land purchase sovereignty transfer land-spare countries statelessness displacement rising oceans climate change adaptation small island states Kiribati Fiji environmental refugees
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con01a	Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. torture ban routine use personal judgement legal force security officials Abu Ghraib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape justification moral slippery slope torture routine use complete ban personal judgement status quo illegal force security officials Abu Grahib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape slippery slope legal exceptions moral boundaries ethical dilemmas human rights international law detainee treatment war crimes justification for torture consequences of torture psychological impact legal accountability official discretion policy implications rule of law humanitarian law torture prevention security policy ethical standards lawful interrogations coercive methods detainee rights interrogation techniques moral reasoning legal loopholes torturous acts exceptional circumstances torture routine use complete ban personal judgement security officials Abu Grahib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape moral slippery slope legal boundaries ethical considerations human rights war crimes justification of torture interrogations prisoner treatment international law humanitarian law law enforcement coercive interrogation psychological impact physical harm moral responsibility societal norms legal accountability accountability mechanisms torture prevention human dignity non-violent interrogation policy reform ethical dilemmas legal grey areas professional standards abuse of power accountability in security forces transparency in justice legal allowing torture routine use complete ban no room for doubt personal judgement status quo illegal to use force security officials justification Abu Ghraib abusive treatment prevent mass-murder murder rape slippery slope torture complete ban illegal force personal judgement security officials Abu Ghraib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape routine use ethical slippery slope legal boundaries humanitarian law international standards human rights violations detainee treatment coerce information security policies moral justification exceptional circumstances legal precedents detainee rights interrogation methods abuse normalization coercive interrogation psychological impact legal accountability ethical dilemmas policy reform security ethics law enforcement practices detainee welfare preventive measures systemic abuse moral absolutism legal ambiguities judicial oversight torture ban justification abuse routine security officials Abu Ghraib interrogation force threat information suspect mass-murder rape murder judgement status quo legality torture routine use complete ban legal clarity personal judgement security officials abusive treatment Abu Ghraib mass-murder murder rape ethical slippery slope criminal interrogation force threat information solicitation illegal practices human rights international law moral justification torture ban routine use security officials personal judgement Abu Grahib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape legal boundaries moral slippery slope interrogation techniques human rights violations ethical considerations policy enforcement legal grey areas law enforcement pressures detainee treatment international law torture justification psychological impact physical abuse detainee rights military ethics legal accountability humanitarian law war crimes civil liberties legal standards human dignity crime prevention violence escalation judicial system enforcement challenges moral authority societal values legal reform prisoner rights torture efficacy ethical torture complete ban routine use personal judgement illegal force soliciting information security officials justification Abu Ghraib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape slippery slope torture, routine use, complete ban, personal judgement, security officials, Abu Grahib, abusive treatment, mass-murder, murder, rape, justification, legal boundaries, ethical dilemmas, slippery slope, human rights, interrogation techniques, law enforcement, international law, morality, policy-making, war on terror, detention practices, prisoner treatment, Geneva Conventions, human dignity, ethical standards, legal grey areas, societal norms, judicial oversight, detainee rights,쪽 Note: The last character '쪽' seems to be an error and should be disregarded.
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro01a	A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. livelihoods approach model poor microfinance benefits vulnerability shocks changes job loss access assets finance networks land lives social protection social capital aid financial skills sustainability IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach poverty microfinance vulnerability shocks social protection social capital financial skills sustainability IFAD 2013 livelihoods microfinance poverty vulnerability social capital financial skills sustainability social protection assets shocks changes job loss aid IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance benefits poverty reduction vulnerability reduction asset access social protection social capital sustainable aid financial skills IFAD 2013 livelihoods microfinance poverty vulnerability social protection financial skills sustainability social capital assets shocks IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction social protection vulnerability reduction asset access financial skills sustainability social capital IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction social protection financial skills asset access vulnerability reduction social capital sustainable aid poverty model IFAD microfinance benefits livelihood improvement economic resilience livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction vulnerability reduction asset access social capital financial skills sustainability social protection IFAD 2013 poverty alleviation economic empowerment community development financial inclusion income generation risk management livelihood strategies microcredit microsavings microinsurance livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction social protection asset access financial skills sustainability vulnerability reduction social capital IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction vulnerability asset access social protection social capital financial skills sustainability IFAD 2013
test-international-ghwcitca-pro04a	A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, cyber treaty cyber-attacks cyber espionage state actors non-state actors risk of conflict international relations cost-free cyber-attacks cyber victims business efficiency trust building international security cyber defense China United States Department of Defense hacker attacks military developments People's Republic of China cyber security policy international agreements cyber treaty cyber-attacks cyber espionage state involvement Department of Defence Chinese government military cyber conflict international relations cyber victims United States China hacker attacks business trust international security cyber defense cyber policy cyber warfare cyber peace cyber treaty benefits state cyber-attacks cyber espionage China Department of Defence unregulated conflict risk relations victims hacker attacks business trust nations erosion international security digital warfare diplomatic relations cyber defense global cybersecurity international cooperation cybercrime cyber policy cyber conflict state-sponsored attacks non-state actors cyber security international law cyber norms offensive cyber capabilities cyber diplomacy cyber hygiene cyber resilience cyber threats cyber risks cyber governance cyber regulations cyber strategy cyber operations cyber power cyber deterrence cyber attribution cyber intelligence cyber treaty benefits state cyber-attacks cyber espionage China Department of Defence cyberspace conflict international relations victims hacker attacks trust nations business security military developments People's Republic of China USA Today Tom Vanden Brook cyber treaty cyber-attacks state benefit cyber espionage non-state actors China Department of Defense conflict risk international relations cyber victims United States China cyber attacks hacker attacks business improvement trust building national security military developments People's Republic of China cyber defense international cybersecurity cyber warfare global cooperation cybercrime cyber policy international agreements cyber norms digital diplomacy cyber treaty cyber-attacks state benefit cyber espionage non-state actors Chinese government military involvement conflict risk international relations cost-free attacks cyber victims United States China hacker attacks business ease trust building security developments People's Republic of China USA Today cyber security international treaty cyber warfare state actors offensive tool cyber defense global cooperation defense department annual report congress international security cyber policy cyber treaty cyber-attacks state benefit cyber espionage Department of Defence Chinese government cyber conflict international relations cyber security hacker attacks trust building international treaty cyber defense state-sponsored attacks cyber victims USA China cyber regulations military security annual report congress Ministry of National Defense General Chang Wanquan USA Today Tom Vanden Brook military developments People's Republic of China unregulated conflict cost-free attacks international cooperation cyber warfare cyber policy diplomatic relations cyber threats global security cybercrime cyber norms digital peace strategic stability cyber treaty cyber-attacks state benefits cyber espionage non-state actors Chinese government military involvement conflict risk international relations cost-free attacks mutual victims China's defence hacker attacks business facilitation trust building erosion mitigation cyber treaty cyber-attacks cyber espionage state actors non-state actors conflict regulation international relations cyber security trust building diplomatic relations China United States hacker attacks cybersecurity policy military developments defensive strategies global cooperation cyber warfare international law cybercrime prevention cyber treaty cyber-attacks cyber espionage state actors non-state actors China United States Department of Defense international security cyber conflict hacker attacks international relations trust building cost-free attacks cyber defense cyber policy international cooperation cyber warfare cyber regulation cyber norms
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro02a	It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, HIV employment discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act HIV positive workplace rights legal protection employee rights employer responsibilities HIV/AIDS civil rights discrimination law employment law prejudiced employers proof of discrimination compassionate management workplace compassion informed employers minimum understanding HIV AIDS employees rights discrimination employment termination legal protection ADA Americans with Disabilities Act prejudiced employers proof of knowledge compassion understanding workplace health conditions civil rights justice department questions and answers employment law HIV positive worker protection prejudice in workplace legal grounds firing employees health status employment discrimination HIV/AIDS disabled workers reasonable accommodation HIV employment discrimination legal protection ADA Americans with Disabilities Act prejudiced employers proof of knowledge workplace rights compassion understanding HIV-positive employees firing practices civil rights legal grounds employee protection employee rights HIV positive employees employment discrimination ADA protections HIV/AIDS in workplace legal protections prejudiced employers proving knowledge of HIV employer responsibility compassion in workplace civil rights Americans with Disabilities Act HIV/AIDS awareness employment law HIV employee rights discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act employment law prejudice workplace protection civil rights HIV-positive employment termination legal defense compassion understanding HIV employee rights discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act prejudiced employers legal protection HIV-positive employees workplace discrimination employment law civil rights HIV/AIDS job security discrimination proof employer responsibility compassion understanding HIV employment discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act workplace rights HIV-positive employees prejudiced employers illegal firing proof of discrimination employer responsibility compassion in workplace civil rights division U.S. Department of Justice legal protection anti-discrimination laws employee protection HIV employment rights discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act HIV/AIDS workplace prejudice employee protection civil rights legal protections employer responsibility compassion in workplace HIV disclosure employment law anti-discrimination laws workplace sensitivity employee health workplace equality HIV employment discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act civil rights prejudiced employers legal protection workplace rights HIV positive employees employment law anti-discrimination laws compassionate management informed employers HIV employee rights discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act prejudiced employers HIV positive workplace protection civil rights legal protection employment law compassion in workplace HIV disclosure wrongful termination
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro01a	Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: human rights free speech censorship Google China information access business ethics corporate responsibility internet freedom digital rights government control media freedom user privacy technology companies international law human rights advocacy web search information censorship state surveillance digital censorship censorship free speech human rights Google China information access business ethics corporate responsibility digital rights internet freedom government control media freedom user privacy search neutrality tech policy international law civil liberties technology impact society global standards corporate citizenship human rights free speech Google censorship China information access corporate responsibility business ethics digital rights internet freedom human rights free speech Google China censorship search results information access business ethics corporate responsibility Human Rights Watch digital freedom internet censorship technological complicity government control online privacy global internet policies corporate activism ethical business practices digital rights information freedom Google censorship human rights free speech China information access business ethics corporate responsibility Human Rights Watch internet freedom digital rights privacy government control technological sovereignty global standards internet governance Google censorship human rights free speech China information access corporate responsibility business ethics censorship opposition technology and freedom internet governance digital rights international law corporate citizenship ethical business practices free access to information government control technology and society internet freedom digital censorship human rights advocacy corporate stance on censorship tech companies and human rights China internet policies global business ethics corporate social responsibility tech and human rights internet companies and censorship free speech online digital information control technology and human rightsViolation corporate integrity ethical stance on censorship legal and ethical challenges technology and ethical Not censoring search results victory human rights Google censoring results complicit China repression free speech adapting search engine display results government limiting citizens basic human right free access information free speech avoiding complicity bold praiseworthy step enhancing respect human rights setting example businesses dealings Human Rights Watch China Google challenges censorship January 12 2010 human rights free speech censorship Google China information access corporate responsibility ethical business practices technology ethics digital rights internet freedom 言论自由 信息审查 谷歌 中国 人权 信息安全 企业责任 技术伦理 数字权利 网络自由 human rights free speech censorship China Google information access corporate responsibility business ethics digital freedom international law technology policy online privacy government control internet regulation human rights advocacy corporate citizenship free expression media freedom digital rights global standards ethical business practices human rights free speech China censorship Google search results information access business ethics complicity repression Human Rights Watch example setting
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro02a	Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations colonial scars independent identity former colonies colonial powers slavery ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italy Libya International relationships economic opportunity global community colonial-era masters developmental issues historical ties co-operative relationships reparations effectiveness post-colonial relations historical injustices national recognition reparations colonial scars former colonies independent identity ties to past former colonisers slavery history ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era masters prejudice colonial chapter co-operative relationship developing countries Italy Libya mending fences global community economic opportunity Reparations colonial scars former colonies independent identity ties to the past colonial powers memory of slavery ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial era prejudiced views co-operative relationship developing countries Italy Libya mending fences international relationships global community economic opportunity colonial legacy historical injustices reparative justice post-colonial studies international development humanitarian aid historical reparations intergenerational trauma national identity reconciliation colonialism neo-colonialism global south north-south divide international relations decolonization sovereignty self reparations colonial scars independent identity historical ties former colonisers colonial legacy ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italy Libya reparations payment international relationships global community economic opportunity developing countries co-operative relationship colonial chapter prejudiced views historical background slavery colonial powers post-colonial development nations recognition reparations colonial scars independent identity former colonies colonial powers slavery ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era masters damaging legacy Italy Libya international relationships global community co-operative relationship economic opportunity historical ties post-colonial development recognition of nations Reparations colonial scars independent identity former colonisers slavery ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era masters Italy Libya reparations to Libya mending fences global community co-operative relationship developing countries economic opportunity international relationships colonial chapter prejudiced history tangible move closing legacy moving on historical ties former colonies development equality cooperation recognition as nation global spirit international cooperation post-colonial relations colonial impact reparations effectiveness historical reconciliation colonial actions post-colonial development international reconciliation reparations payment West reparations colonial scars independent identity former colonies colonial ties slavery historical memory colonial powers ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era actions prejudices colonial chapter co-operative relationship developing countries Italy Libya reparations payment international relationships economic opportunity global community spirit reparations colonial scars independent identity slavery ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Italy Libya mending fences international relationships global community economic opportunity colonial legacy former colonies tangible move history prejudice development co-operative relationship colonial era former colonial powers developing countries recognition as nation reparations effectiveness colonial ties warping relationships demonstrative action global spirit Reparations Colonial scars Independent identity Former colonies Colonial powers Slavery Ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi Colonial legacy Prejudices Co-operative relationships Italy Libya Economic opportunity Global community reparations colonial scars independent identity former colonies colonial powers slavery ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era actions Italy Libya reparations payment international relationships global community co-operative relationship economic opportunity developing countries historical legacy prejudices colonial chapter tangible move
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro03a	Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. animal experimentation moral concerns scientific alternatives in vitro testing computational models ethical research non-animal methods tissue culture human skin samples chemical properties PETA animal testing laws historical practices research ethics animal welfare scientific progress regulatory changes human-relevant testing animal-free research humane science animal testing ethical research non-animal alternatives in vitro testing computational models tissue culture human-relevant research humane science animal-free experimentation chemical properties predictive toxicology human skin models PETA animal rights moral implications scientific progress regulatory changes historical context research ethics animal welfare animal experimentation moral concerns scientific advancement alternatives to animal testing ethical research in vitro testing tissue culture computer modeling chemical screening human skin testing research protocols animal rights PETA non-animal research methods historical context of animal testing legal requirements for animal testing benefits of animal research cessation of animal experimentation modern scientific techniques animal experimentation moral wrong scientific advancement chemical screening legal requirements research protocols computer simulations live tissue culture human skin samples ethical alternatives PETA animal testing research benefits modern science non-animal research methods animal experimentation ethical concerns moral wrong scientific advancement chemical screening legal requirements research protocols computer simulations tissue culture human skin alternatives PETA animal rights scientific methods non-animal testing research ethics medical research animal welfare scientific progress humane methods animal experimentation moral concerns alternative research methods historical context legal requirements scientific advancements chemical properties computer simulations live tissue culture human skin samples ethical considerations PETA animal rights research ethics non-animal testing scientific progress chemical screening research protocols animal welfare humane research animal experimentation moral concerns scientific alternatives chemical screening legal requirements research protocols technology advancement live tissue culture human skin PETA ethical research non-animal testing animal welfare scientific progress chemical interactions computer simulations testing methods humane science research ethics animal-free research animal ethics moral implications alternative testing methods in vitro testing computational models chemical properties live tissue culture human skin models animal research regulations historical research practices scientific advancement ethical science animal free research PETA animal rights non-animal testing research protocols chemical screening human-relevant testing advanced technologies in research animal experimentation ethics moral concerns scientific progress chemical properties computer simulations live tissue culture human skin testing research alternatives PETA animal rights experimentation laws historical practices research protocols modern science chemical screening compound testing human-relevant models animal-free research ethical science animal experimentation ethical concerns alternative methods chemical properties computer modeling live tissue culture human skin samples research protocols moral implications scientific advancements PETA animal testing non-animal research human-relevant data historical context regulatory requirements chemical screening tests substance reactions cell response humane testing
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro03a	It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. compulsory voting increased political interest voter engagement informed electorate political transparency candidate accountability political decision-making budget responsibility voter education Australian voter values political participation electoral policies democratic process voting behavior political awareness civic responsibility electoral reform voter turnout political issues public policy political debate citizen engagement democratic engagement voting obligations political representation electoral systems democratic values political attitudes political campaigns voter motivation electoral studies political science voter information democratic theory political influence voting habits political culture electoral behavior Peter Tucker European Consortium for Political Research Conference compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout civic responsibility political transparency informed voting electoral participation voter education candidate accountability political decision-making budgetary responsibility political values voter influence political reform democratic participation compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout civic duty informed voters political transparency candidate accountability public policy budget management political decision-making median voter values-based voting political participation electoral systems democratic processes compulsory voting increased political participation voter engagement candidate transparency political awareness informed voting budget-conscious policies realistic political decisions median voter values political research active citizenship voting obligations political education electoral reform democratic engagement voter motivation political responsibility Peter Tucker ECPR Conference Budapest 2005 compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout active citizenship political transparency candidate accountability informed voting public policy budget management political decision-making median voter political values ECPR conference Budapest 2005 compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout political transparency informed voters candidate accountability political decision-making budget responsibility voter education political participation electoral systems democratic processes voter behavior Peter Tucker median voter political values vote choice European Consortium for Political Research Budapest conference compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout informed electorate political transparency candidate accountability public policy awareness budget responsibility political decision-making median voter electoral values compulsory voting increased political interest voter turnout political engagement informed voters candidate transparency political accountability better political decisions realistic policies budget management median voter political values ECPR conference Budapest 2005 Compulsory voting voter engagement political participation informed voters candidate transparency political decision-making budget management electoral policies voter education political awareness civic duty democratic processes voter turnout political reform electoral systems public policy citizen involvement political accountability voter choice European Consortium for Political Research compulsory voting voter engagement political participation informed voters political transparency candidate accountability voter education political decisions median voter political values budget management European Consortium for Political Research
test-health-hdond-pro04a	People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. organ donation life-saving minimal cost post-mortem bodily integrity state intervention public health altruism ethical obligations medical ethics donor registration compulsory donation policy advocacy health policy legal reform social responsibility bioethics consent medical benefits societal benefits organ donation saving lives minimal loss donor after death bodily integrity incentivize registered life-saving attempts state justification beneficial acts minimal citizen cost seatbelts conscription research subjects no reason not to state power ensure organ donation organ donation life-saving donor benefits post-mortem organ retrieval state intervention public health policy ethical obligations minimal donor cost legislative measures donation incentives citizen responsibility medical ethics end-of-life decisions altruism in healthcare societal benefit organ transplantation donor registry mandatory donation informed consent life quality improvement organ donation saves lives minimal cost post-mortem donation state intervention public health policy ethical obligation donor registration bodily integrity life-saving procedures seatbelt laws minimal impact research ethics citizen rights informed consent incentivization legal framework moral duty public awareness healthcare benefits Organ donation life-saving minimal cost citizen duty state responsibility bodily integrity post-mortem incentive ethical obligation public health death registration medical ethics legislative action social benefit informed consent organ shortage healthcare policy altruism legal framework donor awareness organ donation save lives minimal loss donor death bodily integrity state demand beneficial acts seatbelts research subjects register donor life-saving incentivize donation state power encourage donation no good reason public health medical ethics altruism donor registration legal incentives healthcare policy organ donation saves lives minimal loss to donor no material need post-death incentivize donation state's role in promoting ethical justification minimal cost to citizen public health benefit legal and moral duty voluntary vs. mandated donation bodily integrity death and organ retrieval organ donor registration life-saving procedures state intervention seatbelt laws research subject conscription public policy ethical considerations maximizing societal benefit donor consent medical ethics organ procurement public awareness organ shortage healthcare improvement government responsibility citizen responsibility life extension medical advancements organ transplantation altruism societal norms legal organ donation saves lives minimal loss post-death incentivize donors bodily integrity ethical benefits state intervention public health moral obligation no material need register donor save lives low-cost altruism policy encouragement informed consent healthcare improvement societal benefit minimal citizen cost legitimate state action public safety organ supply medical ethics life-saving procedures donor registry consent laws organ transplantation voluntary donation state responsibility ethical governance altruistic acts societal norms legal framework donor awareness medical advancements organ matching transplant success donation incentives ethical considerations healthcare policy organ donation saves lives minimal loss donor death bodily integrity incentivize registration life-saving state justification beneficial acts citizens minimal cost seatbelts conscription research subjects organ donor state power ensure participation organ donation life-saving minimal cost posthumous bodily integrity state justification public health ethical obligation donor registration medical ethics policy advocacy social responsibility consent organ shortage healthcare improvement legislative support donor awareness altruism utilitarianism civic duty
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro01a	"Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain Euro economic impact single currency European Union investment currency zone British companies Eurozone money raising currency conversion exchange rate risk car industry Nissan British government long-term effects Anthony Browne The Euro join Euro European single currency investment constraints business expansion economic advantages currency stability economic disadvantages economic policy financial markets investment opportunities economic growth market integration economic competitiveness financial transactions economic decision economic arguments economic analysis economic discussion economic forecast economic debate economic integration European business British economy European economy currency risk Britain Euro economic impact single currency Eurozone investment currency conversion exchange rate risk British companies Eurozone businesses Nissan British government Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join financial constraints car manufacturing long-term economics European currency monetary union economic advantages disadvantages of non-participation financial markets investment opportunities currency stability economic policy European Union economic integration financial benefits currency zone Britain Euro economic impact currency zone investment funding currency conversion exchange rate risk Eurozone British companies Nissan European single currency Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join Morgan The Guardian economic arguments long-term effects financial benefits business expansion market access investment opportunities cost savings competitive advantage policy implications political economy financial markets international business economic policy monetary union economic integration currency stability trade financial performance economic growth business strategy economics Euro Britain Eurozone investment currency exchange rate risk Nissan business expansion finance single market European Union economic impact financial benefits currency conversion market access production economic growth fiscal policy monetary union currency stability economic policy trade competitiveness business investment financial markets economic integration long-term effects economic analysis financial constraints currency zone economic arguments economic research fiscal stability economic forecasts business advantages economic disadvantages economic implications economic benefits economic decision economic strategies economic studies economic perspectives economic conditions economic Britain Euro economic impact Eurozone investment currency conversion exchange rate risk Nissan British companies Euro adoption long-term effects European single currency financial constraints business expansion Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join The Guardian Morgan economic arguments currency zone benefits economic impact Euro adoption Britain European single currency long-term consequences financial constraints investment opportunities currency zone cost of capital business expansion currency conversion charges exchange rate risk manufacturing location Nissan British government Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join financial advantages Eurozone The Guardian economic disadvantages staying out of Euro joining the Euro economic loss Euro British economy single currency investment currency zone British companies Eurozone currency conversion exchange rate risk Nissan Eurozone production economic constraints British government Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join economic impact long-term consequences financial benefits investment barriers market stability currency fluctuations economic integration European Union financial advantages Euro adoption economic performance competitiveness economic growth Euro membership economic policy financial markets investment opportunities currency challenges economic decision financial strategies business expansion market access currency advantages economic arguments financial considerations economic Britain Euro economic benefits Eurozone investment currency conversion exchange rate risk Nissan British economy European single currency financial constraints long-term economic impact business expansion Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join Morgan The Guardian Britain Euro economic impact long-term effects European single currency negative consequences Anthony Browne investment currency conversion Eurozone British companies Nissan exchange rate risk currency zone sales market The Guardian The Euro: Should Britain join economics Euro Britain joining benefits long-term investment currency conversion exchange rate risk Eurozone businesses funding Nissan production market single currency zone economic impact financial advantages disadvantages business expansion costs competitiveness European union policy financial stability economic growth trade barriers investment opportunities currency exchange implications Browne Euro join Guardian Morgan Nissan Blair Britain join Euro economic effects business environment financial performance corporate strategy"
test-environment-assgbatj-con04a	Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined testing replaced methods reduced animal use suffering reduction improved research outcomes animal research EU laws US laws 3Rs principles refined testing replaced testing reduced testing animal welfare ethical research alternative methods scientific advancement regulatory compliance humane practices research ethics animal testing regulations animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined testing replaced methods reduced animal use ethical research practices animal welfare scientific alternatives laboratory animals regulatory compliance animal testing regulations humane research non-animal models experimental design animal suffering reduction research efficiency ethical guidelines animal model alternatives animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined testing reduced suffering alternative methods animal welfare research ethics scientific experimentation humane techniques regulatory framework laboratory animals biomedical research ethical guidelines animal models non-animal alternatives preclinical testing experimental design research optimization animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined animal testing alternative methods reduced animal use better research outcomes animal welfare ethical research practices laboratory animals scientific alternatives regulatory requirements humane methods research ethics committees animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined animal testing replaced animal testing reduced animal testing better research results less animal suffering alternatives to animal testing ethical animal research minimizing animal use improved animal welfare regulatory requirements for animal testing scientific advancements in animal research Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles animal testing refined replaced reduced suffering research improvement ethical standards alternatives biomedical research laboratory animals regulatory compliance animal welfare scientific advancement humane methods reduction strategies refinement techniques replacement options Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined animal testing replaced animal testing reduced animal testing ethical research practices animal welfare scientific alternatives laboratory animals humane methods research efficacy minimized animal suffering regulatory compliance compassionate science Animal research EU member states US laws alternative methods 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction animal testing ethical research humane science laboratory animals regulatory guidelines scientific ethics animal welfare Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles animal testing refined results reduced suffering alternative methods better research outcomes fewer animals used
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con01a	The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: graduate response policy invasion of privacy state monitoring internet traffic deep packet inspection DPI copyright violation consumer privacy targeted advertising data access Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy competition law graduate response invasion of privacy state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic monitoring logging copyright violation fingerprint content creator copyright holder third party monitoring consumer privacy advertising companies targeted advertising data access data misuse Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy regulation University of Glasgow workshop competition law policy challenges graduate response invasion of privacy state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic monitoring copyright enforcement targeted advertising data privacy Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy consumer privacy copyright holder third-party monitoring digital rights internet regulation network neutrality personal data protection online security graduate response policy invasion of privacy state monitoring deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic copyright violation fingerprint content creator consumer data privacy violation advertising companies targeted advertising data exploitation Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy University of Glasgow graduate response policy invasion of privacy state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI equipment internet traffic monitoring copyright violation fingerprinting content creator copyright holder third party monitoring privacy violation advertising companies targeted advertising data misuse Angela Daly legality of deep packet inspection communications policy regulation workshop University of Glasgow graduate response policy invasion of privacy state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI equipment monitoring internet traffic copyright violation fingerprinting content creator privacy violation advertising companies targeted advertising data access legal challenges communications policy Angela Daly University of Glasgow workshop communications and competition law new decade challenges graduate response policy invasion of privacy state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI equipment internet traffic monitoring logging copyright violation protocol checking fingerprinting content creator copyright holder third party monitoring consumer data access massive privacy violation advertising companies targeted advertising content companies data misuse legality of DPI communications policy Angela Daly University of Glasgow workshop Communications and Competition Law and Policy privacy concerns digital rights internet freedom surveillance technology data protection consumer rights online privacy regulatory challenges technology ethics internet governance copyright enforcement digital copyright network monitoring internet security graduate response policy invasion of privacy state monitoring deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic monitoring logging copyrighted data fingerprint content creator copyright holder third party consumer privacy violation of privacy advertising companies targeted advertising data access content companies legality of DPI Angela Daly Communications and Competition Law and Policy University of Glasgow graduate response policy invasion of privacy state monitoring deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic copyrighted data fingerprint content creator copyright holder third party consumer privacy violation of privacy advertising companies targeted advertising data access content companies Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy competition law University of Glasgow workshop 2010 graduate response policy invasion of privacy state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic monitoring copyright enforcement data privacy consumer protection targeted advertising digital rights Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy internet regulation
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro02a	"The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security Middle East Senate rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability non-proliferation loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism arms control national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russia sanctions anti-aircraft missile NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification American international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability rolling back nuclear programs loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism VP Joe Biden reset relations Russian cooperation sanctions anti-aircraft missile system NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman Iranian nuclear threat American international leadership Russian support rogue nuclear states North Korea nuclear material terrorists strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability secure loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism national interest Joe Biden reset relations strong sanctions anti-aircraft missile NATO-Russia Council European security ratifying New START Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman nuclear weapons Middle East Senate ratification Russian support nuclear force rogue states North Korea terrorism strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability international security loose nukes Afghanistan arms control Joe Biden reset relations Russian cooperation sanctions NATO-Russia Council European security ratification consequences global security non-proliferation New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification treaty Iran nuclear threat national security rogue states North Korea nuclear weapons terrorism arms control transparency stability strategic nuclear relationship securing loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism US national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russian cooperation NATO-Russia Council European security Jewish issue Republican support Washington Post Wall Street Journal New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification American international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security Senators arms control rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists transparency stability strategic nuclear relationship Russian assistance Afghanistan international terrorism loose nukes US national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russia European security NATO-Russia Council Jewish issue Republican case Washington Post Wall Street Journal New START treaty Iran’s nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman Iranian nuclear threat nuclear proliferation rogue states nuclear weapons American international leadership Senate reservations strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability North Korea loose nukes nuclear material terrorists international security Joe Biden reset relations Russian cooperation sanctions anti-aircraft missile Afghanistan NATO-Russia Council European security treaty ratification national interest New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman Iranian nuclear weapons Nuclear proliferation Russian support rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists transparency strategic nuclear relationship national security arms control Joe Biden reset relations Russia sanctions NATO-Russia Council European security Jewish issue Republican case treaty ratification New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification American international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists transparency strategic nuclear relationship rolling back nuclear programs securing loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism US national interest Joe Biden reset relations global security NATO-Russia Council Lisbon European security Republican support ratifying New START Washington Post Wall Street Journal New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification treaty Iranian nuclear threat national security rogue states North Korea terrorism strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability arms control nuclear force loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism US national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russian cooperation sanctions anti-aircraft missile NATO-Russia Council European security Jewish issue Republican case Washington Post Wall Street Journal Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagle"
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro01a	"South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law human rights political status economic development social development cultural development World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation democratic processes referendum independence Georgia international observers population legitimacy international community South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation independence referendum international observers Georgia political status economic development social development cultural development population turnout legitimacy international law democratic processes suppression right to self-determination unprecedented unity calls for independence relevance country's right highly legitimate United Nations BBC News South Ossetia right to self-determination 1993 Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights self-determination political status economic development social development cultural development human rights violation referendum independence Georgia international observers population percentage legitimacy international community democracy political rights sovereignty ethnic conflict Caucasus autonomy statehood legal standards human rights international law freedom political representation democratic processes South Ossetia right to self-determination 1993 Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights human rights independence referendum 2006 South Ossetia referendum international observers Georgia democratic processes human rights violation international law political status economic development social development cultural development legitimacy population desire international community South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration UN Charter Universal Declaration of Human Rights human rights political status economic development social development cultural development World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation democratic processes referendum independence Georgia international observers population legitimacy international community political rights ethnic conflict Caucasus sovereignty statehood international law right to self-determination democratic self-governance national identity territorial integrity UN principles global governance peace security autonomy minority rights ethnic groups indigenous peoples self-government geopolitical tensions international South Ossetia right to self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation democratic processes 2006 referendum independence from Georgia international observers population support legitimacy of independence international community recognition South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law human rights political status economic development social development cultural development World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation independence referendum Georgian independence democratic processes international observers population votes legitimacy international community unprecedented unity South Ossetia self-determination 1993 Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter political status economic development social development cultural development World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation referendum independence Georgia international observers BBC News legitimacy international law democratic processes population unity South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter world conference on human rights human rights violation independence referendum Georgia international observers political status economic development social development cultural development legitimacy democratic processes population turn-out international law right to independence unified population unprecedented support international community Recognition South Ossetia self-determination 1993 Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter right to self-determination political status economic development social development cultural development human rights violation independence referendum international observers legitimacy democratic processes Georgia World Conference on Human Rights Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action BBC News 2006 independence vote"
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro02a	Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa financial capital education health household risk CARE Oxfam Village Savings and Loans Associations Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment gender-based violence financial decision-making community bond startup capital food security community empowerment microfinance development savings informal community-based approach Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health future security livelihoods key skills training women Senegal Mali food security women's empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence reduction CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative Kim et al 2007 community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health livelihood security skill training women empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence startup capital food security informal community-based approach CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative Mali Senegal community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health Oxfam Savings for Change women empowerment food security gender-based violence community bond CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial decision-making microfinance innovations informal savings startup capital livelihood security community empowerment microfinance development (Sub-Saharan Africa savings household risk CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment Mali Senegal food security gender-based violence Kim et al 2007 community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment food security community bond gender-based violence community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health livelihood security CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment financial decision-making gender-based violence startup capital food security community bond community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health livelihood security Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence startup capital food security community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health livelihood security skills training women empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence startup capital food security Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative Mali Senegal community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health Village Savings and Loans Associations Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment food security gender-based violence financial decision-making community bond startup capital CARE innovations in microfinance informal savings approaches financial security livelihood security investment resources poverty reduction financial skills lending Senegal Mali microfinance organizations empowerment through finance microfinance impact community-driven finance microfinance training women's financial independence community savings financial resilience microfinance success micro
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con01a	War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short life man nature dissociate render destroy motives constant history militaries societies pledge end high minded unlikely succeed overturn Leviathan Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz A Short History of War war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short history militaries societies pledges end war unlikely human behavior social dynamics ancient conflicts military history human nature war conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short motives history militaries societies end war unlikely human behavior violence aggression prehistory civilization Leviathan natural condition felicity misery constant Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz Short History of War War human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short dissociate invade destroy motives history militaries societies pledge end all war unlikely overturn human nature Leviathan Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz A Short History of War human nature war conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short dissociate invade destroy motives constant history militaries societies pledge end high-minded unlikely succeed overturn war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short nature dissociate invade destroy motives constant history militaries societies end all war unlikely high minded overturn human nature Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz A Short History of War war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short dissociate invade destroy motives history militaries societies end war unlikely succeed human behavior aggression violence social conflict evolution psychology political science anthropology military history philosophy ethics peace studies War human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short dissociate invade destroy motives history militaries societies end war unlikely overturn nature war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short motives history militaries societies pledge end unlikely overturn Leviathan Richard Gabriel Karen Metz Short History of War Hobbes human nature conflict war history Leviathan Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz A Short History of War military society motives felicity misery solitude poverty nastiness brutishness short life human history pledges end war realism political philosophy anthropology sociology ethics international relations security studies pacifism violence aggression evolution psychology group dynamics primatology archaeology prehistory ancient civilizations peace studies conflict resolution diplomacy political science strategic studies military history social
test-health-dhiacihwph-con03a	Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer drugs generic pharmaceuticals drug availability Africa health malaria prevention drug production WHO statistics African mortality decline pharmaceutical needs generic drug impact generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment affordable pharmaceuticals accessible pharmaceuticals generic drug production malaria prevention African healthcare pharmaceutical needs drug availability World Health Organisation malaria facts healthcare improvement treatment effectiveness vital drugs generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production accessible pharmaceuticals malaria prevention African mortality disease reduction WHO statistics generic drug availability pharmaceutical need Africa health care vital drugs generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production accessible pharmaceuticals malaria prevention African deaths effective treatments drug availability pharmaceutical needs World Health Organisation generic drug solution African pharmaceutical market vital drugs generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production accessible pharmaceuticals malaria prevention African deaths reduction drug availability pharmaceutical needs World Health Organisation generic drug solution Africa pharmaceuticals HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment generic drugs pharmaceutical production accessible pharmaceuticals malaria prevention African health statistics drug availability World Health Organisation Taylor generic drug necessity drug effectiveness health improvement pharmaceutical needs vital drugs generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production drug accessibility African malaria deaths prevention methods drug availability pharmaceuticals for Africa World Health Organisation generic drug solution drug necessity high-quality generics generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production African healthcare disease prevention drug accessibility healthcare improvement malaria reduction pharmaceutical necessity health statistics WHO facts Taylor analysis vital drugs generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production African deaths malaria prevention drug availability pharmaceutical needs World Health Organisation generic drug solution health statistics disease reduction generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production African health disease prevention mortality reduction drug availability healthcare accessibility
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro01a	Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) animal rights vertebrates anatomical similarity physiological similarity behavioral similarity pain fear pleasure moral worth species discrimination specieism racial discrimination sexual discrimination Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethical treatment animal ethics moral consideration equality moral philosophy animal rights moral worth vertebrates anatomical resemblance physiological resemblance behavioral characteristics pain fear pleasure pet behavior human resemblance feelings suffering specieism moral discrimination race sex Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethics animal equality moral consideration sentience cognitive similarities ethical treatment animal welfare interspecies comparison moral philosophy ethical principles animal rights moral consideration vertebrates anatomical resemblance physiological resemblance behavioral characteristics pain fear pleasure pet behavior human resemblance moral worth specieism moral discrimination race sex Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethics animal suffering moral equality animal rights moral consideration vertebrates similarities anatomical resemblance physiological resemblance behavioral characteristics pain avoidance expression of fear pleasure in activities pet behavior human-like feelings moral worth species discrimination specieism racial discrimination sexual discrimination Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethical treatment animal ethics moral philosophy sentient beings animal rights moral worth vertebrates anatomical resemblance physiological resemblance behavioral characteristics pain fear pleasure pet behavior human resemblance moral reasoning species discrimination specieism racial discrimination sexual discrimination Peter Singer Stephen Clark animal rights moral consideration vertebrate similarity human-animal comparison pain and pleasure in animals ethical treatment of animals 宠物狗行为 物种主义 道德歧视 彼得·辛格 斯蒂芬·克拉克 伦理实践 所有动物生而平等 动物道德 物种差异 道德价值 生理和行为特征 道德任意性 种族和性别歧视 动物情感 痛苦感知 行为表达 道德权利 生物权利 动物保护伦理 伦理学实践 道德相似性 物种平等 动物权益 道德义务 道德主体 伦理学理论 权利理论 物种主义 animal rights moral consideration vertebrates anatomical similarity physiological similarity behavioral similarity pain fear pleasure human resemblance moral discrimination speciesism Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethics moral worth sentient beings equality moral philosophy animal rights moral worth vertebrates anatomical similarities physiological similarities behavioral similarities pain fear pleasure pet behavior human resemblance feelings suffering specieism racial discrimination sexual discrimination moral discrimination Peter Singer Stephen Clark animal ethics moral consideration equal consideration non-human animals ethical treatment animal sentience moral status speciesism ethics in practice moral philosophy animal welfare human-animal relations moral rights ethical obligations animal equality moral arbitrariness moral relevance species differences moral equality ethical theory animal consciousness moral agents moral animal rights moral worth vertebrates anatomical resemblance physiological resemblance behavioral characteristics pain fear pleasure pet behavior human resemblance moral discrimination species race sex specieism Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethical treatment animal suffering moral philosophy ethics in practice animal rights vertebrates human-animal similarities pain fear pleasure pet behavior moral worth specieism discrimination Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethics moral philosophy animal suffering moral consideration species differences anatomical similarity physiological similarity behavioral characteristics ethical treatment of animals
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con04a	Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts Olympics 2008 human rights European leaders Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 boycotts sports politics international relations sporting events human rights violations athlete participation spectator attendance diplomatic presence protest activism boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 hypocrisy political protests international sports athlete activism government policy event hosting global scrutiny boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights European leaders Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 boycotts history sports politics international relations human rights violations event hosting diplomatic responses Boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights European leaders Euro 2012 finals Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 hypocritical poor human rights record overreaction sporting event boycotts political protests international relations sports diplomacy boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights European leaders Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia 2014 Winter Olympics hypocritical absurd overreaction poor human rights record Clinton sporting events boycotts boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights European leaders Euro 2012 finals Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 hypocritical poor human rights record overreaction focus woman sporting events boycotts hosted countries grounds violent crackdown essentially commit games Boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 hypocritical overreaction Clinton boycotts on human rights grounds poor human rights records major sporting events leaders commitment games boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 hypocritical absurb overreaction poor human rights records Clinton sporting events boycotts boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights European leaders Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 overreaction poor human rights record sporting events boycotts international sports political decisions human rights violations sports diplomacy 2008 Olympics human rights boycotts Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 hypocritical overreaction major events international sports political responses Hosting countries human rights violations diplomatic boycotts athlete participation global protests media coverage international relations sports and politics economic impacts cultural significance historical context precedent setting ethical considerations public opinion government policies international law United States European Union China's policies Russian policies Olympic
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro03a	Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice perception racial groups gender groups demonstration effect power responsibility success society's perception poor people equally capable deserving members positions in society affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice societal perceptions racial groups gender groups demonstration effect power positions responsibility roles societal equality capability demonstration equal opportunities lingering discrimination perception change social integration prejudices reduction power dynamics gender equality racial equality affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice perception racial groups gender groups demonstration effect power responsibility success society's perception capable deserving members equality affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice righting wrongs lingering effects group perception self-perception demonstration effect proving capability challenging perceptions equal capability deserving members positions of power responsibility success racial equality gender equality societal change overcoming stigma breaking stereotypes empowerment social integration meritocracy diversity inclusion justice fairness historical injustices underrepresented groups social mobility community empowerment affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice righting wrongs perception self-perception demonstration effect power responsibility success equality societal perception racial groups gender groups capable deserving poor people functioning in society affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice righting past wrongs perception of groups self-perception demonstration effect proving capabilities society's perception racial groups gender groups positions of power responsibility success equally capable deserving members of society affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice righting wrongs racial groups gender groups perception change demonstration effect power positions responsibility success societal perception equality deserving members challenging stereotypes affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice perception racial groups gender groups demonstration effect power responsibility success societal perception equality deserving members society affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice perception racial groups gender groups demonstration effect society perception equality power responsibility success capable members deserving members societal roles affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice perception racial groups gender groups demonstration effect societal perception power responsibility success equality deserving members society
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro02a	Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: censorship corporate identity business proposition don't be evil Chinese censorship search relevance user trust alternative search engines Google dominance search market pragmatic decision idealistic stance censorship Google business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship search relevance user trust market dominance alternative search engines Rebecca Blood China decision pragmatic idealistic censorship corporate identity business proposition don't be evil Chinese censorship search relevance user trust alternative search engines Google's dominance pragmatic decision idealistic decision Rebecca Blood Google China decision not censoring Google's business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship rules damage to company search market dominance relevant search results user trust erosion of business position alternative search engines pragmatic decision idealistic decision corporate identity business proposition censorship Google trust search relevance user behavior market dominance China ethical stance alternative search engines Rebecca Blood pragmatic decision idealism not censoring Google's business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship damage to company search relevance user trust erosion of business alternative search engines Rebecca Blood China decision pragmatic idealistic censorship corporate identity business proposition don't be evil Chinese censorship search relevance user trust market dominance alternative search engines pragmatic decision idealistic stance censorship Google business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship search market dominance search relevance user trust alternative search engines China decision pragmatic idealistic censorship corporate identity business proposition don't be evil Chinese censorship search relevance user trust market dominance alternative search engines pragmatic decision idealistic decision Rebecca Blood Google China decision not censoring Google business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship corporate reputation search relevance user trust market dominance alternative search engines pragmatic decision idealistic stance Rebecca Blood
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro01a	It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, employers HIV AIDS sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs immune system infections productivity employment HIV positive privacy medical records society economic social collapse traditional rights coping unique problem HIV AIDS employment employers sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs immune system infections productivity employment viability HIV positive worker privacy medical records societal impact economic impact social impact AIDS symptoms employers HIV employee sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs productivity employment HIV positive privacy medical records societal impact economic stability social collapse AIDS symptoms immune system infections fatigue incurable condition debilitating condition traditional rights public health workplace accommodation stigma discrimination chronic illness healthcare provision employee health employer responsibilities societal benefit confidentiality treatment support work environment disease management public policy ethics labor laws disability workforce business continuity social responsibility healthcare costs productivity loss employee rights employer concerns HIV HIV employers employee rights sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs immune system infections productivity employment viability HIV positive workers economic impact social collapse privacy medical records societal benefit AIDS symptoms employers interests long incurable debilitating condition employees sickness cover replacement workers medical retirement costs HIV tired sick immune system infections productivity viable HIV-positive workers future employment privacy medical records society economic social collapse rights AIDS symptoms Carol Dickens Signs AIDS HIV AIDS employment productivity sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs immune system infections privacy medical records societal impact economic stability employer concerns HIV positive workforce management social collapse traditional rights coping strategies HIV AIDS employment employers sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs productivity privacy medical records societal impact economic stability social collapse anti-discrimination employment rights immune system infections fatigue incurable condition debate rights stigma HIV AIDS employee sickness cover replacement workers medical retirement costs productivity employment privacy medical records society economy social collapse traditional rights coping mechanisms incurable debilitating immune system infections fatigue employers interests debate semi-functioning effectiveness symptoms signs Carol Dickens AIDS symptoms HIV AIDS employee health sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs immune system productivity employment viability HIV positive employers societal impact economic stability privacy medical records societal benefit coping strategies AIDS symptoms HIV employee employers sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs immune system productivity employment viability HIV positive privacy medical records societal impact economic stability social collapse AIDS symptoms Carol Dickens
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro01a	What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 colonialism moral wrongs cultural superiority ethnocentrism western traditions native american schooling traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor cultural ignorance white man's burden social rights property rights military force indian mutiny british retaliation indigenous rights human rights reparations colonial era moral implications cultural superiority ethnocentrism western traditions native american children westernized education traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor cultural differences white man's burden social rights property rights military force indian mutiny british rule reparation indigenous rights human rights colonial atrocities historical injustices cultural genocide colonial education policies forced assimilation indigenous peoples colonialism impacts postcolonial studies colonial violence colonial administration cultural imperialism colonial legacy reparations debate historical accountability colonial policies indigenous education colonial era moral wrongs ethnocentrism western traditions native american children traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labour cultural ignorance white man's burden social rights property rights military force indian mutiny british colonial force indigenous rights human rights reparations colonial wrongs colonial era moral wrongs ethnocentric approach western traditions native american children traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor white man's burden cultural differences social rights property rights military force indian mutiny british colonial force rebellion human rights indigenous rights reparations apology historical injustices colonisation impacts cultural genocide forced assimilation colonial violence resistance movements colonial administration indigenous populations colonial policies post-colonial studies historical accountability reparative justice colonial era moral wrongs ethnocentrism cultural superiority western traditions Native American education traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor cultural ignorance White Man's Burden social rights property rights military force Indian Mutiny British colonial force human rights indigenous rights reparations colonial era moral wrongs cultural superiority ethnocentrism western traditions native american children traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor cultural ignorance white man's burden social rights property rights military force indian mutiny british colonial force human rights indigenous rights reparations colonial era moral judgment ethnocentrism western traditions native american education traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor cultural ignorance white man's burden social rights property rights military force indian mutiny 1857-58 british colonial rule human rights indigenous rights reparations colonial wrongs historical injustices cultural suppression colonial atrocities post-colonial studies indigenous peoples colonialism impacts cultural genocide forced assimilation colonial policies international law human dignity historical responsibility collective memory colonial legacy colonial era moral wrongs cultural superiority ethnocentrism western traditions Native American schools traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor cultural ignorance White Man's Burden social rights property rights military force Indian Mutiny British colonial force human rights indigenous rights reparations colonial wrongs colonial era moral wrongs ethnocentrism western traditions native american children traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labour cultural ignorance white man's burden social rights property rights military force indian mutiny british colonial force reparations indigenous rights human rights colonial era moral wrongs cultural superiority ethnocentrism Western traditions Native American education traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labour White Man's Burden cultural ignorance social rights property rights military rule Indian Mutiny British colonial force human rights indigenous rights reparations
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro02a	Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications animal research animal harm experimental animals animal death laboratory animals animal euthanasia animal suffering animal experimentation domesticated animals pet trade animal capacity to suffer animal welfare ethical concerns animal rights scientific research research ethics European Commission animal euthanasia guidelines animal research animal experimentation harm to animals animal welfare animal ethics euthanasia laboratory animals animal testing domesticated animals wild release pet trade animal suffering moral consideration research ethics animal death European Commission Euthanasia of experimental animals Animal research harm animal ethics euthanasia animal experimentation laboratory animals moral consideration animal rights research alternatives animal welfare humane methods scientific ethics animal testing experimental animals research regulations animal protection ethical treatment harm reduction animal death laboratory animal welfare alternative testing methods moral status of animals animal suffering laboratory practices animal experimentation ethics research animal euthanasia animal research impact behavioral abnormalities in animals domesticated animal release pet trade animal conservation animal research reduction non-invasive research animal cognitive capacity scientific justification ethical guidelines animal use in animal research harm to animals ethical concerns animal experimentation animal welfare euthanasia laboratory animals moral issues animal rights scientific research animal testing animal death domesticated animals wild release pet trade animal suffering European Commission euthanasia guidelines research ethics humane treatment alternative methods reduction strategies behavioral abnormalities laboratory conditions ethical implications animal capacity to suffer moral obligations research bans animal protection animal research harm animal welfare euthanasia experimental animals domesticated animals pet trade suffering animal capacity moral obligation scientific experiments animal death ethical concerns laboratory animals vivisection animal testing welfare standards humane treatment ethical alternatives reducing animal use animal research significant harm animal experimentation animal death domesticated animals wild release pet trade animal suffering capacity to suffer euthanasia experimental animals ethical concerns animal welfare research ethics harm reduction animal rights scientific experimentation moral obligation humane treatment laboratory animals animal research harm animal suffering animal death experimentation ethical concerns laboratory animals rodents pet trade wild release euthanasia animal welfare research ethics animal capacity to suffer moral implications scientific experimentation animal rights humane methods alternative research methods animal research harm animal experimentation killing animal welfare ethical concerns laboratory animals domesticated animals pet trade euthanasia animal suffering ethical treatment animal rights research ethics animal death experiment conclusion behaviorally abnormal animals primafacie capacity to suffer research bans Animal research harm animal welfare experiment conclusion animal euthanasia domesticated animals wild release pet trade animal suffering ethical considerations research alternatives animal rights scientific necessity experimental animal death European Commission euthanasia standards animal research harm killing experimentation ethical concerns animal welfare laboratory animals euthanasia domesticated animals pet trade wild release moral issues animal suffering capacity to suffer research ethics alternative methods harm reduction animal rights scientific research laboratory practices
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro04a	Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 compulsory voting successful implementation Australia federal elections 1924 citizen rights voting obligation valid reason electoral commission penalty court voter turnout referendums elections 1901-2010 democratic processes political participation civic duty electoral reforms international comparison compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 Australian citizen over eighteen valid and sufficient reason electoral commission penalty court implementation other countries voter turnout referendums elections 1901 Australian Electoral Commission Tim Evans Brianna Harrison Philip Lynch Votes for the Homeless compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 citizen eighteen valid reason electoral commission penalty court implementation other countries voter turnout referendums elections 1901 Tim Evans Australian Electoral Commission Brianna Harrison Philip Lynch Votes for the Homeless Compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 citizen voting valid reason electoral commission penalty court implementation voter turnout referendums elections Australian Electoral Commission compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 citizen over eighteen valid and sufficient reason electoral commission penalty court implementation other countries voter turnout referendums elections 1901 Tim Evans Australian Electoral Commission Brianna Harrison Philip Lynch Votes for the Homeless Compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 citizen over eighteen valid reason electoral commission penalty court implementation other country voter turnout referendums elections 1901 Australian Electoral Commission Tim Evans Brianna Harrison Philip Lynch Votes for the Homeless compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 electoral commission valid and sufficient reason penalty court voter turnout implementation international comparison democratic participation election laws civic duty Compulsory voting Australia electoral system federal elections 1924 citizen rights voting obligations valid and sufficient reason electoral commission penalty court implementation international comparison voter turnout democratic participation electoral laws civic duty political engagement election administration compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 citizen voting valid reason electoral commission penalty court implementation other countries voter turnout referendums elections Australian Electoral Commission Tim Evans Brianna Harrison Philip Lynch Votes for the Homeless compulsory voting federal elections Australian Electoral Commission valid and sufficient reason penalty for not voting voter turnout implementation of compulsory voting electoral commission citizen participation democratic processes voting laws political engagement election systems civic duty legal requirements for voting enforcement of voting laws court proceedings for non-voters democratic reforms international comparison of voting systems Australian democracy political science election studies voter education political rights civil liberties electoral administration electoral reforms voting behavior political participation democratic theory political representation electoral fraud voter suppression mandatory voting democratic accountability public policy
test-economy-egecegphw-con01a	The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 Heathrow airport expansion noise pollution population density urbanized areas flight path HACAN Department for Transport decibels noise levels BAA local community flight frequency environmental impact urban planning aviation policy public health noise exposure regulatory standards London boroughs Richmond Hounslow noise threshold community impact Heathrow expansion debate flight operations noise management zoning laws urban development resident complaints environmental studies government reports health effects noise pollution control urban sprawl flight patterns airport capacity noise mitigation air traffic control noise pollution Heathrow population density urbanized areas flight path HACAN Department for Transport decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA community expansion flights Tim Johnson 2010 Heathrow runway expansion noise pollution population density airport capacity urbanized areas flight path HACAN Department for Transport decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA noise levels community impact flight increase Tim Johnson Approach Noise at Heathrow HACAN report March 2010 fraudulent claims pollution problems environmental impact local community urban constraints capacity increase noise threshold governmental study 1985 study affected population noise exposure public health aviation industry environmental policy urban planning infrastructure development sustainable transportation third runway noise pollution high population density Heathrow airport capacity expansion urbanized areas flight path HACAN report Department for Transport noise levels decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA local community fraudulent flight increase Tim Johnson Approach Noise at Heathrow third runway noise pollution population density Heathrow airport airport expansion urbanized areas flight path HACAN report Department for Transport noise levels decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA local community flight increase noise increase fraudulent claims Heathrow airport third runway noise pollution high population density urbanized areas flight path HACAN report Department for Transport noise levels decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA local community noise affected people flight capacity environmental impact airport expansion third runway noise pollution population density Heathrow airport flight path HACAN report Department for Transport noise levels urbanized areas capacity increase community impact decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA local community flight increase environmental impact fraud Tim Johnson Approach Noise at Heathrow March 2010 Heathrow expansion noise pollution high population density flight path HACAN Department for Transport decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA noise levels community impact urbanized areas airport capacity environmental impact flight frequency local experiences noise threshold government study fraudulent claims Tim Johnson Approach Noise at Heathrow March 2010 third runway noise pollution Heathrow airport population density urbanized areas flight path HACAN report Department for Transport decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA local community noise levels flight increase fraud Heathrow expansion noise pollution population density flight path HACAN Department for Transport decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA community flights fraud Tim Johnson approach noise urbanized areas capacity airport environmental impact residents health quality of life policy regulation community impact aviation transport infrastructure development urban planning public health environmental protection noise control flight operations aircraft emission sustainability green initiatives resident complaints government standards environmental studies noise levels urban sprawl air traffic safety local
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro02a	"Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain Euro financial centre London economic disadvantage European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany financial influence economic activity Member States indecision Queen's head banknotes status reinvigorated office-building Docklands foreign owners core activities serious rethink Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join? Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage Europe’s financial centre financial influence Euro European financial centre European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany economic activity Member States The Euro: Should Britain Join Anthony Browne Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage Euro financial centre European influence Anthony Browne European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany financial institutions economic activity Member States indecision Euro membership financial impact European financial hub Docklands office-building foreign owners core activities economic rethink European integration financial sector monetary policy Eurozone British economy currency political economy financial services economic growth Brexit European Union currency union financial markets economic policy economic competitiveness financial stability economic relations Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage European financial centre Euro financial influence European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany indecision economic activity Member States foreign owners financial institutions core activities economic impact Eurozone monetary union financial sector economic policy currency international finance Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join? Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage European financial centre financial influence Euro European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany indecision economic activity Member States Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join? Britain Queen's head banknotes economic disadvantage London Europe’s financial centre financial influence Euro European financial centre European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany economic activity Member States Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join? Britain Queen's head banknotes London economic disadvantage Europe’s financial centre financial influence staying out Euro European financial centre European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany reinvigorated financial centre office-building Docklands sphere of influence indecision serious rethink foreign owners City’s financial institutions economic activity Member States Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join? Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage European financial centre Euro European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany financial influence economic activity Member States Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join indecision foreign owners financial institutions City economic impact Euro membership Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage Euro European financial centre European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany financial influence Euro membership economic activity Member States foreign financial institutions City core activities economic impact Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join? Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage Europe’s financial centre financial influence Euro European financial centre Anthony Browne European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany London’s Docklands sphere of influence indecision foreign owners financial institutions core activities economic activity Member States"
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con02a	ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP graduated response cooperation policy Internet Service Providers monitoring identifying cost incentive users downloading custom smaller ISPs three strikes Michael Geist estimates ISP graduated response cooperation Internet Service Providers users downloading incentive refuse custom monitoring identifying cost smaller ISPs 500 million pounds ten years Michael Geist three strikes system ISP graduated response policy cooperation Internet Service Providers downloading incentive refusal monitoring identification cost smaller ISPs three strikes Michael Geist cost estimates ISP graduated response policy cooperation Internet Service Providers user behavior downloading non-cooperation incentive monitoring costs identification costs smaller ISPs cost estimates Michael Geist three strikes system legal costs broadband providers digital rights management copyright enforcement ISP graduated response cooperation Internet Service Providers downloading incentive monitoring identifying cost three strikes Michael Geist estimates policy custom smaller ISPs enforcement legal compliance digital rights user behavior economic impact ISP cooperation graduated response policy Internet Service Providers user behavior cost of monitoring non-cooperation incentive three strikes system legal enforcement digital rights network management copyright enforcement subscriber data compliance costs regulatory impact alternative ISPs downloading behavior online content distribution piracy prevention technological measures stakeholder interests ISP graduated response policy cooperation Internet Service Providers users downloading incentive refuse custom monitoring identifying cost smaller ISPs 500 million pounds ten years Michael Geist three strikes system Estimating the cost January 26 2010 URL ISP cooperation graduated response policy internet service providers user migration downloading incentives non-cooperation incentives monitoring costs identification costs smaller ISPs cost estimates three strikes system Michael Geist cost analysis policy implementation digital rights management piracy prevention legislative compliance economic impact consumer behavior telecommunications regulation ISP graduated response cooperation Internet Service Providers user behavior downloading non-cooperation incentive monitoring costs identification costs small ISPs cost estimation Michael Geist three strikes system policy implementation digital rights management copyright enforcement ISP cooperation graduated response policy Internet Service Providers users downloading incentive refuse custom monitoring identifying cost small ISPs estimates Michael Geist three strikes system
test-environment-assgbatj-con03a	Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. testing new drugs animal testing human testing non-animal testing drug development chemical research medical improvements risk assessment volunteer safety new drugs animal testing non-animal tests human volunteers risk chemical improvements drug research human risk new drugs animal testing human volunteers chemical research drug development non-animal testing drug improvements human risk pharmaceutical testing medical research new drugs animal testing non-animal tests human volunteers chemical testing drug research medical improvements human risk pharmaceutical development preclinical testing new drugs animal testing human volunteers drug research non-animal tests chemical improvements medical advancements risk assessment drug development pharmaceutical testing new drugs animal testing human volunteers chemical research drug development testing phases non-animal tests risk assessment medical advancements pharmaceutical research new drugs animal testing non-animal tests human volunteers drug research risk reduction chemical improvements drug development medical advancements human testing ethical considerations new drugs animal testing non-animal tests human volunteers drug research chemical improvements human risk pharmaceutical development new drugs animal testing human testing drug research pharmaceutical development risk assessment volunteer safety chemical improvements medical advancements research ethics animal testing human volunteers drug development new chemicals non-animal tests pharmaceutical research clinical trials drug safety medical advancements ethical considerations
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro03a	"The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START treaty US nuclear missile defense modernization infrastructure arsenal funding negotiations ratification Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl Arizona Republican 10-year plan $84 billion $14 billion $70 billion implementation nuclear arsenal appropriate decade US Military civilian leaders effective missile defenses Russia opposition conversion launchers expensive new missiles Joe Biden Russian cooperation missile defense Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense territorial missile New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense nuclear modernization treaty ratification funding infrastructure nuclear weapons complex Senate approval verification mechanisms strategic nuclear forces US-Russia relations NATO ballistic missile threat assessment trust international security nuclear reduction liability of nuclear over-abundance security concerns medical concerns bipartisan support New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization Obama administration funding Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Senate Jon Kyl implementation NATO Article 5 Washington Treaty Strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear reduction Russia security liability medical concerns ratification international relations bilateral cooperation New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization Obama administration Jon Kyl Senate ratification NATO Russian relations strategic stability nuclear liability verification mechanisms security concerns medical concerns nuclear reduction international cooperation treaty verification defense infrastructure bipartisan support strategic nuclear forces treaty negotiations Cold War levels global security US-Russia relations ballistic missile defense Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO missile defense theater missile defense territorial missile defense trust building strategic importance treaty expiration missile launcher conversion modernization program nuclear arsenal maintenance international commitments bipartisan efforts New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization Obama administration Energy Department nuclear weapons complex funding Senate ratification Jon Kyl strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms NATO Russia ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense strategic relationship nuclear weapons reduction security concerns medical concerns New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization nuclear armament infrastructure funding ratification 10-year plan Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl Obama administration deployment Russian cooperation NATO strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms liability security concerns medical concerns Senate approval trust confidence relationship with Russia reduction verification Article 5 Washington Treaty theater missile defense territorial missile defense strategic importance stability over-abundance liability non-proliferation international security arms control New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization infrastructure Senate ratification Obama administration funding Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl Arizona Republican strategic importance NATO Russian cooperation security medical concerns strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms liability Cold War international relations nuclear disarmament global security bipartisan support Washington Post Wall Street Journal Joe Biden Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell New START treaty US nuclear missile defense modernization infrastructure nuclear arsenal Energy Department nuclear weapons complex funding negotiations ratification Sen. Jon Kyl strategic maintaining nuclear arsenal US Military civilian leaders effective missile defenses Russia conversion launchers more expensive new missiles Joe Biden Washington Treaty NATO ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense territorial missile defense strategic importance Senate approval strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms liability security medical concerns support Republican ratification case Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagleburger New START treaty US nuclear missile defense modernization nuclear arsenal Obama administration Jon Kyl Energy Department nuclear weapons complex funding infrastructure treaty ratification military leaders civilian leaders NATO Russia missile defense cooperation Article 5 Washington Treaty strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations security medical concerns ratification support New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization Obama administration funding Jon Kyl nuclear weapons complex strategic arms reduction Senate ratification NATO Russia cooperation Article 5 Washington Treaty verification mechanisms nuclear forces security medical concerns non-proliferation"
test-international-miasimyhw-con03a	Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. migration non-migrants EAC labour market women youths employment agriculture retirement productivity male out-migration rural areas female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden remittances human capital Botswana Brown 1983 EAC 2012 free labour market non-migrants EAC labour market women employment youth employment migration impact rural migration male out-migration female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden remittance productivity EAC data development migration investigation lifestyles retirement returning migrants inequality Botswana Brown 1983 free labour market non-migrants EAC labour market employment in agriculture women employment youth employment migration impact rural migration male out-migration female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden remittance productivity returning migrants developmental migration EAC data Botswana migration human capital livelihood adaptation non-migrants EAC labour market over 65's male migrants women employment youth employment migration impact returning migrants rural out-migration female-headed households agrarian crisis human capital care burden resource remittance Botswana migration EAC migration data free labour market non-migrants lifestyles EAC labour market agriculture women youths productivity migration male out-migration rural areas Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis human capital care burden remittances resources free labour market non-migrants EAC labour market over 65's men agriculture women youths migration livelihoods productivity male out-migration rural areas Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden remittance human capital non-migrants EAC labour market over 65's men agriculture women youths livelihoods migration productivity male out-migration rural areas Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden remittances human capital Free labour market non-migrants EAC labour market over 65's men agriculture women youths livelihoods migration productivity male out-migration rural areas Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden remittance human capital free labour market non-migrants EAC labour market women employment youth employment migration investigation developmental migration labour market inadequacy female-headed households agrarian crisis male out-migration remittance resources human capital productivity impact Botswana rural areas migration effects livelihood adaptation care burden return migration elderly employment migration non-migrants labour market EAC women youths productivity male out-migration rural areas Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden remittances
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con02a	Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation effectiveness rehabilitative programmes offenders criminal behaviour re-offending Britain prison sentence justification indefinite detention recidivism policy crime prevention correctional treatment penal reform social reintegration deterrence punishment public safety human rights incarceration law enforcement judicial system societal impact crime rates offender treatment success rates statistical evidence criminal justice sociological studies psychological intervention community service alternative sentencing parole probation prison reform ethical considerations legal philosophy social control penal institutions rehabilitation programs crime reduction offender management rehabilitation effectiveness rehabilitation failure offender recidivism criminal behavior rehabilitation programs prison reform recidivism rates Britain rehabilitation long-term incarceration justification for sentencing false promise of rehabilitation offender treatment programs criminal justice policy penal reform prisoner rehabilitation reducing reoffending judicial sentencing practices incarceration impact rehabilitation ethics prison reform advocacy rehabilitation effectiveness offender recidivism criminal behaviour programmes Britain re-offending false promise prison sentencing justification indefinite detention redemption Stanfordindependent 2007 Rehabilitation effectiveness offender recidivism criminal behavior change rehabilitative programs success Britain rehabilitation statistics long-term incarceration justification sentencing practices critique prisoner redemption effectiveness penal system goals rehabilitation as sentencing factor Rehabilitation effectiveness offender recidivism criminal behavior programs success rates Britain re-offending false promise justification sentencing punishment policy Stanford The Independent Rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior reduction offender recidivism Britain rehabilitation statistics rehabilitation as sentencing justification false promise of rehabilitation indefinite detention for rehabilitation justification for longer sentences rehabilitation and moral responsibility rehabilitation versus punishment prisoner rehabilitation myths criminal justice policy recidivism rates sentencing practices offender rehabilitation programs rehabilitation success rates criminal behavior modification prison reform debates penal system critiques rehabilitation ethics rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior recidivism prisoner reform Britain law re-offending justice system sentencing policy ethics incarceration societal impact crime prevention offender treatment public safety penal reform human rights rehabilitation efficacy offender recidivism criminal behavior Britain re-offending false promise justification sentencing Stanford The Independent 2007 rehabilitation programs reforms prisoner rights ethical sentencing punishment societal impact criminal justice system rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior recidivism prison programs offender treatment reoffending rates Britain justice system sentencing prisoner rights policy debate correctional facilities societal impact crime prevention Rehabilitation effectiveness offenders change criminal behavior Britain re-offending justice sentencing incarceration failure programs redemption penal system recidivism policy societal impact ethics punishment reform treatment prison alternatives social control deterrence public safety human rights legal reform rehabilitation programs evidence-based practices long-term solutions community reintegration psychological intervention behavior modification recidivism rates prison reform societal attitudes justice system criminal justice inmate rehabilitation crime prevention penal philosophy moral responsibility legal ethics judicial sentencing societal well
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro03a	Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions cyber attacks international law state response legal framework cyber warfare self-defence illegitimacy public condemnation global opinion military attacks USA Iran armed conflict cyber security legal response digital aggression international relations cyber conflict state aggression cyber defense cyber attacks international law state response cyber warfare self-defence legal framework armed conflict illegitimacy global opinion public condemnation cyber security state aggression digital warfare legal constraints international relations cyber policy military attacks USA Iran news coverage cyber attacks international law state response legal framework cyber warfare armed conflict self-defence illegitimacy global opinion public condemnation USA Iran military attacks far-reaching consequences society awareness cyber attacks international law state response self-defence cyber warfare armed conflict legitimacy global opinion media attention USA-Iran cyber conflicts cyber attacks international law state response self-defence cyber warfare armed conflicts legitimacy public opinion USA Iran military attacks condemnation attention global opinion Cyber attacks international law state response self-defence cyber warfare legal framework armed conflict public condemnation global opinion USA Iran military attacks cyber security international regulations legitimacy cyber aggression legal response digital warfare state aggression cyber defense cyber attacks international law state response legal framework cyber warfare self-defence armed conflict legitimacy global opinion public attention USA Iran military attacks condemnation societal awareness cyber attacks international law state response legal framework cyber warfare armed conflict self-defence legitimacy global opinion public awareness USA Iran military attacks condemnation societal attention digital conflict state aggression international regulations cyber security policy cyber attacks international law state responses legal frameworks cyber warfare self-defence armed conflict illegitimacy global opinion public condemnation USA Iran military attacks cyber security international regulations digital warfare cyber defense state aggression legal response cyber norms cyber attacks international law state response legal framework armed conflict self-defence cyber warfare public condemnation global opinion USA Iran military attacks legal legitimacy cyber security international regulation digital warfare state aggression cyber defense international condemnation public awareness
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con01a	Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom Gambling Leisure activity Governments Individual rights Advertisement Legal restrictions Online gambling Accessibility Enjoyment Bettors Regulation Personal choice Morality Legal intervention Consumer protection Responsible gambling Gambling laws Social acceptability Digital betting personal freedom government regulation individual rights gambling laws leisure activities online gambling betting freedom consumer choice regulatory impact moral autonomy Personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice morals online gambling accessibility betting legal restrictions consumer rights freedom of expression advertising personal responsibility Personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice freedom of speech advertising legal restrictions online gambling accessibility pleasure betting personal preference consumer rights Personal freedom Gambling Leisure activity Governments Individual rights Anti-gambling advocacy Legal restrictions Online gambling Accessibility Gambling freedom Consumer choice Regulatory changes Betting Digital gambling Player preferences personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice moral beliefs online gambling betting freedom legal restrictions consumer rights personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation financial autonomy individual choice advertising moral beliefs legal restrictions online gambling accessibility recreational betting technological advancement consumer rights personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice financial autonomy moral beliefs advertising legal restrictions online gambling accessibility enjoyment betting freedom to gamble personal preference personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice anti-gambling advocacy legal restrictions online gambling accessibility gambling pleasure betting freedom personal preferences Personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice advertising legal restrictions online gambling accessibility betting personal beliefs consumer rights digital gambling self-regulation entertainment freedom
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con01a	This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. sports event political event sport and politics UEFA Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment nations together non-political sphere Vatali Klitschko politicization of sports cheap political stunts boycott human rights agendas Hugh Robertson Ukraine Tymoshenko sports event political event sport politics separate Uefa position political situation Ukraine Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment nations non-political pro-democracy Vatali Klitschko politicization sports politicians cheap political stunts boycott human rights sports minister Hugh Robertson boycott Ukraine Euro Cup Tymoshenko sports event political event separation of sport and politics UEFA European Union Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment international relations Vitali Klitschko boycott human rights political interference sports politicization Hugh Robertson Ukraine Tymoshenko political situation internal government matters pro-democracy activists political stunts common love of game non-political sphere sporting integrity political agendas European leaders political protest sports and diplomacy sports event political event separation of sport and politics Uefa's position Euro 2012 football tournament non-political sphere entertainment bringing nations together pro-democracy activists Vatali Klitschko politicization of sports political stunts human rights agendas boycott sports minister Hugh Robertson Ukraine Tymoshenko European leaders political situation in Ukraine internal government matters sports event political event sport politics separate Uefa position political situation Ukraine internal government matters Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment nations common love game non-political sphere pro-democracy activists Vatali Klitschko politicization sports politicians cheap political stunts boycott human rights agendas Sports minister Hugh Robertson boycott Ukraine European leaders Euro Cup Tymoshenko sports event political event sport and politics separate Uefa political situation Ukraine Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment nations together non-political sphere Vatali Klitschko politicization sports politicians cheap political stunts boycott human rights agendas Hugh Robertson European leaders Tymoshenko sports event political event separation of sport and politics Uefa political situation in Ukraine Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment non-political sphere Vatali Klitschko politicization of sports political stunts human rights agendas boycott Euro Cup Tymoshenko European leaders sports and politics Hugh Robertson Ukraine cheap political stunts sports politics separation UEFA Euro 2012 entertainment international relations Vatali Klitschko boycott human rights political interference sports events political stunts athlete activism government policy sporting integrity event organization political neutrality sports diplomacy conflict resolution spectator engagement media coverage sports governance political agendas Sporting events non-political sphere government matters pro-democracy activism sports event political event sport politics separate Uefa position political situation Ukraine internal government matters Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment nations common love game non-political sphere pro-democracy activists Vatali Klitschko politicization politicians cheap political stunts boycott human rights agendas Sports minister Hugh Robertson European leaders Euro Cup Tymoshenko sports event political event sport politics separation uefa stance Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment nations unity non-political sphere pro-democracy activists Vatali Klitschko politicization sports political stunts boycott human rights agendas sports minister Hugh Robertson boycott Ukraine Euro Cup European leaders Tymoshenko
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro03a	Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. ending poverty entrepreneurialism startup capital financial capital capitalism access to capital business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns market entry poverty reduction economic empowerment financial inclusion community development microcredit investment economic growth social impact financial services sustainable development grassroots economics poverty alleviation financial literacy economic opportunity microloans asset building wealth creation community economic development financial support entrepreneurial support financial tools poverty solutions microfinance institutions financial education ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community development Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing land and property personal security dignity increasing returns market entry financial empowerment sustainable development economic growth poverty reduction microcredit investment opportunities community investment social entrepreneurship financial inclusion economic empowerment market participation asset accumulation wealth creation poverty alleviation inclusive finance grassroots development community finance economic resilience financial services micro-loans economic stability property ownership financial resources entrepreneurial support economic ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns market entry ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance access startup capital community development capitalism initiation capital importance business ideas investment opportunities Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing market entry land property personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing markets land property personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance access startup capital financial capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property markets land markets personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns market entry ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns market entry empowerment financial inclusion economic development poverty reduction sustainable livelihoods microcredit investment community development economic growth wealth creation social impact financial services underserved communities economic opportunities asset accumulation financial education income generation poverty alleviation entrepreneurial support microloans capital access programs financial tools informal economy formal financial systems ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital financial capital capitalism access to capital business ideas community benefit lend with care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns microfinance startup capital entrepreneurialism Lend with Care financial capital small-scale savings property markets land ownership personal security dignity cumulative effect market entry poverty alleviation community development investment business ideas capitalism initiation empowerment borrowing
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro02a	"Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred justify promote violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity prelates preachers Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic racist language violence freedom of speech reality homophobic speeches religious nature anti-gay statements republican politicians hate speech prevent restrictions Public Order Act 1986 US violence against gay people The Observer Paul Harris religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred justify promote violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity history prelates preachers killing certainty surety Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic racist language violence freedom of speech homophobic speeches religious nature New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians hate speech preventing justifying restrictions religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred justify violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity prelates preachers Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic racist language violence freedom of speech religious nature New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians hate speech restrictions preventing occurs religion certainty of belief divinely inspired hatred justify violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" justify massacre barbarity prelates preachers Act practical purpose tidy up legislation rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence reality freedom of speech New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians prevent hate speech restrictions on free speech Public Order Act 1986 US sudden surge of violence gay people The Observer Paul Harris religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred justify violent actions discriminatory practices free speech potential harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity prelates preachers Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence freedom of speech reality homophobic speeches religious nature homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians preventing hate speech restrictions freedom of speech Public Order Act 1986 legislation.gov.uk The National Archives 1986 c.64 Paul Harris The Observer religion certainty of belief divinely inspired hatred violent actions discriminatory practices free speech potential for harm ""With God on our side"" justify massacre barbarity prelates preachers Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence freedom of speech reality homophobic speeches religious nature New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians hate speech preventing violence restrictions freedom of speech Public Order Act 1986 National Archives US surge of violence gay people Observer Paul Harris religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred justification violence discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity prelates preachers killing surety Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence freedom of speech reality New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians prevention hate speech restrictions religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred violence discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity prelates preachers Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic racist language violence reality homophobic speeches religious nature New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians hate speech preventing restrictions freedom of speech religion certainty of belief divinely inspired hatred justifying violence discriminatory practices free speech potential harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity prelates preachers Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence freedom of speech homophobic speeches religious nature anti-gay statements republican politicians homophobic attacks preventing hate speech restrictions on freedom of speech Public Order Act 1986 The National Archives US violence against gay people The Observer religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred justification violence discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity history prelates preachers Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic racist language violence prevention freedom of speech reality New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians hate speech legal restrictions"
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro01a	Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 civic duties voting compulsory voting paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty democracy enfranchisement suffragettes soldiers sacrifice freedom societal stability cohesion civic duties paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty compulsory voting democratic right suffragettes enfranchisement voting sacrifice Liberal Democrat Voice voting civic duty taxes school road rules military conscription jury duty democracy enfranchisement suffragettes Liberal Democrat Voice compulsory voting social cohesion historical sacrifice voting civic duty compulsory voting societal obligations paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty time and effort democratic right historical sacrifice suffragettes soldiers enfranchisement respect freedom Liberal Democrat Voice 2006 civic duties voting compulsory voting democracy enfranchisement suffragettes military conscription jury duty paying taxes attending school obeying road rules societal stability historical sacrifice Liberal Democrat Voice civic duties compulsory voting paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty time and effort smaller intrusion freedom democracy enfranchisement sacrifice respect liberal democrat voice Voting civic duty compulsory voting democracy enfranchisement military conscription jury duty paying taxes attending school obeying road rules suffragettes soldiers sacrifice social cohesion stability time effort freedom Liberal Democrat Voice 2006 voting civic duty compulsory voting paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty democracy enfranchisement suffragettes soldiers sacrifices time effort freedom societal stability cohesion Liberal Democrat Voice 2006 civic duties necessary cohesive society stable society paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty compulsory voting time and effort voting smaller intrusion freedom right to vote democracy enfranchisement soldiers suffragettes sacrifice respect Liberal Democrat Voice 2006 civic duties compulsory voting paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty democracy suffragettes enfranchisement right to vote historical sacrifice Liberal Democrat Voice civic responsibilities societal stability individual freedom obligatory activities time and effort democratic participation voting importance civic engagement political rights social cohesion civic obligations democratic duties historical fights democratic values public service community involvement legal obligations societal benefits voting as duty democratic principles civic awareness voting rights democratic engagement civic education civic participation democratic citizenship
test-international-ghwcitca-pro02a	States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, cyber-attacks international monitoring treaty commitments cyber defense private monitoring international body dispute settlement UN organisation cyber espionage international treaties state cooperation cyber security international law cyber crime government oversight corporate targets international institutions evidence gathering cyber defense forces international accountability treaty cyber-attacks monitoring international body state cooperation cyber defense forces private sector involvement dispute settlement international institutions UN organization cyber espionage international treaties cyber security government accountability non-state actors cyber crime international law cyber defense international oversight cyber monitoring systems cyber attack tracing evidence gathering treaty commitments international cooperation cyber warfare cyber surveillance cyber intelligence cyber policy cyber regulation cyber governance cyber diplomacy cyber operations cyber threats cyber security measures cyber threat assessment cyber incident response cyber legal frameworks cyber international relations cyber strategic studies cyber-attacks international monitoring treaty commitments cyber defense forces private cyber monitoring international bodies dispute settlement UN organization evidence gathering cyber espionage international atomic energy agency international criminal court state cooperation cyber treaty cyber-attacks international treaty state monitoring private sector involvement international bodies dispute resolution UN organization cyber defense forces corporate targets international atomic energy agency international criminal court cyber espionage mandiant people's liberation army us department of defense cybersecurity governance international cooperation cyber security framework cyber incident response digital surveillance cyber-attacks international treaty state monitoring cyber defense private sector involvement international body dispute resolution UN organizations cyber espionage international agreements cyber security governmental oversight corporate targets international atomic energy agency international criminal court defense forces evidence gathering punishment mechanisms treaty commitments cyber-attacks international treaty state monitoring private sector involvement international body compliance dispute resolution cyber defense forces UN organization International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court cyber espionage China US Department of Defense Mandiant cyber-attacks monitoring international body treaty defense forces private groups cyber defense Mandiant People’s Liberation Army dispute settlement UN organisation International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court investigation cyber espionage evidence gathering domestic authorities punishment treaty commitments cyber security international cooperation state surveillance corporate targets government targets cyber operations cyber domain defense mechanisms international institutions cybersecurity cyber warfare cyber security organizations cyber crime international law cyber policy cyber governance cyber threats cyber intelligence cyber regulation cyber strategy cyber diplomacy cyber norm cyber ethics international monitoring cyber-attacks treaty commitments dispute settlement international institutions cyber defense forces private monitoring groups UN organization International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court state cooperation cyber espionage evidence gathering punitive measures corporate targets government targets cyber security defense mechanisms international treaties cyber domain security cyber-attack tracing cyber defense state surveillance international oversight cyber governance cyber crime cyber policy international law cyber warfare digital security international relations cyber diplomacy cyber strategy cyber intelligence cyber regulation cyber ethics cyber norms cyber collaboration cyber technology cyber infrastructure cyber-attacks international treaty state monitoring private sector involvement cyber defense forces international body dispute resolution evidence gathering treaty commitments UN organization International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court cyber espionage Mandiant People’s Liberation Army US Department of Defense cyber-attacks monitoring international body treaty defense forces private groups Mandiant dispute settlement UN organisation International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con03a	If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics legal principles democratic liberties political control way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers western countries destructive actions fanatics legal principles democratic governments liberties war political control territory preservation way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers West destructive fanatics legal principles democratic liberties political control way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers western countries destructive actions fanatics legal principles democratic liberties war on terror way of life equality and decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law western powers fanatics legal principles democratic liberties political control way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers Western values destructive consequences fanatics legal principles democratic liberties political control way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers western nations destructive actions fanatics legal principles democratic liberties political control territory way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers West destructive fanatics legal principles democratic governments liberties war political control territory preservation way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers West destructive fanatics legal principles democratic liberties political control way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers destructive consequences fanatic actions legal principles democratic liberties political control way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers western nations destructive consequences fanatics
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro02a	An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 ICC enforcement arm international criminals border crossing Joseph Kony international arrest ICTY NATO war criminals Bosnia multinational police NATO military power arrest warrants international forces ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross borders Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal Former Yugoslavia NATO Memorandum of Understanding war criminals Bosnia arrests multinational police forces NATO military power arrest warrants international forces peacekeeping legal enforcement international law cross-border operations criminal justice international tribunals legal clarification apprehension human rights war crimes peace and security international cooperation legal authority judicial enforcement prosecution legal mechanisms policy reform legal mandates operational capability law enforcement judicial decisions security forces judicial cooperation judicial powers international policing ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross-border operations Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY NATO Memorandum of Understanding arrest warrants multinational police forces war criminals extradition legal authority coordination prosecution international law peacekeeping judicial cooperation state sovereignty criminal justice international security human rights legal enforcement judicial mechanisms military intervention police powers international community legal framework legal clarity criminal deterrence judicial effectiveness legal responsibility organizational capacity international collaboration legal enforcement mechanisms war crimes crimes against humanity legal jurisdiction legal protocols ICC enforcement international criminals cross-border operations Joseph Kony ICTY experience NATO arrests multinational police forces arrest warrants international forces war criminals Memorandum of Understanding clarification of authority successful arrests legal enforcement international cooperation criminal apprehension judicial effectiveness organizational responsibility legal mandates international law enforcement ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross borders national authorities Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal Former Yugoslavia Memorandum of Understanding NATO war criminals Bosnia arrests clarity warrants multinational police forces NATO military power arrest success Han-Ru Zhou Journal of International Criminal Justice ICC enforcement international criminals cross-border coordination Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal Yugoslavia NATO arrests multinational police arrest warrants enforcement authority war criminals international forces legal clarity cross-border operations ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross borders Joseph Kony international criminal tribunal former Yugoslavia NATO arrests war criminals multinational police forces arrest warrants international forces coordination national authorities clarity responsibility authority memoranda of understanding detention patrols engagement success resolution traditional military power indicted individuals ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross borders Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal Former Yugoslavia NATO arrest warrants multinational police forces war criminals legal authority coordination international law criminal prosecution peacekeeping operations judicial efficacy memorandum of understanding state cooperation extradition treaties legal clarity policing security forces international justice accountability human rights violations wartime offenses legal enforcement strategic partnerships operational capability legal framework judicial cooperation apprehension detention criminal tribunals international law enforcement cross-border operations legal mandates prosecutorial powers international cooperation crime prevention ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross-border operations Joseph Kony international arrest warrants International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY NATO multinational police forces war criminals Memorandum of Understanding arrest powers collaboration legal authority international law global policing extradition humanitarian law peacekeeping operations judicial cooperation international justice crime prevention security forces legal frameworks jurisdiction enforcement mechanisms criminal prosecution international organizations human rights conflict resolution legal enforcement operational effectiveness apprehension legal mandates cross-jurisdictional enforcement international cooperation judicial enforcement legal clarity ICC enforcement international criminals cross borders Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal Former Yugoslavia NATO arrest warrants multinational police forces war criminals coordination legal authority arrests international forces Memorandum of Understanding Bosnia wanted men clarification responsibility effectiveness legal enforcement judicial processes international law crime prevention judicial cooperation extradition jurisdiction operational capacity state cooperation security forces judicial mandates legal implementation international justice system prosecution law enforcement agencies international security criminal justice legal frameworks humanitarian law peacekeeping operations military power judicial support legal accountability
test-law-umtlilhotac-con03a	Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial transparency event clarification deterrent effect trial footage trial fairness victim testimony recorded evidence future study broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial transparency event clarity conflicting narratives deterrence trial footage unfair trial myths victim voices evidence recording posterity future study Broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial transparency event clarification deterrent effect trial footage trial fairness victims' voice evidence recording posterity future study Broadcasting public record Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial proceedings conflict resolution deterrence footage fairness victim testimony posterity future study public record criminal trials International Criminal Law heinous crimes historical record deterrent broadcasting trial footage victims' evidence posterity future study Nuremberg conflict prevention fairness regional impact Broadcasting public record Nuremberg International Criminal Law heinous crimes historical record multiple conflicting versions deterrent trial footage fairness victims' evidence recorded for posterity future study broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial event clarification conflicting versions deterrence footage trial transparency victim evidence recorded testimony posterity future study broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial transparency event clarification conflicting versions deterrence trial footage myth reduction fairness victim voices evidence recording posterity future study broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial deterrence footage trial fairness victims evidence posterity future study broadcasting public record Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial transparency event clarification deterrent effect trial footage fairness perception victim voices evidence preservation future study
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con05a	Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] prosecutorial immunity political incumbency immunity from prosecution election motivation political effectiveness aging politicians elected representative salaries diplomatic immunity unpunished indiscretions perverse incentives electoral behavior democratic representation political tenure misconduct impunity reelection incentives immunity perverse incentive office retention prosecutorial immunity side-benefit diplomatic immunity minor indiscretions unpunished elected representatives salaries political motivation reelection old age effectiveness democracies immunity perverse incentive office retention prosecutorial immunity side-benefit diplomatic immunity minor indiscretions unpunished reelection old age political effectiveness democratic systems elected representatives salaries political motivations wrong reasons prosecutorial immunity political incentives office retention undetected indiscretions diplomatic immunity electoral longevity diminished effectiveness elderly politicians democratic compensation career motivation immunity prosecution incentive office politicians reelection effectiveness misconduct diplomatic immunity salaries democracies political motives prosecutorial immunity political incentives office retention elected officials minor indiscretions diplomatic immunity career politicians re-election motivations democratic governance political compensation accountability in politics retirement age in politics unethical behavior public service ethics legal protections for officials misuse of immunity political effectiveness elder statesmen in politics salary of politicians reasons for entering politics immunity perverse incentive office retention prosecutorial immunity side-benefit indiscretions diplomatic immunity prosecution politician reelection old age effectiveness democracies elected representatives salaries politics motivation prosecutorial immunity perverse incentive office retention minor indiscretions unpunished diplomatic immunity elected representatives salaries political motivation reelection old age effectiveness prosecutorial immunity electoral incentives political accountability retirement age elected officials salary caps diplomatic immunity public service ethics career politicians effective governance prosecutorial immunity political incentives office retention minor indiscretions diplomatic immunity elected representatives salaries reelection political effectiveness democratic governance legal protections political motivations career politicians age in office public service ethics
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro03a	Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 cluster bombs international image U.S. policy Western democracies U.K. alliance political clout economic power demining work treaty compliance diplomatic relations military ethics humanitarian concerns arms control international pressure political status liberal democracy international cooperation military weapons global perception foreign policy cluster bombs U.S. policy international image Western democracies treaty refusal U.K. alliance political clout demining efforts international relations military ethics humanitarian concerns diplomatic support liberal democracy values arms control global perception military cooperation treaty pressure ally dynamics economic power political status Cluster Bombs International Image U.S. Policy Western Democracies Cluster Bomb Ban U.K. Influence Political Clout International Cooperation Demining Work Treaty Signing Military Ethics Humanitarian Concerns Diplomatic Relations Arms Control Public Perception Global Standing Alliance Dynamics Military Strategy Non-Proliferation International Law State Sovereignty Moral Responsibility Military Allies Global Security Peacekeeping War Consequences Human Rights International Pressure Political Support Economic Power Diplomatic Isolation Strategic Interests Military Tactics Humanitarian Law International Treaties Defense U.S. cluster bomb ban international image Western liberal democracies U.K. ally political clout economic power cooperation with allies cluster bomb treaty pressure from countries political status demining work international relationships rejecting cluster bombs international image U.S. Western liberal democracies refusal ally U.K. political clout cooperation treaty pressure demining relationships support status worsens countries Rejecting Ban Cluster Bombs Hurts International Image U.S. Western Liberal Democracies Allow Continued Refusal Other Countries Political Clout Sign Treaty Pressure Demining Work Relationships Political Status cluster bombs international image U.S. Western liberal democracies U.K. ally political clout economic power cooperation cluster bomb treaty pressure political status demining work relationships support refusal ban treaty sign worsens maintenance representation status clout political international support countries fellow treaty pressure capacity loses politically representative economically powerful remaining democracies liberal Western traditionally great ally political status clout continued relationships worsens demining work countries relies Cluster Bombs International Image U.S. Policy Western Liberal Democracies Cluster Bomb Ban U.K. Alliance Political Clout Economic Power International Relations Demining Work Treaty Non-Signature Ally Support Political Status International Pressure Humanitarian Concerns cluster bombs international image U.S. Western liberal democracies ban U.K. ally political clout cooperation treaty demining relationships support political status cluster bombs international image U.S. Western Liberal democracies U.K. political allies demining work cluster bomb treaty political clout international relations humanitarian efforts military ethics diplomatic pressure global perception military alliances international support political status military policies international cooperation disarmament
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro03a	Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: not censoring global pressure China free speech policies Google world news internet freedom U.S. Secretary of State internet companies censor Chinese threat to freedom great firewall Chinese government high-profile decision public and political pressure change its ways free and democratic countries Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom December 8 2011 not censoring global pressure China free speech policies Google world news internet freedom U.S. Secretary of State internet companies censorship Chinese threat to freedom great firewall Chinese government high-profile decision public and political pressure free and democratic countries Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom December 8 2011 China free speech censorship Google internet freedom global pressure U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton great firewall public pressure political pressure democratic countries internet companies speech policy change internet freedom global pressure China free speech policies Google not censoring world news U.S. Secretary of State internet companies censorship Chinese government great firewall public and political pressure democratic countries Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom December 8 2011 internet freedom global pressure China free speech policies Google censorship world news public agenda U.S. Secretary of State internet companies threat to freedom great firewall Chinese government high-profile decision informing citizens democratic countries public pressure political pressure change Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom China free speech Google internet freedom censorship global pressure U.S. Secretary of State internet companies great firewall public pressure political pressure democratic countries Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom internet freedom censorship China free speech policies Google world news public agenda U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton internet companies great firewall public awareness political pressure democratic countries global pressure internet censorship speech restriction digital rights online freedom global politics international relations technology impact policy change government surveillance digital privacy human rights free information flow cyber sovereignty international scrutiny digital activism online governance web regulation global internet policies global pressure China free speech policies Google censorship internet freedom U.S. Secretary of State internet companies Chinese internet threat to freedom great firewall public and political pressure democratic countries Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom not censoring global pressure China free speech policies Google world news internet freedom U.S. Secretary of State internet companies censor Chinese internet threat to freedom high-profile decision inform citizens great firewall Chinese government public and political pressure change ways Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom December 8 2011 internet freedom great firewall censorship China free speech Google U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton global pressure public awareness political pressure democratic countries internet companies speech censorship world news
test-economy-egecegphw-con02a	Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Heathrow environment climate change EU legal limits pollution Green House Gases CO2 reduction third runway carbon dioxide emissions pollution laws human health pollution-related deaths flight expansion environmental impact government lobbying Brussels health risks air quality sustainability carbon footprint aviation industry emissions targets climate policy environmental regulations public health air travel growth CO2 emissions European Union environmental commitment health effects air pollution Heathrow expansion legal pollution limits environmental protection climate goals greenhouse gas reduction air quality standards environmental lobbying health impacts pollution-related Heathrow environment climate change EU legal limits Green House Gases CO2 emissions third runway pollution deaths human health air quality carbon footprint aviation emissions pollution laws expansion impact environmental costs climate policy UK environmental commitments flight emissions pollution control health risks air travel growth environmental opposition ecological damage sustainable aviation green transportation air pollution public health environmental regulations EU environmental standards carbon reduction targets Heathrow expansion controversy environmental activists climate action sustainable development renewable energy clean air noise pollution ecological footprint green technology environmental Heathrow environment climate change EU legal limits Green House Gases CO2 reduction third runway carbon dioxide pollution human health pollution deaths aviation emissions UK environmental commitments EU pollution regulations Heathrow expansion impacts HACAN The Independent Heathrow pollution deaths lobbying Brussels weakening pollution laws environment climate change EU legal limits Green House Gases CO2 reduction third runway carbon dioxide emissions pollution laws human health pollution deaths Heathrow expansion flight increase environmental impact climate goals legal commitments public health air quality environmental policy carbon footprint governmental lobbying Heathrow environment climate change EU legal limits pollution Green House Gases third runway carbon dioxide human health pollution deaths expansion flights CO2 emissions Stewart HACAN Wilcock Harrism The Independent Expanding Heathrow environment climate change EU legal limits Green House Gases CO2 reduction third runway carbon dioxide pollution human health pollution deaths Heathrow expansion lobbying Brussels environmental impact flight emissions health risks environment climate change EU legal limits Green House Gases CO2 reduction third runway carbon dioxide emissions pollution laws human health pollution deaths Heathrow expansion flight increase environmental impact climate policy emissions targets air quality public health environmental lobbying climate commitments pollution control Heathrow expansion environment climate change EU legal limits Green House Gases CO2 reduction third runway carbon dioxide emissions pollution laws human health pollution deaths aviation emissions UK climate commitments EU pollution regulations Heathrow emissions environmental impact climate policy pollution control public health risks air quality Heathrow expansion environment climate change EU legal limits pollution Green House Gases carbon dioxide third runway flights emissions pollution deaths human health lobbying Brussels pollution laws HACAN The Independent David Wilcock Dominic Harris John Stewart environment climate change EU legal limits Green House Gases CO2 emissions third runway pollution deaths human health Heathrow expansion pollution laws Brussels lobbying carbon dioxide UK commitments flight increase pollution levels environmental impact health risks legal commitments Heathrow emissions climate goals
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro04a	Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations Economic imbalance Colonialism Natural resources Human resources Colonisation Economic motive Exploitation Market supply Cheap labor Britain France Economic prosperity Compensation Economic disparity Former colonies Colonists Haiti Revolution effects Patrick E. Bryan reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources economic damage colonisation economic motive market supply exploitation cheap labor economic prosperity economic disparity former colonies colonists Britain France Haiti economic compensation colonial exploitation historical injustice economic equality post-colonial effects resource depletion labor exploitation colonial legacy economic recovery international reparations historical reparations colonial debt economic justice global inequality development impact colonial policies long-term economic effects colonial trade practices economic restitution colonial impact economic redress reparations economic imbalance colonialism former colonies natural resources human resources colonists invasion manipulation markets cheap labor economic prosperity exploitation compensation economic disparity Britain France Haitian Revolution reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources economic damage colonial exploitation economic prosperity former colonies colonists economic disparity compensation historical injustice colonial legacy development impact economic equity post-colonial economics reparative justice international debt underdevelopment resource extraction labor exploitation colonial powers economic history global inequality reparations debate colonial policies economic growth sustainable development colonial economics historical reparations economic recovery colonial impact economic restitution international relations economic justice historical accountability economic redress colonialism consequences economic imbalance correction reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources healthy economy colonists rich resources invasion manipulation supply markets exploited resources cheap labor economic prosperity exploitation economic potential compensation economic disparity former colonies colonists Britain France Haitian Revolution Patrick E. Bryan Economic imbalance colonialism reparations natural resources human resources colonisation exploitation economic prosperity economic disparity former colonies colonists markets invasion manipulation cheap labor compensation equalisation Britain France Haiti Haitian Revolution reparations economic imbalance colonialism former colonies natural resources human resources healthy economy colonists invasion manipulation natural resources exploitation cheap labor human labor markets economic prosperity economic potential compensation economic disparity Britain France Haiti Haitian Revolution historical injustices post-colonial studies international relations global economics reparative justice sustainable development colonial legacy economic exploitation historical debt moral obligation development aid economic recovery social equity reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources colonisation economic exploitation powerful countries Britain France economic prosperity colonial exploitation compensation economic disparity former colonies colonists economic potential Haiti Haitian Revolution reparations economic imbalance colonialism former colonies natural resources human resources colonists countries natural resources invasion manipulation markets cheap labor economic prosperity exploitation colonies compensation economic disparity Britain France Haiti revolution effects reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources economic prosperity exploitation compensation economic disparity former colonies colonists Britain France Haitian Revolution Patrick E. Bryan
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro05a	Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. animal welfare legal exceptions animal research moral tension societal norms animal cruelty legal protections animal rights ethical treatment consistent laws animal maltreatment public persuasion social message animal ethics legal offenses animal laboratories animal protection legal inconsistency moral standards societal values animal welfare legal exceptions animal research moral tension societal norms animal cruelty legal restrictions animal rights public perception consistent legislation ethical treatment animal protection laws research ethics animal testing legal consistency social values animal ethics humane treatment animal legislation moral standards animal welfare cruelty prevention legal exceptions research ethics moral tension societal norms animal rights legal consistency public persuasion animal treatment laws animal welfare social message legal restrictions animal treatment research laboratories moral tension legal exceptions criminal offense society's standards animal cruelty ethical consistency legal protection scientific procedures animal rights societal norms humane treatment animal research ethics public persuasion animal abuse prevention legal reform moral integrity animal welfare advocacy ethical research practices compassionate legislation animal protection laws ethical dilemmas social responsibility cruelty-free standards humane legislation research ethics moral consistency animal welfare laws societal values ethical treatment animal rights legislation public awareness humane alternatives responsible research ethical standards legal positive social message animal welfare rights legal restrictions animal treatment research laboratories Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act moral tension animal cruelty cock fighting dancing bears pet maltreatment farm animal abuse consistent legal position societal animal ethics animal research ethics animal welfare legal exceptions moral tension consistent legal position animal research laboratories animal treatment laws society's perception animal cruelty animal rights scientific procedures act cock fighting dancing bears pet maltreatment farm animal welfare animal welfare legal exceptions research laboratories moral tension animal treatment societal norms cruelty prevention consistent legislation animal rights public persuasion ethical standards scientific procedures act animal maltreatment legal protection social message cock fighting dancing bears pet abuse farm animal welfare legal consistency animal welfare research ethics legal exceptions moral tension societal norms animal rights cruelty prevention consistent legislation public persuasion ethical treatment animal welfare research ethics legal exceptions moral tension societal norms animal rights cruelty prevention consistent legislation public persuasion ethical treatment animal welfare legal exceptions moral tension animal research societal norms cruelty prevention consistent legal position animal treatment public persuasion animal rights
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro03a	"Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Euroscepticism xenophobic scaremongering British tabloids European single currency initial conversion costs inflation price transparency economies of scale single market British goods European levels massive savings cheaper goods Euro Britain join economic benefits long-term gains Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids cheaper goods European single currency conversion costs inflation Euro price transparency economies of scale single market price reduction British goods European levels massive savings Browne Euro adoption economic benefits long-term savings currency integration market forces cost benefits European integration financial advantages economic union Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods conversion costs inflation Euro price transparency economies of scale single market British goods European levels savings Browne Euro adoption economic benefits currency union trade advantages Euroscepticism xenophobic scaremongering British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry costs inflation price transparency economies of scale massive savings Euro Britain European levels Browne 2001 The Euro: Should Britain Join Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods conversion costs inflation Euro price transparency economies of scale single market British goods European levels savings joining Euro Euroscepticism xenophobic scaremongering British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry into Euro initial conversion costs inflation short-lived price transparency economies of scale single market push prices down European levels massive savings end of cheaper goods means of attaining Browne Euro Britain join Euroscepticism xenophobic British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods conversion costs inflation Euro price transparency economies of scale single market British goods European levels savings justification Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry benefits initial conversion costs inflation short-lived effects price transparency economies of scale single market price reduction European levels massive savings Euro adoption Browne The Euro Britain economic advantages currency union Euroscepticism xenophobic British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods initial conversion costs inflation price transparency economies of scale massive single market British goods European levels massive savings end of cheaper goods attaining means Browne European Union economic benefits currency adoption political debate economic integration Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids European single currency conversion costs inflation price transparency economies of scale single market cheaper goods Euro Britain European levels savings"
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con03a	The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: graduated response due process copyright infringement automated detection software crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP notification unjust accusations judicial intervention private organizations crime determination punishment ISPs copyright holders accuser prosecution judge executioner burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated detection software crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP unjust accusations judicial intervention private organizations accuser prosecution judge executioner burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated detection software crawlers ISP judicial intervention private organizations burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response violation of due process copyright infringement detection automated software fingerprinting technology commercial vendors ISP notifications judicial intervention private organizations sanction invocation burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP judicial intervention judicial sanction burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting software commercial vendors ISP judicial intervention burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP judicial intervention presumption of innocence burden of proof Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response violation due process copyright infringement automated detection software commercial vendors ISPs judicial intervention private organizations crime punishment accuser prosecution judge executioner burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review due process copyright infringement automated detection software ISP judicial intervention private organizations sanctions burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu graduated response Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP judicial intervention private organisations sanction judicial presumption of innocence reversal of burden of proof Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con03a	Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. cultural relativism universal human rights collective values legal pluralism international law moral relativism cultural contexts human values legal systems plural societies war crimes child soldiers international community national laws cultural practices ethical considerations human dignity religious beliefs social norms ethical diversity Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights culturally relative values conflicts and crises group beliefs cultural practices laws and values plural population objections to human rights international community nation states plural value systems majority culture values minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities child soldiers war crimes ICC moral values legal adjustments Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relativistic ethics legal relativism human rights cultural values ritual practices group conduct legal systems plural populations international community value reconciliation majority rule minority objections charismatic leadership impoverished communities child soldiers war crimes International Criminal Court (ICC) universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights cultural context relativists evolving cultural values conflicts crises relativist behavior group justifications legal relativism plural societies international law universal values human rights doctrine cultural objections child soldiers moral principles international community nation states plural value systems majority rule minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities cultural excuses war crimes ICC commanders political abuse legal adjustments reconcile demands cultural diversity ethical considerations human rights enforcement global standards local practices Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value cultural contexts human rights universal values culturally relative values conflicts crises legal systems plural value systems international community nation states war crime ICC child soldiers cultural beliefs philosophical belief relativists legal protection group conduct moral values survival legal opinions objections universal human rights cultural evolution conflicting values pluralism human rights doctrine cultural practices law adjustment majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat defense abuse commanders political responsibility dissident leaders human rights enforcement Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights cultural contexts relativists universal human values culturally relative values conflicts crises group behavior cultural practices justice survival plural value systems international community nation states law adjustment majority values minority objections impoverished communities war crime charismatic leaders ICC child soldiers moral responsibility cultural excuses human rights doctrine legal adjustments ethical considerations cultural practices international law human rights protection collective values individual rights cultural diversity social norms legal frameworks global ethics Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value right and wrong cultural contexts human rights universal human values laws cultural values conflicts crises group beliefs just good survival legal systems opinions practices values plural populations objections universal human rights child soldiers international community nation states plural value systems majority cultures minority charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat war crime officers politicians dissident commanders ICC defense culpability moral principle legal adjustments cultural practices human dignity international law ethical standards cultural diversity Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights culturally relative values conflicts and crises destructive behavior ritual and regularity group's conception of justice systems of law plural population objections to human rights international community plural value systems majority cultural values minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crime ICC child soldiers moral responsibility legal accountability cultural defense abuse of relativism international justice human rights law cultural practices ethical pluralism global ethics human rights violations legal pluralism universal principles cultural Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value cultural contexts universal human rights relative values laws conflicts crises destructive behavior ritual regularity group practices justice survival state laws plural populations objections universal human rights doctrine child soldiers international community plural value systems majority values minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crimes ICC commanders politicians dissident commanders cultural excuses culpability moral principles legal adjustments human values state territories pluralism fragmentary objections majority cultures minority cultures international law human rights Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights cultural contexts relative laws evolving cultural values conflicts crises ritualized behavior group conduct just and good practices survival plural populations state territory universal human rights doctrine specific objections international community nation states competing value systems majority values minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crimes ICC child soldiers Yemen Sudan
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con01a	A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection society function individual rights fair society government limits protecting individuals third person actions thieves scammers frivolous spending credit cards investment choices specific choice punishment artificial cost inflation citizen punishment legitimate choices overstepping authority Wilkinson tax the fat not their food fat tax individual choice government authority overstepping basic services education legal protection society function individual rights fair society government's place protecting individuals third person thieves scammers frivolous spending credit cards investment citizens specific choice artificial inflation cost punish legitimate choice tax overstepping Wilkinson tax the fat not their food Fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society government overstepping protecting individuals third person actions frivolous spending credit card limits investment choices punishing citizens specific choice legitimate choice government overreach Wilkinson Tax the fat not their food fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society protecting individuals third person actions frivolous spending credit cards investing money punishing citizens specific choices overstepping authority Wilkinson tax policy personal freedom public health economic intervention regulatory overreach individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society protecting individuals third person actions frivolous spending credit cards investment freedom punishing citizens specific choice legitimacy overstepping authority Wilkinson fat tax artificial cost inflation fat tax individual choice government authority basic services fair society protecting citizens frivolous spending credit cards investment freedom punishing citizens specific choice legitimate decision overstepping authority Wilkinson Tax the fat not their food fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society protecting individuals actions of third person frivolous spending credit cards investing money punishing citizens specific choice overstepping authority Wilkinson Tax the fat not their food fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society government's role protecting individuals third person actions frivolous spending credit card limits investment freedom punishing citizens specific choices overstepping authority tax infringement Wilkinson W. fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society protecting individuals third person frivolous spending credit cards investment punishing citizens specific choices overstepping authority fat tax individual choice government authority basic services legal protection fair society protecting individuals third person actions frivolous spending credit card limits investment freedom artificial cost inflation legitimate choices Wilkinson Tax the fat not their food
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro04a	Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. HIV workplace employee programs fairness dignity awareness prejudice medical arrangements pensions health education corporate responsibility employee health HIV-positive workers workplace policies health benefits employee rights stigma support systems employment practices HIV workplace businesses responsibility active position HIV-positive employees workplace programs fairness dignity employee fears prejudices education awareness medical arrangements pensions arrangements inadequate support employee health discrimination support systems workplace policies health initiatives employee welfare corporate responsibility HIV awareness prevention treatment workplace health employee rights inclusive workplace HIV education corporate policies health and safety employee support stigma reduction proactive measures long-term solutions sustainable practices health management corporate citizenship social responsibility health equity workplace diversity inclusive practices employee engagement health awareness corporate HIV awareness workplace support employee health programs anti-discrimination policies HIV education corporate responsibility workplace diversity inclusive employment practices employee benefits medical provisions pension schemes HIV prevalence stigma reduction employee training health and safety HIV awareness workplace HIV policies employee health programs HIV-positive employees workplace fairness employee dignity combating HIV stigma HIV education in workplaces HIV scale awareness adequate medical provisions HIV and pensions employer responsibility in HIV business role in HIV proactive HIV strategies HIV in the workplace HIV responsible position active participation businesses HIV-positive employees workplace programs fairness dignity employee fears prejudices education awareness medical arrangements pension arrangements informed policies HIV awareness corporate responsibility HIV-positive employees workplace inclusion fair treatment employee education medical arrangements pension plans combating prejudice HIV scale knowledge HIV workplace businesses responsibility active position HIV-positive employees support programs fairness dignity fears prejudices education awareness medical arrangements pensions knowledge scale problem inadequate arrangements HIV responsible active businesses programs HIV-positive employees workplace fairness dignity fears prejudices knowledge scale medical pensions arrangements inadequacy HIV awareness corporate responsibility HIV-positive employees workplace programs fair treatment employee education HIV prevalence medical arrangements pension plans anti-stigma initiatives HIV awareness workplace policies employee health HIV-positive workers business responsibility anti-discrimination employee education medical support pension arrangements workplace diversity health education corporate social responsibility employee welfare inclusive workplace HIV prevention stigma reduction fair treatment personnel management health initiatives business ethics
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con02a	Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. enforce online gambling ban government internet regulation server domestic laws block websites citizen behavior gambling sites legal restrictions American Gambling Association online gambling statistics circumvent ban regulatory challenges international web presence user compliance gambling legislation digital enforcement enforce online gambling ban government internet servers offices citizens gambling sites block disapprove spring ways stop people gambling illegal American Gambling Association engage online gambling gambling ban government enforcement internet regulation server control online gambling sites site blocking citizen behavior legal gambling American Gambling Association gambling statistics internet gambling laws international gambling digital legislation cyber law online betting gambling prohibition virtual gambling online casino international web laws online gambling government enforcement internet regulation server jurisdiction international websites site blocking citizen circumvention legal gambling American Gambling Association gambling statistics online gambling government regulation internet censorship server jurisdiction legal enforcement citizen compliance gambling sites international laws blocking methods gambling statistics American Gambling Association illegal gambling cyber law digital regulation online betting online gambling gambling ban government enforcement internet regulation domestic laws international servers citizen behavior website blocking circumvention methods illegal gambling American Gambling Association gambling statistics enforce online gambling ban government world wide web domestic laws internet companies servers offices citizens online gambling sites block disapprove spring up ways around stop people illegal American Gambling Association Americans engage online gambling government enforcement internet regulation server jurisdiction citizen compliance website blocking circumvention methods legal gambling American Gambling Association gambling statistics online gambling government regulation internet censorship legal enforcement international jurisdiction digital gambling betting websites server location domestic law offshore gambling online gambling statistics American Gambling Association gambling prevalence legal challenges cyber laws online gambling government regulation internet censorship legal challenges international servers user circumvention enforcement difficulties gambling addiction digital prohibitions legislative limitations technological evasion regulatory gaps
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con03a	How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. rehabilitation effectiveness individual assessment administration costs feasibility root causes of criminality economic factors education system welfare moral values early intervention criminal psychology re-offending incarceration supervised reintegration public safety crime prevention societal trust moral development criminal mentality inborn traits upbringing social re-entry crime seriousness public disorder law enforcement challenges rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment administrative costs feasibility root causes of criminality economic factors education system moral values welfare societal faith criminal mentalities inborn psyche upbringing re-offending incarceration supervision public disorder crime prevention recidivism social reintegration policy evaluation crime causation rehabilitation programs offender reentry community safety crime reduction strategies criminal behavior analysis justice system reform social welfare programs mental health support criminal psychology societal impact of crime law enforcement challenges public safety measures offender treatment correctional policies criminal justice rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment tagging counseling administration costs feasibility root causes criminality prison system economic crisis education system morality welfare societal faith criminal urges mentalities inborn psyche upbringing re-offending incarceration supervision public disorder Met chief warning rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment tagging prisoners lifelong counseling administrative costs feasibility of enforcement root causes of criminality economic crisis education system morality welfare societal faith early intervention criminal mentality inborn psyche upbringing influence re-offending prevention incarceration vs rehabilitation supervised reintegration public safety concerns rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment administrative costs feasibility root causes of criminality economic factors education system morality welfare societal faith criminal mentalities inborn psyche upbringing re-offending incarceration supervision public disorder rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment prison tagging lifelong counseling administrative costs feasibility root causes of criminality pre-prison factors economic influence education system moral values welfare impact societal trust early intervention criminal mentality inborn traits upbringing re-offending incarceration supervision public safety rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment tagging prisoners free counselling administration costs feasibility root causes criminality prison system economic crisis education system morality welfare societal faith criminal urges inborn psyche upbringing re-offending incarceration supervision public disorder rehabilitation efficacy individual offender assessment tagging prisoners lifelong counselling administrative costs feasibility root causes of criminality economic crisis education system morality welfare societal faith early intervention criminal mentality inherent psyche upbringing re-offending incarceration supervision public safety rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender evaluation methods tagging counselling administration costs feasibility root causes criminality prison system economic crisis education system morality welfare societal faith criminal mentality inborn psyche upbringing re-offending incarceration supervision public safety rehabilitation effectiveness individual assessment prisoner tagging lifelong counseling administration costs feasibility root causes of criminality economic crisis education system morality welfare societal faith criminal urges inherent criminality re-offending incarceration supervision public safety
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con02a	"A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. boycott effectiveness European leaders methods Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights abuse of office prison treatment human rights democracy Ukraine Olympic games Cold War USA USSR Afghanistan medals retaliation 1984 games Los Angeles 1980 Olympics Moscow boycott resolve issues European leaders methods achieve result Yulia Timoshenko released improvements Ukrainian human rights convicted abuse office prison treatment games world eyes long term impact Yanukovych persuaded benefits concrete actions past demonstrated lack success changing situation ground 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion USSR Afghanistan medals retaliated 1984 Los Angeles Associated boycott effectiveness European leaders Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights abuse of office prison human rights democracy Vladimir Yanukovych long-term actions 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 USSR invasion Afghanistan 1984 Los Angeles retaliation boycott effectiveness, European leaders, Yulia Timoshenko, Ukrainian human rights, abuse of office, prison sentence, human rights improvements, long-term impact, concrete actions, past boycotts, 1980 Olympics, Moscow, Cold War, USA boycott, Soviet Union, Afghanistan invasion, 1984 Olympics, Los Angeles, retaliation, Associated Press, Euro 2012 boycott, risks, diplomatic strategies, political leverage, international pressure, sports and politics, European Union, Ukraine relations, Yanukovych, democratic reforms,瞟 (Note: The last word ""民主改革"" is in Chinese and boycott efficiency European leaders methods Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights abuse of office seven years prison treatment human rights democracy games world attention long term impact Viktor Yanukovych benefit concrete actions past boycotts 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion Afghanistan medals retaliation 1984 Los Angeles Vanessa Gera Associated Press Euro 2012 boycott resolve issues European leaders methods achieve result Yulia Timoshenko released Ukrainian human rights convicted abuse of office sentenced prison treatment human rights democracy improvement games world attention long term Yanukovych benefits concrete actions past boycotts lack of success 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion USSR Afghanistan medals retaliation 1984 games Los Angeles boycott resolve issues European leaders methods result Yulia Timoshenko released Ukrainian human rights convicted abuse office prison improvement treatment human rights democracy games world eyes Ukraine long term impact Yanukovych persuaded benefits concrete actions past demonstrated lack success changing situation ground 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion USSR Afghanistan medals retaliated 1984 boycott efficacy European leaders methods Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights abuse of office seven years treatment improvement human rights democracy long-term impact Viktor Yanukovych benefits concrete actions past boycotts 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion USSR Afghanistan medals 1984 games Los Angeles retaliation Associated Press Euro 2012 Vanessa Gera boycott resolve issues European leaders methods Yulia Timoshenko released Ukrainian human rights abuse of office seven years prison treatment human rights democracy improvement games international attention Yanukovych benefits concrete actions long term past boycotts 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion Afghanistan Soviet Union medals retaliation 1984 games Los Angeles effectiveness political pressure sports events international relations boycott Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights democracy Moscow Olympics Cold War USA USSR Afghanistan retaliation long-term actions Euro 2012 Vanessa Gera Associated Press"
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro04a	Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security reduce vulnerability climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth beneficial communities larger scale agriculture Zimbabwe production improvement households communities nation Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system borrow tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective for growth beneficial for communities larger scale agriculture Zimbabwe production improvement households communities Nation Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable growth communities Zimbabwe production households Nation Kiva NGO affordable capital remote communities loans farmers rental system tools resources African agriculture agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small-scale agriculture sustainable agriculture agricultural growth community benefits Zimbabwe farming production improvement household benefits national benefits Kiva NGO affordable capital remote communities farmer loans tool rental resource rental Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective for growth beneficial for communities larger scale agriculture Zimbabwe production improvement households communities Nation Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system borrow tools resources Rebuilding agriculture Africa agrarian crisis Microfinance rural development Food security improvement Climate change resilience Unstable demand adaptation Political tensions mitigation Small scale farming benefits Sustainable agricultural growth Community-based agriculture Zimbabwe small scale farming Production enhancement Household economic improvement National agricultural benefits Kiva microfinance NGO Affordable capital access Remote community support Farmer loans provision Agricultural resource rental Tool and resource borrowing Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security reduce vulnerability risks climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth beneficial communities large scale Zimbabwe production households nation Kiva NGO affordable capital remote loans rental system farmers tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security reduce vulnerability climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth beneficial communities larger scale agriculture Zimbabwe improve production households Nation IRIN Morrison Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system borrow tools resources agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable agriculture growth community benefits Zimbabwe production improvement households communities nation Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security vulnerability climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable growth communities large scale agriculture Zimbabwe production households nation Kiva NGO affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro02a	Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 compulsory voting voter apathy disadvantaged groups political representation income disparity educational qualifications political polarization disenfranchised voters governmental policy stakeholder consideration middle England partisan gridlock William Galston Institute for Public Policy Research compulsory voting voter turnout disadvantaged groups political representation voter apathy low-income voters educational qualifications political parties policy creation disenfranchised voters political polarisation middle England governmental policy stakeholder consideration William Galston partisan gridlock US News and World Report Compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poorest excluded sectors income education political parties policies isolation disenfranchised political polarisation Labour party middle England stakeholders governmental policy William Galston partisan gridlock compulsory voting broadens representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poorest sectors excluded sectors income correlation educational qualifications political policies disenfranchised voters political parties policy formulation political polarisation middle England governmental policy stakeholder consideration William Galston partisan gridlock US News and World Report compulsory voting voter apathy disadvantaged groups political representation income disparity educational qualifications voter turnout policy creation political isolation disenfranchisement political parties middle class partisan gridlock democratic engagement governmental policy stakeholder representation compulsory voting broadens representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poorest sectors excluded sectors income impact educational qualifications political participation policy creation political isolation disenfranchised voting major political parties reduce polarization core supporters middle England stakeholder consideration governmental policy partisan gridlock William Galston compulsory voting voter representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy income correlation educational qualifications political policies social isolation political polarisation UK Labour party middle England stakeholder consideration William Galston partisan gridlock democratic engagement electoral participation policy inclusivity disenfranchised communities voting mandate civic duty compulsory voting broadens representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poorest sectors political exclusion income inequality educational qualifications voting turnout policy creation political parties disenfranchised voters political polarisation middle England core supporters governmental policy proportional consideration William Galston partisan gridlock compulsory voting voter turnout representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy income education political parties policy political isolation disenfranchisement political polarization middle England stakeholder consideration partisan gridlock William Galston US News and World Report compulsory voting voter apathy disadvantaged groups political representation income disparity educational qualifications voter turnout political policies social isolation political polarization disenfranchised voters government accountability electoral reform democratic participation middle-class voting partisan politics stakeholder consideration policy inclusivity electoral fairness civic engagement
test-international-ghwcitca-pro03a	The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, internet undermines state demonopolizing force ascendancy nobility feudal monopoly military resources legitimate cyberspace cyber-attacks individuals groups cross-border home-country national-security battleground Pearl-Harbor Leon-Panetta CIA Congress future weapons war responsible-actors terrorist-groups governments illegitimate Serrano Richard-A U.S. intelligence concerned Los-Angeles-Times 2011 internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks national security Pearl Harbor cyber warfare responsible actors illegitimate groups terrorism state control digital security cyberspace military forces nobility feudal system Leon Panetta CIA Congress U.S. intelligence weapons of war Richard A. Serrano Los Angeles Times internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks cross-border national security Pearl Harbor cyberspace terrorist groups government illegitimate weapons responsible actors digital warfare cyber security state control online threats cyber capabilities strategic defense cyber-attacks state monopoly use of force digital warfare national security internet impact Pearl Harbor cyber threats responsible actors terrorist groups illegitimate actors state authority military resources cross-border attacks cyber defense cyber policy government regulation cyber weapons cyber intelligence online security feasibility of regulation internet governance cyber-terrorism state control digital weaponry cyber capabilities international law cyber norms cyber ethics strategic studies cyber conflict cyber strategy cyber operations cyber power cyber domain cyber warfare cyber espionage cyber crime cyber security cybersecurity measures cyber sovereignty internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks national security Pearl Harbor weapons cyberspace terrorist groups legitimacy state actors non-state actors cyber warfare digital threats government control security policy cyber defense strategic studies international relations technology impact surveillance privacy digital age cybersecurity information warfare asymmetric warfare military technology strategic deterrence cyber terrorism cyber intelligence cyber legislation digital sovereignty cyber-attacks state monopoly use of force internet national security cyber warfare Pearl Harbor responsible actors terrorist groups illegitimate wielders military forces CIA Leon Panetta U.S. intelligence cyber threats digital warfare state authority non-state actors cyber defense cyber security internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks individuals groups cross-border national security Pearl Harbor CIA Leon Panetta weapons war responsible actors cyberspace terrorist groups illegitimate governments intelligence officials Los Angeles Times Richard A. Serrano cyber-attacks state monopoly use of force internet national security Pearl Harbor cyber warfare responsible actors terrorist groups illegitimacy digital threats sovereignty online security cyber defense military forces feudal system nobility Leon Panetta CIA Congress U.S. intelligence weapon regulation cyber space Richard A. Serrano Los Angeles Times internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks individuals groups cross-border national security Pearl Harbor CIA Leon Panetta weapons responsible actors cyberspace terrorist groups governments legitimacy armed intelligence officials concern LA Times cyber-attacks state monopoly force internet national security Pearl Harbor CIA Leon Panetta cyber warfare responsible actors terrorism illegitimacy digital threats sovereignty cyber security state control cyber criminality digital warfare international law cyber regulation
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con02a	Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. violence justice system liberties presumption of innocence human rights fight against terror torture suspected terrorist fair trial ideological battle industrialised warfare false accusation punishment guilt determination legal protections justice system violence liberties centuries presumed innocent human rights Chief Justice Phillips fight against terror terrorism torture suspected terrorist basic principle crime scale industrialised warfare twentieth century false accusation punishment fair trial innocence guilt violence justice system liberties presumption of innocence human rights torture terrorism fair trial state abuse ideological battle false accusation punishment industrialised warfare crime scale protections guilt determination use of violence justice system lost liberties centuries to secure presumed innocent not abused state officers human rights British Chief Justice Phillips fight against terror ideological battle using torture suspected terrorist tear apart principle industrialised warfare false accusation fair trial determine innocence determine guilt protections needed crime scale massively damaging step violence justice system liberties presumed innocent abuse officers of the state human rights fight against terror Chief Justice Phillips torture suspected terrorist fair trial false accusation punishment ideological battle industrialised warfare twentieth century crimes protections innocence guilt presumed innocence human rights fight against terror torture fair trial ideological battle false accusation protection against abuse state violence civil liberties legal principles due process terrorist suspects rule of law judicial integrity moral high ground non-violent state crime scale twentieth century warfare human dignity legal protections judicial abuse state-sanctioned violence terrorism ideology legal safeguards evidentiary standards judicial accountability moral authority legal ethics human rights violations state-sponsored torture legal justice crime response legal principles erosion terrorist crime legal protections erosion non-violent justice violence justice system liberties centuries presumption of innocence physical abuse mental abuse state officers human rights British Chief Justice Phillips fight against terror ideological battle torture suspected terrorists basic principle industrialised warfare twentieth century false accusation punishment fair trial innocence guilt violence justice system liberties centuries presumption of innocence physical abuse mental abuse state officers human rights British Chief Justice Phillips fight against terror ideological battle torture suspected terrorists basic principles industrialised warfare twentieth century false accusation fair trial innocence guilt violence justice system liberties presumption of innocence human rights abuse state authority terrorism torture false accusation fair trial ideological battle state principles crime scale industrialised warfare twentieth century protection of individuals guilt determination justice system violence liberties centuries presumption of innocence state abuse human rights Chief Justice Phillips fight against terror terrorism ideological battle torture suspected terrorist basic principle crime scale industrialised warfare false accusation fair trial innocence guilt
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro03a	Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. homophobia prejudice society religion hatred division discrimination respectable public disorder racism sexism tolerance state support abrahamic faiths natural order sins vengeance heterosexism contemporary world religion john boswell marriage of likeness homophobia prejudice religion society hatred division racism sexism public disorder churches tolerance authority natural order sins vengeance modern society heterosexism world religion marriage likeness homophobia prejudice society religion hatred division confronted respectable public disorder racist banned churches tolerance state support vitriol neo-Nazi racism sexism abrahamic faiths natural order fourteenth century homosexuality sins catechism vengeance heterosexism contemporary world religion marriage of likeness ill-informed prejudice society religion justification of hatred homophobia respectable prejudice passion against homophobia public disorder racism sexism state support churches neo-Nazi groups hatred Abrahamic faiths natural order fourteenth century homosexuality gravest sins Catechism vengeance modern society heterosexism world religion John Boswell marriage of likeness homophobia prejudice religion society hatred division discrimination racism sexism public disorder churches state support natural order sins heterosexism contemporary world religion marriage of likeness john boswell daniel c. maguire abrahamic faiths morality ethics social justice tolerance legal consequences free speech hate speech historical perspectives lgbtq rights human rights social norms christianity islam judaism catechism authority tradition progressive values inclusivity equality moral authority justice prejudice confrontation homophobia prejudice religion hatred discrimination societal norms racism sexism public disorder state support Abrahamic faiths natural order sins vengeance modern society heterosexism religious consultation marriage of likeness john boswell daniel c. maguire prejudice society religion hatred division homophobia respectable prejudice passion force public disorder racist banned churches homosexuality vitriol tolerance state support hatred free pass racism sexism Abrahamic faiths authority natural order fourteenth century homosexuality sins Catechism vengeance offensive dangerous modern society heterosexism contemporary world religion John Boswell Marriage of Likeness ill-informed prejudice society religion hatred prejudice division homophobia respectable prejudice passion force condemning black people women public disorder racist banned churches homosexuality neo-Nazi groups tolerated supported state hatred reason free pass racism sexism Abrahamic faiths authority natural order fourteenth century homosexuality sins Catechism vengeance offensive dangerous modern society Maguire Daniel C. Heterosexism Contemporary World Religion Boswell John Marriage of Likeness Harper Collins homophobia prejudice society religion hatred division respectful prejudice racism sexism public disorder black people women Churches state support vitriol neo-Nazi authority natural order homosexuality sins Catechism vengeance modern society heterosexism world religion marriage likeness homophobia prejudice society religion hatred division sexism racism public disorder churches state support abrahamic faiths natural order sins vengeance modern society heterosexism contemporary world religion marriage of likeness john boswell daniel c. maguire
test-education-ughbuesbf-con05a	State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: state control curriculum criteria negative effects government influence higher education university governance academic independence free scholarship free university education Ireland Universities Act 1997 legislative changes university boards external control educational agendas state control curriculum criteria negative effects government influence higher education academic independence free scholarship universities act irish universities government representation university boards legislation free university education outside control academic freedom state control curriculum criteria negative effects government power universities Ireland legislative changes academic independence free scholarship free education outside control university governance government representation university boards educational policy higher education funding academic freedom state influence autonomy in education legislative influence state control curriculum criteria negative effects power over universities Ireland government influence higher education altered governing structures legislation representation on boards academic independence free scholarship free university education outside control agendas Universities Act 1997 Government of Ireland state control acceptance criteria curriculum criteria negative effects government power universities Ireland legislation university governance academic independence free scholarship free university education outside control government influence university boards state control acceptance criteria curriculum criteria negative effects state funding power over universities Ireland government influence higher education legislation university governance academic independence free scholarship free university education outside control government agendas Universities Act 1997 Irish universities Board representation state control acceptance criteria curriculum standards negative effects government influence higher education Ireland Universities Act 1997 academic independence outside control free scholarship free university education autonomy legislation university governance board representation educational policy public funding academic freedom institutional independence state control curriculum criteria negative effects government influence higher education universities Ireland legislation academic independence outside control free scholarship free university education state control acceptance criteria curriculum control negative effects government funding university governance academic independence free scholarship free university education Ireland Universities Act 1997 government representation university boards higher education policy legislative influence educational autonomy external control academic freedom institutional independence public education funding state control curriculum criteria negative effects government power universities Ireland legislation university governance academic independence free scholarship free university education outside control government influence higher education Boards of universities Universities Act 1997 Ireland 1997
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con04a	Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. immunity politicians public image accountability corruption prosecution public confidence political office impunity scandal trial PR political institution members to account restoring trust harm to accountability granting immunity accountability corruption immunity politicians public confidence prosecution scandal transparency impunity political office public perception trial restoration ethical governance legal accountability institutional integrity immunity politicians public image corruption accountability prosecution public confidence impunity political office scandal accountability denial worst PR political institutions member accountability politics accountability public perception political corruption prosecution immunity political office public confidence political scandals impunity accountability corruption prosecution public confidence immunity political office impunity scandal restoration PR trial transparency trust political institution members accountability public perception political scandal political accountability den of impunity restoring faith political responsibility legal accountability political ethics political integrity political trials political image political trust political responsibility political justice political rights political duties political commitment political loyalty political honor political duty political service political role political goals political principles political values political conduct political behavior political norms political standards political performance political effectiveness accountability public confidence political corruption prosecution immunity political office public perception scandal restoration impunity accountability political corruption public perception prosecution immunity political office public confidence scandal impunity political accountability trial institutional integrity political responsibility legal consequences governance ethics immunity politicians public image corruption accountability prosecution political office public confidence impunity scandal governance legal accountability political responsibility judicial process democratic principles Immunity politicians image office trial public perception political institution corruption accountability impunity scandal public confidence prosecution political accountability office holder worst PR den of impunity restoring confidence granting immunity harms accountability denying justice legal consequences political ethics public trust government integrity accountability corruption public confidence prosecution political office immunity political scandal public perception political institution impunity
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro03a	It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, HIV transmission workplace co-workers healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics disclosure moral obligation legal obligation industrial accidents employers duty protection workforce bodily fluids risk CDC Department of Health and Human Services HIV transmission workplace co-workers healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics industrial accidents employers duty protection moral obligation legal obligation CDC Department of Health and Human Services bodily fluids risk employees disclosure HIV-positive HIV transmission workplace healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics disclosure moral obligation legal obligation industrial accidents employers duty protect workforce bodily fluids risk co-workers other workers right to know guard against CDC Department of Health and Human Services HIV transmission workplace safety co-worker rights healthworkers obligation HIV disclosure occupational health industrial accidents employee protection CDC guidelines bodily fluids transmission HIV workplace transmission co-workers healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics moral obligation legal obligation HIV-positive industrial accidents employee risk employer duty workforce protection Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Department of Health and Human Services bodily fluids disclosure HIV-positive healthworkers disclosure transmission workplace bodily fluids industrial accidents employers duty protect workforce HIV transmission co-workers other workers moral obligation legal obligation Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Department of Health and Human Services HIV transmission workplace co-workers healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics industrial accidents employers duty protection bodily fluids disclosure legal obligation moral obligation risk exposure HIV transmission co-workers other workers healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics industrial accidents employers duty protect workforce bodily fluids moral obligation legal obligation CDC Department of Health and Human Services HIV transmission workplace co-workers healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics industrial accidents employers duty protection legal obligation disclosure bodily fluids risk Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Department of Health and Human Services HIV transmission workplace co-workers healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics industrial accidents employers duty protect workforce bodily fluids disclosure legal obligation moral obligation
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro01a	An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute grave crimes peace security well-being perpetrators apprehended international consensus prosecutions enforcement arm international force state intervention lasting respect legal accountability global security judicial effectiveness crime prevention international law human rights judicial mechanisms state sovereignty legal enforcement judicial institutions international community criminal justice system legal framework judicial powers legal prosecution legal remedies judicial processes international cooperation legal sanctions judicial authority legal obligations state compliance judicial support legal enforcement mechanisms international legal system judicial accountability legal jurisdiction ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute crimes international consensus prosecutions peace security perpetrators apprehended enforcement arm international force state intervention court criminals legal accountability global security human rights international law judicial effectiveness ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute crimes international consensus prosecutions peace security well-being perpetrators apprehended signatories lasting respect enforcement arm international force state intervention criminal justice court Preamble ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute global security international consensus grave crimes peace well-being signatory states international prosecutions apprehension of criminals enforcement arm international force state sovereignty legal accountability judicial effectiveness international intervention criminal prosecution judicial implementation legal enforcement international law ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus crimes prosecution peace security well-being world perpetrators apprehended lasting respect enforcement arm international force state threat court criminals ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus grave crimes peace security well-being perpetrators apprehended enforcement arm international force state intervention lasting respect legal accountability global jurisdiction prosecution criminal apprehension judicial enforcement international law ICC enforcement international criminal justice national court crimes international consensus illegality prosecutions Rome Statute peace security well-being perpetrators apprehended signatories lasting respect enforcement international justice agreement international force threat state criminals court ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus crimes against humanity peace security well-being prosecution apprehension international force state sovereignty enforcement arm legal accountability judicial efficacy global cooperation human rights war crimes genocide international law ICC international criminal justice enforcement Rome Statute national courts international consensus grave crimes peace security well-being world perpetrators apprehended prosecution enforcement arm international force state threat criminal justice effectiveness ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus crimes peace security well-being perpetrators apprehended enforcement arm international force state intervention lasting respect court jurisdiction grave crimes legal illegality prosecutions signatories statutory agreement world peace security council international law judicial enforcement global governance human rights war crimes genocide crimes against humanity legal mechanisms state sovereignty international community judicial integrity accountability legal enforcement judicial authority international cooperation legal frameworks legal obligations judicial effectiveness legal prosecution judicial mandate international tribunals
test-environment-assgbatj-con05a	Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia laboratory conditions health maintenance experimental accuracy wild animal comparison moral considerations livestock comparison animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia laboratory care experimental outcomes wild animal comparison moral implications meat industry standards animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia veterinary care research ethics animal rights laboratory animals experimental protocols animal husbandry moral obligations food animals animal testing scientific research regulatory standards animal health wild animal survival ethical considerations animalExperimentation humane treatment animal welfare pain management humane euthanasia health maintenance experimental accuracy ethical treatment moral considerations animal rights livestock care research ethics animal welfare ethical treatment research protocols pain management humane euthanasia laboratory standards animal health experimental accuracy wild animal comparison moral considerations livestock ethics scientific integrity animal welfare ethical treatment laboratory animals pain management humane euthanasia experimental integrity wild animal comparison moral considerations animal research ethics livestock welfare research animals well-treated ethical treatment animal welfare pain management humane euthanasia health maintenance experimental results animal rights moral objections animal farming meat production comparative welfare laboratory conditions ethical standards research animals well-treated animal welfare pain management humane euthanasia healthy animals experimental results better life moral objection animal research raising animals meat production animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia research standards animal care experimental accuracy wild animal comparison moral justification livestock ethics animal welfare humane treatment ethical considerations pain management experimental results wild animal life moral objections animal rights laboratory animals research ethics
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con01a	Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 human rights state dependency internet access universal human right socio economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity human rights state dependence internet access universal recognition socio-economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions legal theory human rights norms efficacy validity human rights state dependency internet access universal human right socio economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity human rights state dependency internet access universal human right socio economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity human rights state dependency internet access universal rights socio-economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity human rights state dependency internet access universal recognition socio economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity Human rights state dependence internet access universal right socio-economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity Human rights state dependency internet access socio-economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity human rights state dependency internet access universal recognition socio economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity human rights state dependency internet access universal human right socio-economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions legal theory human rights norms international law development efficacy validity
test-religion-yercfrggms-con01a	In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). agnosticism atheism evidence God skepticism knowledge fallibility truth Universe doubt rejection faith theism Hume enquiry human understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence existence of God skepticism lack of knowledge human fallibility truth universe doubt rejection faith theism David Hume An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility human understanding faith theism David Hume rational position existence of God Universe doubt truth claims rejection of claim qualified doubt honest admission positive claims evidence requirement faith-based stance agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility truth Universe doubt rejection existence of God faith-based theism David Hume An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism doubt fallibility truth Universe rejection religion God honesty faith theism David Hume An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence God skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility doubt truth universe rejection faith-based theism David Hume An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility doubt Universe truth rejection faith theism David Hume An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility truth universe doubt rejection faith theism David Hume An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding atheism agnosticism evidence skepticism fallibility human understanding David Hume rationality belief doubt truth universe religion God existence rejection knowledge positivism faith agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism lack of knowledge human fallibility truth universe doubt rejection theism faith-based David Hume An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro03a	There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 precedent reparations historical wrongs Holocaust German reparations Israel Jewish property Israeli infrastructure Japanese reparations Korea World War II British compensation New Zealand Maoris colonial times Iraq compensation Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa reparations historical wrongs global powers compensation precedent Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II Britain New Zealand Maoris colonial times Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa grievances domination countries reparations historical wrongs global powers Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II colonial times New Zealand Maoris land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers Africa free universal education reparations historical wrongs dominating global powers Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II New Zealand Maoris Britain colonial times Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa reparations historical wrongs German reparations Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II British compensation New Zealand Maoris colonial times Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa reparations compensation historical wrongs Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II British colonialism New Zealand Maoris land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa reparations historical wrongs global powers Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure Japan Korea World War II British colonialism New Zealand Maoris land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa reparations compensation historical wrongs precedent dominating global powers Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II British colonialism New Zealand Maoris land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa reparations historical wrongs Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II Britain New Zealand Maoris colonial times Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa reparations historical wrongs Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II British colonialism New Zealand Maoris Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa compensation domination countries precedent annual payments railways telephones dock installations irrigation plants industry agriculture nation identity colonial times land seizure damage international relations post-conflict restitution global powers historical grievances appropriate measures economic compensation human rights justice historical acknowledgment societal development international law
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro02a	Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs International Law Legal Robustness Transparency Country Acceptance U.S. Policy Cluster Bomb Ban Political Power Legal Irrelevance Land Mines Indiscriminate Damage Human Rights Violations International Legal Credibility Rule Enforcement Legal Contradictions U.S. Influence cluster bombs international law U.S. policy legal inconsistency political power international credibility land mines human rights violations legal enforcement international community legal legitimacy indiscriminate damage robust legal system transparency in law legal contradictions U.S. influence Cluster Bombs International Law Legal System Robustness Transparency Respect Countries States U.S. Political Power Legal Irrelevance Legal Inconsistency Land Mines Indiscriminate Damage Credibility International Legal System Human Rights Violations Enforcement Legitimacy Rule Acceptance cluster bombs international law legal system robust transparent U.S. refusal ban political power international community inconsistency dud cluster bombs land mines indiscriminate damage credibility contradictions influence enforcement human rights violations legitimacy rules Cluster bombs international law legal robustness transparency U.S. policy political influence international community land mines indiscriminate damage human rights violations legal credibility enforcement contradictions legitimacy international law cluster bombs U.S. policy legal inconsistencies transparency robust legal systems state compliance international credibility human rights violations land mines political influence enforcement of international law legitimacy of international law indiscriminate weapons dud cluster bombs legal contradictions international community U.S. refusal to ban international规则遵守 强制执行国际规则难度增加 cluster bombs international law legal robustness transparency state compliance U.S. influence political power legal irrelevance dud cluster bombs land mines indiscriminate damage legal credibility international legal system contradictions human rights violations rule enforcement legal legitimacy state acceptance international rules Cluster Bombs International Law Legal Robustness Transparency U.S. Policy Political Influence Legal Credibility Human Rights Violations Land Mines International Legal System Enforcement Legitimacy Indiscriminate Damage Dud Cluster Bombs Contradictions Rule Adherence State Compliance Legal Inconsistency Humanitarian Law Arms Control cluster bombs international law U.S. policy land mines human rights violations international legal system credibility transparency enforcement political influence legal consistency indiscriminate weapons dud munitions international community legitimacy treaty compliance arms control humanitarian law war crimes military ethics cluster bombs international law U.S. policy legal robustness transparency political influence land mines indiscriminate damage human rights violations legal legitimacy enforcement difficulties international credibility legal contradictions U.S. power international community ban resistance legal inconsistency hidden weapons international rules subjectivity to rules
test-economy-egecegphw-con03a	The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, economic case expansion costs benefits NEF study London airports global connections business destinations leisure flights air travel efficiency plane size flight capacity short haul flights alternative airports Heathrow passenger numbers recession technology business travel runway capacity UK-China agreement flight restrictions New Economics Foundation John Stewart Tom Rutherford HACAN airportwatch BAA Heathrow expansion air transport statistics House of Commons Library economic case expansion costs NEF study London airports global connections flight destinations plane size flight efficiency short haul flights Heathrow alternatives passenger numbers recession impact technology impact business travel runway capacity UK-China flight restrictions HACAN BAA claims economic case expansion NEF study cost-benefit analysis London airports global connections business destinations air travel efficiency larger planes flight capacity short haul flights re-direction Heathrow passenger numbers recession technology impact business travel flight restrictions China agreement runway capacity economic case expansion costs NEF study London airports global connections flight destinations European cities air travel efficiency plane sizes short haul flights alternative airports Heathrow space passenger numbers recession impact business travel technology impact runway capacity UK-China flights economic restrictions HACAN BAA airportwatch economic case expansion NEF study cost-benefit analysis London airports global connections business destinations efficiency plane size occupancy rates short haul flights alternative airports passenger numbers recession impact technology business travel runway capacity UK-China agreement flight restrictions HACAN BAA Heathrow economic case expansion NEF study cost of expansion benefits £5billion London airports six airports seven runways best connections main business destinations European cities leisure destinations air travel efficiency plane size filling planes half empty flights short haul flights re-direction alternative airports Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted Heathrow passenger numbers recession technology business travel runway capacity UK-China agreement flight restrictions BAA claim HACAN airportwatch economic case expansion costs NEF study London airports global connections business destinations flight efficiency plane sizes short haul flights alternative airports passenger numbers recession impact technology changes business travel flight restrictions China agreement runway capacity Heathrow limitations HACAN BAA claims economic case expansion NEF study cost outweighs benefits London airports best connections business destinations efficiency larger planes fuller flights short haul flights alternative airports passenger numbers recession impact technology impact business travel runway capacity UK-China flight agreement HACAN challenge BAA claim Heathrow limitations NEF cost-benefit London airports global connections flight efficiency plane size short-haul flights Heathrow passenger numbers recession business travel runway capacity China flights HACAN BAA airportwatch House of Commons Library economic case environmental impact alternate airports regulatory restrictions aviation industry transport policy urban planning sustainable development economic growth environmental sustainability infrastructure development air traffic management aviation economics regional airports long-term planning technological advancements travel demand policy analysis public consultation stakeholder engagement economic impact assessment environmental protection noise pollution economic case expansion cost benefits NEF London airports global connections business destinations leisure destinations air travel efficiency plane size half-empty flights short-haul flights alternative airports passenger numbers recession technology business travel runway capacity UK-China agreement flight restrictions
test-law-umtlilhotac-con02a	Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights open justice public trial televised trials legal systems victims court access international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR closure 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 European Convention on Human Rights Open justice public trial televised trials victims' rights international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR closure for victims 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 European Convention on Human Rights open justice public trial televised proceedings victim participation international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha 6th Amendment US Constitution European Convention on Human Rights legal transparency victim's rights judicial transparency media in trials global justice legal broadcasting courtroom access victim closure legal ethics human rights law judicialiete ethics international law legal principles public access to justice trial coverage legal representation judicial process legal systems trial fairness legal transparency public interest legal accountability judicial integrity legal procedures justice administration legal open justice public trial televised trials victims' rights legal systems 6th Amendment European Convention on Human Rights international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha closure for victims trial accessibility judicial transparency public interest in trials remote trial locations victim representation media in courts open justice public trial televising trials victim participation international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR closure for victims legal principles 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 ECHR open justice public trial televised trials victim participation international criminal trials legal transparency public access to justice closure for victims ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR human rights 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 ECHR open justice public trial legal systems televised trials victim participation international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha Tanzania victim closure 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 European Convention on Human Rights open justice public trial televised trials victim participation international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR 6th Amendment US Constitution European Convention on Human Rights legal transparency closure for victims trial accessibility remote trial coverage open justice public trial televised trials victims' rights legal systems international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR closure 6th Amendment US Constitution European Convention on Human Rights right to a fair trial public accessibility judicial transparency victim participation legal transparency judicial proceedings courtroom capacity distance barriers legal observance public awareness judicial integrity open justice public trial televised trials victim participation international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha closure for victims 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 European Convention on Human Rights
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro04a	Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state capacity for suffering interests development medical research ethics abhorrent practices moral community animal experimentation human disability ethical stance prohibition of experimentation moral debate La Follette ethics Fox moral theory moral philosophy animal rights human suffering cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state medical ethics specieism moral consistency ethical experimentation disabled persons animal testing moral community ethical dilemmas Fox M. A. La Follette Ethics in Practice Blackwell Pub 2007 moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state medical research ethics capacity for suffering animal experimentation severely disabled persons moral community ethical treatment abhorrent practices prohibition of experimentation Fox La Follette Ethics in Practice Blackwell Pub 2007 moral consistency specieism animal experimentation human suffering cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state medical research ethics moral community disability rights ethical treatment animal rights human experimentation moral stance ethical dilemmas bioethics moral philosophy capacity for suffering interests of persons moral agents non-moral agents ethical practice La Follette Fox ethics in practice Blackwell Pub Malden Oxford moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state capacity for suffering animal experimentation human experimentation moral community ethical stance disabled persons medical research ethics interests development moral obligations abhorrent practices prohibition of experimentation Fox La Follette Ethics in Practice moral consistency speciesism cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state animal experimentation human experimentation moral community ethics in practice suffering capacity interests development disabled persons medical research ethics moral stances abhorrent practices prohibition of experimentation moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state capacity for suffering interests medical research severely disabled moral community ethics animal experimentation human experimentation Fox La Follette ethics in practice Blackwell Pub Malden Oxford 2007 moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state disability ethics animal experimentation human suffering medical research ethics moral community severely disabled persons Fox M. A. La Follette ethics in practice Blackwell Pub 2007 moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state severely disabled medical research ethics animal experimentation human experimentation moral community ethics in practice capacity for suffering interests development moral stances prohibition of experimentation moral philosophy animal rights human suffering cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state ethics in practice specieism medical research ethics moral consistency disability ethics animal experimentation human experimentation moral community Fox M.A. La Follette ethics Blackwell Publishing moral stances ethical debates capacity for suffering interest development severely disabled persons abhorrent practices moral inconsistency moral prohibition animal welfare human rights ethical dilemmas suffering capacity cognitive abilities ethical treatment research ethics moral arguments ethical theories moral obligations moral reasoning ethical considerations moral status
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro04a	"Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Euro single currency travel cost reduction currency conversion holiday expenses accommodation booking sending money cost Euroland British perspective Euro adoption benefits Euro currency conversion travel costs holiday expenses single currency Euroland international payments accommodation booking travel preparation financial transactions European travel currency exchange fees Britain Euro adoption economic benefits travel savings cross-border payments tourist spending currency fragmentation travel logistics Euro cost of travel Europe single currency holiday makers currency conversion accommodation booking send money holiday cottage Euroland Britain Browne 2001 The Euro: Should Britain Join Euro travel cost reduction currency conversion holiday expenses accommodation booking sending money Europe British Euro debate single currency benefits travel preparation costs currency fragmentation Euroland financial transactions cross-border payments tourist spending exchange rate charges travel economics European integration currency exchange savings travel logistics Eurozone travel advantages Euro travel costs currency conversion holiday expenses accommodation money transfer Euroland British participation economic benefits tourism expenses foreign exchange travel preparations financial savings European integration single currency impact travel economics cost of travel single currency holiday preparation currency conversion accommodation booking sending money Euroland Britain join Euro travel expenses financial savings cross-border transactions currency exchange fees travel costs European travel euro adoption international money transfer vacation expenses currency exchange travel budget European holiday currency fragmentation travel convenience reduced travel costs monetary union benefits travel in Europe eurozone advantages international travel currency costs traveler expenses euro adoption impact cost-effective travel currency conversion loss travel financial benefits european travel savings euro benefits travel cost reduction European currency便利 cost reduction travel expenses currency conversion single currency holiday makers fragmented continent money transfer accommodation booking sending money Euroland Britain joining Euro Euro benefits travel costs financial transactions currency exchange fees Euro cost of travel Europe currency conversion travellers holiday souvenir postcard fragmented continent money currency accommodation booking cheaper send money holiday cottage Euroland Britain join Browne 2001 The Euro Should Britain Join Euro travel costs Europe currency conversion holiday expenses single currency financial transactions cross-border payments economic benefits tourism accommodation costs booking fees financial savings Euroland exchange rates international money transfer British perspective economic integration European Union financial efficiency Euro currency conversion travel costs holiday expenses booking accommodation sending money Euroland cost reduction single currency British perspective"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro01a	"The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. New START nuclear arms reduction verification treaty United States Russia nuclear weapons deployed weapons delivery vehicles arsenals safer world bilateral mutual security Cold War mutual suspicion animosity nuclear build-up trust peace verification measures military planners strategic nuclear arsenal Christian plea Republican case ratification security international relations disarmament non-proliferation global stability New START nuclear weapons reduction bilateral verification US-Russia relations global security Cold War tensions nuclear arsenals strategic nuclear forces arms control peace treaty international cooperation nuclear deterrence mutual trust national security nuclear disarmament Christian perspective political support treaty ratification military planners strategic stability nuclear disarmament New START treaty US-Russia relations nuclear weapons reduction verification measures global security mutual trust Cold War tensions peace negotiation international cooperation strategic nuclear arsenal military planners nuclear deterrent Christian perspective bipartisan support political leadership non-proliferation arms control verification inspections nuclear safety international stability foreign policy world peace former secretaries of state national security reduction of arsenals strategic stability treaty ratification nuclear build-up disarmament advocacy security studies international relations global governance geopolitical strategy defense policy strategic studies international New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations global security Dr. David Gushee nuclear arms control bilateral verification measures Cold War tensions Prime Minister Vladimir Putin strategic nuclear arsenal military planners Republican support world peace nuclear deterrent Christian perspective international cooperation nuclear safety verification treaty nuclear arsenal transparency peace advocacy nuclear nonproliferation disarmament nuclear disaster prevention mutual security mutual trust nuclear build-up prevention former Secretaries of State national security strategic stability treaty ratification global nuclear policy international security architecture US-Russia nuclear dialogue New START nuclear arms reduction verification treaty US-Russia relations nuclear weapons stockpiles mutual security bilateral verification Cold War tensions nuclear build-ups verification measures strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections national security Republican support peace cooperation international security non-proliferation diplomatic relations global stability New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations global security arms control verification measures bilateral cooperation mutual security Cold War tensions peace and stability strategic nuclear arsenal international diplomacy non-proliferation treaty ratification military planning nuclear deterrent Christian perspective on nuclear policy political support for treaties nuclear disarmament international law global governance national security compliance monitoring disarmament advocacy international relations strategic stability nuclear policy world peace New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations global security nuclear disarmament Cold War mutual trust nuclear arsenal verification international cooperation peace nuclear deterrence strategic stability bipartisan support Former Secretaries of State nuclear non-proliferation global peace international security verification measures strategic nuclear forces nuclear safety mutual security disarmament treaty bilateral relations nuclear arms control Russian military American military nuclear inspection national security Pentagon strategic forces nuclear doctrine international diplomacy global stability nuclear policy international relations global governance nuclear threat global health New START nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia treaty global security Dr. David Gushee nuclear arsenal verification Cold War animosity Putin nuclear build-up threat Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagleburger Powell military planners strategic nuclear deterrent New START nuclear weapons US Russia safer world nuclear arms reduction verification treaty deployed weapons arsenals security peace Cold War mutual trust verification measures strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections national security military planners nuclear deterrent Christian perspective political support bipartisan agreement international relations global stability nuclear disarmament non-proliferation strategic stability arms control bilateral relations diplomatic engagement international security treaty ratification global peace nuclear safety strategic balance verification inspections nuclear arsenal transparency international cooperation mutual security nuclear threats world peace New START treaty nuclear arms reduction verification treaty US-Russia relations nuclear weapons global security mutual security Cold War nuclear build-up verification measures trust peace military planners strategic nuclear arsenal national security Christian perspective Republican support ratification international cooperation nuclear deterrence"
test-law-ilppppghb-con01a	"What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. democratic rights individual rights collective self-determination minority rights right to protest right to lobby right to vote majority community state obligation secession identity-based politics minority nationalities Basques Catalans Franco era political power discrimination social improvement political parties community representation democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights right to protest right to vote secession identity-based politics Basques Catalans Franco era political power discrimination minority nationalities secessionist movements democratic protections majority community political representation secessionist claims regional autonomy democratic participation democratic rights individual rights collective self-determination minority rights right to protest right to lobby right to vote majority community state obligation self-determination Franco era Spain Basques Catalans political power identity-based politics secession discrimination political representation social improvement political change Basque Nation Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University individual democratic rights collective self-determination minority in a nation right to self-determination democratic rights right to protest right to lobby right to vote majority community state obligation minority nationalities Basques Catalans Franco era Spain discrimination political power identity-based politics secession Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University Basque Nation political parties community representation social improvement political influence secessionist movements democratic protections minority rights national minorities self-governance regional autonomy political representation democratic participation state responsibilities democratic equality democratic rights individual rights collective self-determination minority rights right to protest right to vote majority community state obligation self-determination Franco era Spain Basques Catalans political power identity-based politics secession Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights right to protest right to vote political representation secession Basque Catalan Franco era identity-based politics minority nationalities democratic protections majority community political power secession movements discrimination political inclusion democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights protest rights lobbying voting rights majority community state obligations self-determination Franco era Spain Basques Catalans political discrimination identity-based politics secession Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University Basque Nation political representation social improvement political power democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights right to protest right to lobby right to vote majority community state obligation secession Basques Catalans Franco era Spain political power identity-based politics secession weakening democratic protections minority nationalities political representation community politics historical context political change social improvement discrimination exclusion political rights democratic governance national minorities self-governance political participation civic equality regional autonomy secessionist movements democratic reforms political integration community identity political evolution democratic empowerment minority empowerment political democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights national minorities Basques Catalans Franco era Spain identity-based politics secession political representation democratic protections majority community right to protest right to vote right to lobby political power discrimination political exclusion social improvement secessionist movements minority nationalities political parties community representation democratic equality state obligations self-determination claims democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights right to protest right to lobby right to vote majority community state obligation minority nationalities Basques Catalans Franco era Spain discrimination political power identity-based politics secession Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University Basque Nation"
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro01a	Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. free trade development economic growth international business market barriers global competition innovation sharing cost reduction labor mobility resource allocation market expansion consumer benefits price competition product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction DanBen-David Håkan Nordström LAlanWinters World Trade Organization 1999 free trade development economic growth barrier removal international business competition cross-border trade innovation sharing cost reduction labor mobility resource allocation market expansion consumer benefits price competition product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction World Trade Organization global economy free trade development economic growth international business market barriers corporate competition regional economies innovation sharing production costs labor mobility resource allocation consumer benefits price competition product innovation employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction global trade WTO economic policies trade agreements market expansion workforce development cross-border trade business opportunities trade liberalization economic welfare international markets trade impacts workforce skills labor market dynamics economic integration trade benefits competitive advantage market access trade economics trade effects international development trade and poverty trade and income Dan Ben-David free trade development growth removes barriers international business competition countries regions sharing innovation cost reduction production labor mobility skills transaction benefits companies resources markets consumers price reduction product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction World Trade Organization Dan Ben-David Håkan Nordström LAlan Winters trade policies economic integration market access global economy foreign direct investment barriers to entry tariffs subsidies quotas market efficiency economic welfare productivity gains technological diffusion human capital economic theory international relations globalization free trade development economic growth barriers removal international business competition innovation sharing production cost reduction labor mobility resource allocation market expansion consumer benefit price reduction product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction global trade World Trade Organization research economic analysis free trade economic development global growth barrier removal international business competition enhancement innovation diffusion cost reduction labor mobility resource expansion market access price reduction product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction WTO Dan Ben-David Håkan Nordström L. Alan Winters free trade development economic growth international business market barriers global competition cross-border innovation production costs labor mobility resource allocation market expansion price reduction product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction international trade benefits WTO economic disparity global markets trade liberalization economic benefits DanBen-David Håkan Nordström LAlanWinters free trade development economic growth international business market barriers global competition innovation sharing production costs labor mobility resource allocation market expansion consumer benefits price reduction product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction World Trade Organization international trade policy economic benefits trade liberalization free trade development growth barriers international business competition innovation cost reduction labor mobility market expansion consumer benefits employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction global economics trade policies WTO economic research policy impact Free trade development growth barriers companies business countries regions competition innovation cost reduction labor mobility resources markets consumers prices employment income disparity poverty World Trade Organization
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro03a	Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis world leaders replacement treaty global emissions reduction ratification optimism developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world historical emissions per capita emissions emissions reductions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions developed countries US China fruitless treaty Kyoto Protocol global GHG emissions economic crisis world leaders treaty replacement global emissions reduction ratification developing world emissions caps historical emissions per capita emissions emissions reduction payment wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions growth US climate policy China emissions fruitless treaty global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis world leaders replacement treaty global emissions reduction developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world per capita emissions legitimate right emissions reductions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions developed countries US China fruitless treaty Kyoto Protocol global GHG emissions economic crisis world leaders global emissions reduction treaty developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world per capita emissions global accord emissions reductions abatement wealth transfer developed world budget deficits annual emissions developed countries US China treaty inclusion global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis treaty replacement emissions reduction developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world per capita emissions emissions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions growth developed countries US China climate treaty The Economist A bad climate for development 17th September 2009 global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis replacement treaty global emissions reduction developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world per capita emissions legitimate right wealth transfer emissions reductions abatement developed countries US China budget deficits annual emissions growth global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis emissions reduction treaty developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world per capita emissions emissions reductions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions growth developed countries US China climate treaty global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis replacement treaty emissions reduction developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world per capita emissions global emissions wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions developed countries China US climate policy international cooperation environmental agreements global warming carbon emissions climate change economic development environmental justice industrial nations emerging economies climate negotiations global governance international treaties environmental sustainability economic inequality climate finance carbon footprint international relations environmental law global environment sustainable development greenhouse gases economic growth political economy environmental regulation Kyoto Protocol global GHG emissions economic crisis world leaders emissions reduction treaty developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world per capita emissions emissions reductions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions developed countries US China climate policy international agreements environmental regulation economic development global cooperation climate change mitigation financial constraints political will environmental justice historical emissions future commitments economic priorities environmental priorities international negotiation treaty ratification global environmental governance carbon emissions climate action sustainable development economic growth environmental impact global warming carbon footprint global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis world leaders replacement treaty global emissions reduction ratification developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world per capita emissions emissions reductions emissions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions developed countries US China climate for development
test-international-ehbfe-pro04a	The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India long-term democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation companies member state externalities federal unity EU states work together successful federal countries federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world federalism European social policy environmental policy key to success single market national regulation social issues environmental issues European approach regulation of business companies transfer member state externalities federal unity EU states closer together successful countries federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation business regulation externalities federal unity EU states closer cooperation successful federal countries federal model success peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world federalism European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation companies transfer member state regulation externalities EU states federal unity work successfully federal model success peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation companies member states externalities federal unity EU states cooperation success factors international comparison federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation companies member state externalities federal unity EU states closer together work successfully federal countries federal model success peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation externalities federal unity EU states cooperation economic integration governance political stability social welfare environmental protection international comparison policy effectiveness economic competitiveness regulatory harmonization federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation externalities EU states federal unity federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation company transfer member state externalities federal unity EU states successful federal countries federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation companies member state externalities EU federal unity states working together successful federal countries
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con02a	The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, information data privacy companies commerce personal protection economic user identity security consumer profile preferences online experience violation gathering clients understanding targeting ads economics OECD Acquisti New York Times AOL penguins explanation commercial entity possession disclosure interaction evolution sphere economic sphere natural conventional revealed second-hand gathered histories cookies impermeable intermediary settings ascertaining actual true consumer mapping reflecting desires catering effort age-old understanding data privacy personal information commercial use consumer data firms economic sphere personal data mining user preference online experience search history cookies consumer profile identity protection privacy violation ad targeting security settings economic privacy Acquisti OECD New York Times AOL penguins age-old effort client understanding information personal data firms utilization public sphere private rights economic sphere commerce commercial entity online experience data mining user identity search histories cookies consumer profile preference map security settings privacy data gathering clients ad targeting Acquisti OECD Story New York Times AOL penguins economic privacy Data privacy personal information commercial entities consumer data online experience economic sphere user identity privacy violation data gathering client understanding Acquisti OECD New York Times ad targeting consumer profiles search histories cookies security settings personal data mining economic value user preferences information dissemination privacy rights data protection commercial use information consent online efficiency economic information data utilization data security user interaction privacy concerns data ethics information commerce data sharing commercial data data relevance user data data accuracy data anonymization data profiling data regulation information sharing personal data commercial use privacy rights data protection consumer profiling online experience data mining user identity security settings economic practices client understanding ad targeting data gathering information personal data firms privacy commerce economic sphere consumer profile data mining security settings privacy violation client understanding ad targeting Acquisti OECD Story New York Times AOL penguins online experience information personal firms utilization public sphere privacy protected right natural evolution economic commerce disclosure commercial entity possession experience online efficient valuable data mining identity user second-hand gathered search histories cookies consumer profile preference map security settings impermeable intermediary violation age-old effort clients desires Acquisti economics OECD AOL penguins ad targeting New York Times information personal data privacy commercial firms utilization public sphere protected right evolution economic commerce consumer profile preference map search histories cookies security settings identity violation Acquisti OECD Story New York Times ad targeting economic data economics privacy penguins explain age-old clients cater desires information personal data privacy commercial use economic sphere consumer profiling data mining security settings user identity ad targeting economic privacy data protection user experience commercial entities data gathering client understanding privacy violation online efficiency second-hand information search histories cookies consumer preferences individual privacy economic value information dispersal public sphere firm interaction personal rights data utilization user engagement consumer data online commerce user consent data sharing information protection data security data privacy online advertising user profiling data analysis consumer behavior economic benefits information management legitimate personal information companies public sphere protected private right economic sphere commerce consumer profile preference map second-hand information search histories cookies security settings privacy data-gathering clients catering desires ad targeting economics of personal data privacy economics OECD New York Times AOL penguins
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con03a	A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greek default Eurozone crisis domino effect financial contagion investor sentiment bond yields interest rates government debt budget deficit economic speculation financial support European Central Bank Germany Netherlands Portugal Spain Italy Ireland euro exit economic stability fiscal policy sovereign debt危机 Greek default Eurozone domino-effect shockwaves Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands default speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit GDP ECB financial support Sony Kapoor BBC News Greek default Eurozone domino-effect investor reaction Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit GDP ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone domino-effect shockwaves investor wariness Portuguese default Spanish default Italian default Irish default capital outflow secure countries Germany Netherlands speculation danger bond demand decrease interest rate increase budget deficit GDP ratio ECB support German financial support Eurozone strain financial stability economic contagion Greek default Eurozone domino-effect shockwaves investors wary Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest payments budget deficit GDP ECB financial support Greek default negative domino-effect Eurozone countries tremendous shockwaves investor wariness Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow secure countries Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest payments budget deficit GDP financial support ECB Sony Kapoor BBC News Greece exits euro Greek default Eurozone domino-effect investor reaction financial contagion Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flight Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone domino-effect shockwaves investor wary default Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow secure countries Germany Netherlands speculation danger default speculation government bonds interest payments budget deficit GDP ratio ECB support financial support Greek default Eurozone countries domino-effect shockwaves investors wary Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flow Germany Netherlands speculation danger of default government bonds interest payments interest rates budget deficit GDP ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone domino-effect shockwaves Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flight Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit GDP ECB financial support
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con03a	“After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, President Obama budget policies job creation national debt economic crisis health care reform government control enterprise encouragement Democratic policies business encouragement government involvement market regulation American people GDP growth unemployment rate regulation increase taxation increase William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR Obama vs FDR unemployment statistics budget-busting job creation national debt economic crisis healthcare policy government control enterprise discouragement market intervention GDP stagnation unemployment increase regulation increase taxation increase economic growth American life chances Weekly Standard William Kristol NPR Obama presidency FDR comparison political criticism economic policy government spending fiscal responsibility regulatory oversight tax policy employment rates GDP performance healthcare reform market freedom government involvement economic stagnation political commentary fiscal policy economic management government efficiency taxpayer money economic reform market dynamics economic indicators policy analysis economic forecasting President Obama budget-busting policies job creation national debt economic crisis healthcare policy government control economic growth unemployment rate GDP growth market regulation taxation American people William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR FDR unemployment President Obama budget-busting policies job creation national debt profligate spending economic crisis healthcare policies government control enterprise encouragement Democratic policies business encouragement government market involvement American people life chances GDP growth unemployment rate regulation increase taxation increase William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR Obama No FDR unemployment issues President Obama budget-busting policies job creation national debt economic crisis healthcare policy government control enterprise industry Democratic policies market regulation GDP growth unemployment rate William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR economic stagnation market involvement taxation regulation President Obama budget-busting policies job creation national debt fiscal responsibility economic crisis healthcare reform government control enterprise encouragement market intervention Democratic policies business encouragement government involvement market regulation GDP growth unemployment rate economic stagnation William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR unemployment statistics economic policy critique President Obama budget policies job creation national debt economic crisis healthcare policies government control enterprise encouragement Democratic policies business encouragement market regulation American people GDP growth unemployment rate regulation increase taxation increase William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR budget-busting policies job creation national debt economic crisis government spending healthcare reform economic freedom business regulation market intervention GDP growth unemployment rate government regulation taxation economic stagnation fiscal policy economic performance political criticism economic policy government involvement market freedom President Obama budget policies job creation national debt economic crisis healthcare reform government control enterprise encouragement Democratic policies business encouragement market regulation GDP growth unemployment rate William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR budget jobs debt economic crisis health care enterprise industry Democrats business government involvement market American people GDP growth unemployment regulation taxation
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro01a	Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers charitable organisations profit accessibility poorer families equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment failure pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidized fees charitable organizations profit accessibility poorer families equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidised charitable organisations profit accessible poorer families equality of opportunity state education UK investment in education sub-standard education private schools voucher scheme education vouchers charitable organizations private school accessibility poorer families education reform school choice educational equity equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment failure pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidies charitable organizations profit accessibility poorer families equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidised charitable organisations profit accessible families equality opportunity children richer poorer state education UK investment vouchers private schools sub-standard access subsidised charitable organisations profit accessible poorer families equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidised charitable organisations profit accessibility disadvantaged families equality opportunity children richer poorer state education UK investment vouchers private schools subsidies charitable organizations profitability accessibility families economic disparity educational reform policy funding social mobility equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidies charitable organizations profit accessibility families
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con03a	The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, state intrusions personal matters individual conduct private environment consensual activities marriage traditions religion denomination non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages EU states regulation consenting adults arbitrary definitions wide-ranging policies human rights legal protections gay marriage legality Netherlands Argentina European context personal freedoms state overreach legal marriage cultural practices individual rights societal norms marriage laws legislative interference privacy rights state intrusion personal matters private conduct individual rights marriage traditions religion denomination non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages consensual adults forced marriages EU regulations human rights legal protections marriage laws civil liberties individual freedoms government overreach privacy rights state intrusion personal matters individual conduct private environment non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages consent forced marriages legislation EU states human rights marriage traditions religion denomination legal protections marriage laws consent in marriage personal freedoms state regulation marriage rights privacy rights individual autonomy marriage equality legal recognition cultural practices marital autonomy consent-based marriages harm principle legal reform marriage policy public interest personal choice marital traditions legal boundaries marriage diversity human rights protection state intervention personal relationships cultural diversity marital freedom legal standards state intrusion personal matters individual conduct private consensual marriage traditions religion denomination European states non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages consent harm forced marriages outlawed regulation arbitrary wide-ranging consenting adults EU states rights infringement protection state intrusion personal matters individual conduct private environment marriage traditions religion denomination European states non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages consensual adults forced marriages outlawed arbitrary regulation EU states rights infringement legal gay marriage countries state intervention personal matters individual rights privacy marriage laws non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages legal regulations EU states human rights consenting adults harm principle legal protections governmental overreach freedom of choice cultural traditions religious denominations legal marriage societal norms legislative trends marriage rights civil liberties personal freedoms international comparisons marriage policies legal definitions public policy social issues individual autonomy state intrusion personal matters private conduct individual freedom marriage traditions religion denomination non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages legal regulation consenting adults arbitrary definition EU states human rights legal protections social progress marriage rights cultural practices legal boundaries government oversight personal choice individual autonomy marital laws legislative interference social norms legal reforms democratic principles civil liberties constitutional rights judicial review policy making societal values cultural diversity international law human rights violations legal standards moral governance public policy ethical considerations privacy rights state intrusion personal matters private conduct individual rights non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages consensual relationships European Union legal protections forced marriages harmful practices human rights legislative regulation public policy marriage laws cultural traditions religious freedom individual autonomy legal autonomy government overreach societal norms marital choice 🔗 state intrusion personal matters individual conduct private environment non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages EU states human rights legal protections marital freedom consent religious traditions cultural practices marriage laws government regulation individual rights harm principle legal marriage societal norms domestic policy international comparison European Union marriage equality legal recognition civil liberties marriage legislation human rights violations legal reform social acceptance marriage choices personal autonomy government overreach marital autonomy legal frameworks cultural diversity marriage practices legal protections marital rights civil rights legal intrusion personal matters individual conduct private environment marriages tradition religion denomination European states non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages regulation consenting adults arbitrary definition infringement rights protection EU states legal Netherlands Argentina
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con03a	Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, nuclear waste electricity generation Integral Fast Reactors uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons energy production long-term energy source waste reduction half-life storage feasibility Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power public perception environmental impact nuclear technology energy sustainability recycling waste nuclear waste Integral Fast Reactors uranium energy production long-term energy source waste recycling reduced waste shorter half-life waste storage Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power environmental impact sustainable energy nuclear waste electricity generation Integral Fast Reactors nuclear reactors uranium energy production long-term energy source waste reduction half-life waste storage Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power environmental impact energy sustainability nuclear waste electricity generation Integral Fast Reactors nuclear reactor waste uranium energy production long-term energy source waste reduction half-life waste storage space requirements nuclear power Sellafield George Monbiot Charles Till PBS nuclear solutions environmental impact energy sustainability nuclear waste electricity generation Integral Fast Reactors uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons energy production long-term energy source waste reduction half-life waste storage space requirement Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear waste electricity generation Integral Fast Reactors uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons long-term energy source waste reduction half-life storage feasibility Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power energy production waste recycling environmental impact sustainable energy nuclear technology public perception energy policy Nuclear waste electricity Integral Fast Reactors nuclear reactors uranium nuclear weapons energy source long term waste problem recycling half-life storage space Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power public perception energy production environmental impact Nuclear waste reuse electricity Integral Fast Reactors IFR uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons energy production long-term energy source waste reduction half-life storage space requirements Charles Till George Monbiot PBS guardian.co.uk Sellafield Nuclear waste electricity generation Integral Fast Reactors uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons energy production long-term energy source waste reduction short half-life storage feasibility Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear solutions nuclear waste Integral Fast Reactors energy production uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons long-term energy source waste reduction half-life storage feasibility Charles Till George Monbiot PBS guardian.co.uk Sellafield nuclear power environmental impact energy efficiency radioactivity waste recycling
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro03a	It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, CAP Common Agricultural Policy food oversupply developing countries cereals wine stockpiles low prices European agriculture advanced technologies GDP agriculture unemployment self-sufficiency EU economic impact trade food exports local producers subsidies market distortion Africa Asia CAP Common Agricultural Policy developing countries food surplus cereals wine stockpiles low prices European food advanced technologies agriculture GDP unemployment self-sufficiency Africa Asia EU economic harm trade impact food security local producers market competition subsidies export dumping sustainable development rural livelihoods economic dependency policy reform international trade food aid development aid agricultural productivity environmental impact social impact political economy global food systems food policy agricultural economics international relations economic globalization rural development poverty inequality food sovereignty trade CAP agriculture policy food surplus developing countries economic impact low prices local producers unemployment self-sufficiency cereal stockpiles wine surplus EU agriculture advanced technologies GDP Africa Asia butter mountain New York Times Stephen Castle CAP Common Agricultural Policy oversupply food and beverages cereals wine stockpiles developing countries low prices European food advanced technologies agriculture GDP unemployment self-sufficiency Africa Asia European Union EU butter mountain New York Times Stephen Castle CAP food surplus developing countries economy agricultural policy EU cereals wine low prices local producers unemployment self-sufficiency technology GDP agriculture Africa Asia EU production butter mountain New York Times CAP Common Agricultural Policy developing countries food surplus agricultural subsidies economic impact food prices local producers unemployment self-sufficiency European Union agriculture GDP cereal stockpiles wine surplus low prices advanced technologies Africa Asia butter mountain CAP Common Agricultural Policy food surplus developing countries economic impact low prices local producers unemployment self-sufficiency cereals wine stockpiles advanced technologies agriculture GDP Europe Africa Asia food and beverages export subsistence farming trade competition market disruption CAP agriculture developing countries food surplus cereals wine low prices European food advanced technologies GDP unemployment self-sufficiency butter mountain EU economic impact food and beverages supply and demand trade international development agriculture policies food security market competition rural development poverty economic dependency economies developing world CAP oversupply food beverages stockpiles cereals wine surplus low prices local producers European food advanced technologies agriculture GDP Europe developing countries Africa Asia unemployment self-sufficiency EU production consequences trade exports subsidies market distortion food security rural development poverty CAP oversupply food beverages cereals wine stockpiles developing countries low prices local producers European food advanced technologies agriculture GDP unemployment self-sufficiency EU production economic harm trade impact commodity prices food security rural economy agricultural policy export subsidies market distortion development aid poverty Africa Asia
test-economy-egppphbcb-con01a	Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. socialism humane society equality wealth gap rich countries poor countries Warren Buffet net worth global hunger child mortality malnutrition capitalism profit minimum wage globalization outsourcing labor exploitation CEO salaries worker rights bargaining power human needs production profit maximization income inequality Marxism Engel's principles Critique of the Gotha Programme socialism humane society wealth inequality global capitalism wage disparity capitalist profit worker conditions global outsourcing CEO compensation worker survival Marxist theory social justice economic equality human needs profit maximization labor rights income distribution economic systems societal fairness capitalist exploitation Socialism humane society wealth inequality global capitalism wage disparity worker exploitation profit maximization living standards minimum wage globalized labor markets CEO wages labor rights income distribution social justice capitalist system worker survival human needs profit motive socioeconomic inequality Marxist theory Critique of the Gotha Programme The principles of Communism socialism humane society wealth inequality global capitalism worker exploitation profit maximization wage disparity economic justice capitalist system social inequality labor rights globalized economy corporate greed human needs Marxism Communist principles wage labor class struggle social equity ethical economics socialism humane society wealth inequality Warren Buffet global poverty starvation malnutrition capitalist system profit maximization minimum wage globalization outsourcing labor exploitation wage disparity CEO compensation worker rights bargaining power human needs production Marxist theory economic justice social equality Critique of the Gotha Programme principles of communism Marxist Internet Archive Forbes World Food Programme socialism humane society inequality wealth gap poverty rich countries poor countries Warren Buffet net worth hunger malnutrition child mortality capitalist system profit minimum wage globalization outsourcing labor standards CEO compensation worker exploitation free choice human needs production wage distribution Marx Engels Critique of the Gotha Programme principles of Communism Socialism humane society wealth inequality global capitalism wage disparity worker exploitation profit maximization capitalist system CEO compensation laborer wages economic justice social inequality starvation malnutrition Marx Engels Marxist theory human needs production for use profit motives global outsourcing labor conditions bargaining power worker rights income distribution economic systems social equity critiques of capitalism humane economics global wealth gap social justice worker survival economic exploitation capitalist profit socialist principles wage equality production for profit economic disparity capitalist wages social fairness economic hierarchy labor socialism humane society inequality capitalism profit minimum wage globalization outsourcing worker exploitation CEO compensation worker survival human needs Marxist theory wealth distribution social justice economic disparity income inequality labor rights corporate profit worker conditions Socialism humane society wealth inequality global capitalism worker exploitation CEO salaries minimum wage outsourcing profit maximization labor rights economic justice Marxist theory income disparity social equity capitalist system worker conditions globalized economy corporate responsibility wealth distribution Marx Engels Forbes World Food Programme Communist principles Critique of the Gotha Programme socialism equality income disparity global wealth gap Warren Buffet net worth poverty hunger child mortality malnutrition capitalism profit maximization minimum wage outsourcing labor rights worker exploitation CEO salaries wealth distribution human needs Marx Engels Critique of the Gotha Programme The Principles of Communism
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro05a	Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities credit health care services income irregularities health care affordability microfinance institutions healthcare systems Ghana inaccessibility household poverty health education non-financial services microfinance health care poverty loans credit banking facilities poor income irregularities affordability finance protection non-financial services health education healthcare systems Ghana inaccessibility household illness poverty prevention Ofori-Adjei 2007 microfinance health care poverty loans credit banking facilities health education Ghana income irregularities financial protection non-financial services household poverty healthcare integration microfinance institutions health care access finance schemes poor's income health services financial inclusion microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit irregular income affordable health care microfinance institutions integration healthcare systems Ghana health education non-financial services protection from poverty ill health household poverty microfinance health care poverty loans credit banking facilities health education non-financial services income irregularities financial protection healthcare systems Ghana Ofori-Adjei 2007 inaccessibility household poverty microfinance institutions integrated services Microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit health care services financial inclusion income irregularities health affordability microfinance institutions health education financial protection Ghana healthcare systems non-financial services micro-schemes health integration microfinance health care poverty access loans credit banking facilities health education non-financial services income irregularities financial protection healthcare systems Ghana Ofori-Adjei 2007 household poverty microfinance institutions integrated services microfinance health care loans poor banking credit income irregularities finance access healthcare systems integration poverty protection non-financial services health education microfinance health care loans credit banking facilities poverty healthcare systems Ghana income irregularities finance schemes health education non-financial services inaccessibility household poverty protection microfinance health care poverty loans credit banking facilities healthcare systems Ghana health education non-financial services income irregularities household poverty financial protection health care affordability
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con02a	"Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. 1967 borders Palestinian state Avigdor Lieberman Israeli security pre-1967 lines conflict Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries strategic depth deterrence Middle East volatility Shi'ite axis Jordan Egypt Islamic militants peace Gaza Hamas 1967 borders Israel Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries security strategic depth deterrence Middle East regional stability Shi'ite axis Jordan Iran Iraq Syria Egypt militant Islamic elements Peace Now defensible borders Hamas Islamist identity Gaza Ethan Bronner Taghreed El-Khodary Kenneth Levin Yaakov Amidror Tovah Lazaroff Jerusalem Post FrontPageMag.com Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace 1967 borders Israel Palestinian state Avigdor Lieberman pre-1967 lines conflict American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries security deter aggressors strategic depth Middle East volatile region radical Shi'ite state Jordan Palestinian majority militant Islamic elements Egypt nine-mile waist Islamic militants peace war Defensible Borders lasting peace Gaza Hamas Islamist identity 1967 borders pre-1967 lines Palestinian state Judea and Samaria Avigdor Lieberman conflict Israeli security American ambassador to the UN Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries strategic depth deterrence Middle East volatility regional aggression Shi'ite axis Jordan Egypt militant Islamic elements geographical dimensions peace war Hamas Gaza Islamist identity 1967 borders Avigdor Lieberman pre-1967 lines Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict Israeli security strategic depth deterrence regional stability Middle East volatility Radical Shi'ite state Jordanian Palestinian majority militant Islamic elements Egypt regime Islamic militants peace process defensible borders Lyndon Johnson American policy UN ambassador renewed hostilities geographic vulnerability Israel's waist national security international relations geopolitical strategy Middle East peace terrorism war prevention security guarantees Iran Iraq Syria King Abdullah Shi 1967 borders Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict pre-1967 lines American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries security strategic depth population centres strategic infrastructure deter aggressors Middle East regional instability Iraq Iran Jordan militant Islamic elements Egypt geographic dimensions Israel's waist Hamas Gaza Islamist identity 1967 borders war likelihood Avigdor Lieberman pre-1967 lines Palestinian state Judea Samaria conflict American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson insecure borders renewed hostilities recognized boundaries security strategic depth population centres strategic infrastructure regional aggression Middle East volatility Shi'ite state Iran Jordan Palestinian majority militant Islamic elements Egypt Israel waist Islamic militants lasting peace defensible borders Hamas Gaza Islamist identity 1967 borders war likelihood Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict continuation American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries security deterrence strategic depth population centers infrastructure Middle East volatility aggressors Shi'ite axis Jordan Palestinian majority militant Islamic elements Egypt geographic dimensions attack Islamic militants peace war Israel 1967 borders war likelihood Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson secure boundaries peace renewed hostilities strategic depth deterrence future attacks Middle East volatility Iraq Iran Jordan Egypt Islamic militants geographical dimensions Israel's waist peace prospects Gaza Islamist identity 1967 borders Avigdor Lieberman pre-1967 lines Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict American ambassador to the UN Lyndon Johnson renewed hostilities recognized boundaries security deter aggressors strategic depth tactical range West Bank unpredictable future Middle East radical Shi'ite state Iran King Abdullah Jordan militant Islamic elements Egypt nine-mile-wide waist Islamic militants peace war Israel defensible borders lasting peace Gaza Hamas Islamist identity"
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro04a	Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 transparency accountability security mistakes correction life and death military national security waste Pentagon Department of Defense audit Schneier Bruce The Atlantic Schweizer Peter The Daily Beast crony capitalism defense budget transparency accountability mistakes correction security military national security life and death waste Pentagon Department of Defense audit Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer crony capitalism defense budget transparency accountability mistakes correction security military national security Pentagon waste audit defense budget life and death costly errors Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer crony capitalism The Atlantic The Daily Beast transparency accountability security mistakes correction audit waste Pentagon defense budget military national security life and death cost Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer The Atlantic The Daily Beast crony capitalism defense apparatus transparency accountability security mistakes correction military national security waste Pentagon Department of Defense life and death audit crony capitalism defense budget Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer transparency mistakes accountability security life and death military national security waste Pentagon Department of Defense audit crony capitalism defense budget transparency accountability security mistakes correction military national security waste Pentagon audit defense budget life and death costly Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer The Atlantic The Daily Beast crony capitalism transparency accountability security mistakes prevention correction military national security waste Pentagon audit life and death cost crony capitalism defense budget Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer The Atlantic The Daily Beast transparency accountability security mistakes corrections military national security waste Pentagon defense budget life and death audit Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer The Atlantic The Daily Beast crony capitalism defense spending public oversight responsible governance transparency accountability security mistakes correction life and death military national security waste Pentagon defense budget crony capitalism Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer
test-law-tahglcphsld-con02a	More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf drug legalization illegal drug use consequences of drug use free availability of drugs OECD countries drug statistics alcohol consumption tobacco smoking cannabis use drug prohibition Australian drug survey reasons for not using cannabis impact of drug legality drug policy public health societal impact of drugs substance abuse legal versus illegal substances drug enforcement drug addiction recreational drug use socioeconomic factors psychological factors medicinal use of drugs drug regulation harm reduction drug education youth drug use social norms and drugs cultural attitudes towards drugs economic impact of drugs crime rates and drugs mental health and drugs physical drug legalization drug policy illegal drugs drug use statistics OECD countries substance abuse cannabis use prohibition effects alcohol consumption tobacco smoking drug availability legal consequences health impacts societal impact drug enforcement public health addiction rates recreational drugs law enforcement drug regulation mental health physical health economic impact social behavior legislative changes public opinion drug education harm reduction drug legalization negative consequences increased drug use free availability illegal drugs OECD countries regular drug use alcohol consumption tobacco smoking cannabis use illegality impact prohibition effects drug policy public health substance abuse legal implications social implications Australian survey drug deterrence cannabis cessation drug legalization drug use consequences free availability illegal drugs OECD countries drug usage statistics alcohol consumption tobacco smoking cannabis use illegality impact Australian survey prohibition effects drug policy public health substance abuse drug legalization drug use consequences OECD countries illegal drug statistics alcohol consumption tobacco use cannabis prohibition survey responses drug availability legal drugs public health substance abuse policy impact drug enforcement social behavior legal consequences user demographics addiction rates harm reduction legislative reform legal drugs drug use consequences drug legalization free drug availability OECD drug use statistics illegal drug use alcohol consumption tobacco smoking cannabis illegality Australian cannabis survey UN World Drug Report NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics prohibition effects cannabis use deterrence drug legalization drug use consequences OECD countries illegal drugs alcohol tobacco cannabis prohibition deterrence survey Australia drug policy public health substance abuse legal status consumer behavior drug enforcement social impact health statistics drug legalization illegal drug use drug availability negative consequences drug policy public health substance abuse cannabis use OECD countries alcohol consumption tobacco smoking prohibition effectiveness drug enforcement legal repercussions Australian survey cannabis cessation drug deterrence World Drug Report Bureau of Crime and Statistics drug consumption trends societal impact regulatory framework harm reduction drug education substance control recreational drugs legal drugs health implications addiction rates legal status drug market public opinion legislative changes substance regulation drug-related crimes social norms health policies drug accessibility youth drug use drug dependency drug legalization illegal drug use OECD countries alcohol consumption tobacco smoking cannabis use drug policy prohibition effects drug availability public health social impact legal consequences survey analysis UNODC NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics drug legalization illegal drugs drug use consequences OECD countries drug availability drug illegality cannabis use prohibition effectiveness substance abuse public healthimpact
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro01a	Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. open source adaptable government needs product creation hierarchical organization open market fluid product user modification source code rapid improvement programmer curiosity coding methodologies optimal solutions high quality programs business adaptation individual coder pace of change monopolistic producers robust software responsive software closed source cathedral and bazaar open source government needs software development hierarchical organization open market fluid product source code users programmers improve adapt fix Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding methodologies solutions coding problems optimal solution higher quality programmes businesses individual coders monopolistic producers pace of change robust responsive closed source alternatives Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source adaptable government needs hierarchical organisation top-down authority open market fluid product source code evolve users programmers improve adapt fix Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding optimal solution higher quality programmes businesses individual coders monopolistic producers pace of change open source community robust responsive closed source alternatives open source software government needs product creation hierarchical organization top-down authority open market fluid product source code user modification rapid improvement Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding curiosity diverse methodologies optimal solutions coding problems high quality programs adaptability monopolistic producers robust software responsive software changing needs closed source alternatives Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source government needs adaptability software development hierarchical organization open market fluid product source code evolution user improvement programmer adaptation fixing software Microsoft closed source curiosity coding methodologies optimal solutions coding problems higher quality programmes business adaptation monopolistic producers pace of change robust software responsive software closed source alternatives Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source software adaptable government needs development viewpoint traditional hierarchical organization open market fluid product user modification source code faster improvement Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding curiosity wide range ideas optimal solutions coding problems higher quality programs business adaptation monopolistic producers slow change robust software responsive needs closed source alternatives Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source government needs adaptable viewpoint product creation hierarchical organisation top-down authority open market fluid product users programmers modify source code evolve improve fix Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding refine programmes solutions coding problems optimal solution quality programmes businesses individual coders monopolistic producers pace of change open source community robust responsive closed source alternatives changing needs open source software government needs adaptable product creation hierarchical organization open market fluid product user-driven development source code access rapid improvement Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding methodologies optimal solutions coding problems higher quality programs monopolistic producers pace of change robustness responsiveness closed source alternatives Eric Raymond The Cathedral and the Bazaar open source government needs adaptable software development hierarchical organisation top-down open market fluid product user involvement source code evolution programmer curiosity coding methodologies optimal solutions coding problems higher quality programmes business needs individual coders monopolistic producers pace of change robust software responsive software closed source Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source adaptable government needs development model hierarchical organisation open market fluid product user modification rapid evolution Microsoft closed source programmer curiosity coding methodologies optimal solutions higher quality robust responsive changing needs Cathedral and the Bazaar
test-international-segiahbarr-con02a	Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 undemocratic states democracy aspiration Western perspective African dictators brutal regimes corrupt regimes African dictatorships democratic states authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes poor governance economic growth Robert Mugabe ministers asleep economic summit leadership enthusiasm country progress democracy authoritarian hybrid regimes African states dictatorship governance economic growth Robert Mugabe African-Arab summit Western perspective government type contention brutal regimes corrupt regimes democratic states undemocratic states political aspiration leaders' enthusiasm country progress democracy dictatorship governance economic growth African states authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes Robert Mugabe African-Arab summit political leadership Western aspirations government types contend government poor governance political enthusiasm ministerial conduct summit attendance African politics democratic states undemocratic states Mugabe ministers political apathy economic summit 2013 Moyo report undemocratic states democracy aspiration Western perspective African dictators brutal regimes corrupt governance African democracies authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes poor governance economic growth Robert Mugabe ministers asleep economic summit Moyo report 2013 summit democracy dictatorship governance economic growth African states authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes Robert Mugabe African-Arab summit political aspiration Western perspective government type contention brutal regimes corrupt regimes poor governance political leaders country progress ministerial behavior summit engagement undemocratic states democracy aspiration Western perspective African dictators brutal regimes corrupt regimes majority dictatorships 25 democratic states authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes poor governance economic growth Robert Mugabe ministers asleep economic summit leadership enthusiasm country progress undemocratic states democracy Western perspective African dictators brutal regimes corrupt governance majority dictatorships democratic states authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes poor governance economic growth Robert Mugabe African-Arab summit leadership enthusiasm country progress democracy undemocratic states African dictators brutal regimes corrupt governance economic growth Robert Mugabe African-Arab summit poor governance hybrid regimes authoritarian states democratic countries Western perspective government types political aspiration undemocratic states democracy aspiration Western perspective African dictators brutal regimes corrupt regimes African democracies authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes poor governance economic growth Robert Mugabe ministers sleeping African-Arab summit leadership enthusiasm country progress democracy dictatorship African states authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes governance economic growth Robert Mugabe African-Arab summit political leaders Western perspective government type political aspirations corruption brutality ministerial conduct economic development political reforms democratic transition international perception
test-politics-lghwdecm-con04a	Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. mayors economic regions area of control cities hubs neighbouring towns countryside inner city splitting economic regions Birmingham Coventry city mayors regional transport policy West Midlands police Steve McCabe executive mayor Birmingham Mail Mayors economic regions area of control urban hubs regional transport policy West Midlands police city governance executive mayor Birmingham Coventry regional cooperation metropolitan areas local government administrative boundaries city mayors public policy urban planning regional development intercity relations metropolitan governance Mayors economic regions city governance regional transport policy West Midlands city mayors urban planning metropolitan areas regional cooperation local government policy coordination economic development city regions mayor's authority administrative boundaries metropolitan governance intercity relations regional economics urban-rural connections city administration Mayors economic regions distinct area of control city hubs neighbouring towns countryside inner city splitting economic regions Birmingham Coventry city mayors regional transport policy West Midlands police executive mayor affordability local governance Mayors economic regions area of control city hubs neighbouring towns countryside inner city split regions regional transport policy West Midlands police Birmingham Coventry executive mayor city mayors regional governance local government urban planning metropolitan areas policy coordination economic development administrative boundaries Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail Economic regions mayor's influence city governance regional transport policy West Midlands police urban hubs neighboring towns countryside integration intercity cooperation executive mayor role Mayors economic regions distinct area of control city hubs neighboring towns countryside inner city splitting economic regions regional transport policy West Midlands police Birmingham Coventry city mayors executive mayor regional governance urban planning local government political leadership metropolitan areas governance boundaries Mayors economic regions city control regional cooperation urban governance city mayors regional transport policy West Midlands police jurisdiction urban-rural relationships governance boundaries metropolitan areas legislative authority city-hub influence Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail executive mayor local government structure regional development intercity collaboration mayors economic regions city control regional transport West Midlands police policy urban governance metropolitan areas Birmingham Coventry executive mayor local government regional cooperation urban planning municipal boundaries Mayors economic regions distinct area of control city hubs neighbouring towns countryside inner city splitting up economic regions Birmingham Coventry city mayors regional transport policy West Midlands police executive mayor Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con03a	Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. United States English dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions official language language identity linguistic differences celebrate diversity United States English dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions linguistic identity official language language diversity linguistic differences American English regional accents regional dialects language policy language standardization linguistic variation linguistic celebration multilingualism United States English dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions official language linguistic identity language celebration regional differences American English language standardization linguistic variation language policy multilingualism sociolinguistics language and identity language and culture language and politics United States English dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions standard English linguistic identity official language language diversity celebrate dialects United States English dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions historical context identity official language language standardization linguistic differences multilingualism language celebration American English regional variations language policy language and identity language and culture language and politics United States English dialects regional accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political implications official language linguistic identity celebrating diversity American English variations United States English dialects accents cultural diversity linguistic identity official language language policy linguistic variation regional differences language standardization multilingualism linguistic heritage American English linguistic nationalism language and identity language and politics language and culture dialect variation linguistic diversity language celebration language imposition linguistic rights linguistic differences American dialects English language linguistic pride language diversity American linguistic landscape United States English dialects accents cultural diversity linguistic differences identity official language language policy linguistic variation regional accents American English language and culture language and politics language standardization multilingualism linguistic identity linguistic heritage language celebration language diversity language diversity dialects accents cultural identity linguistic differences official language United States English regional variations linguistic traditions identity expression multiculturalism language policy linguistic heritage ethnic diversity linguistic rights language standardization sociolinguistics language and politics linguistic nationalism English dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions identity linguistic differences official language language celebration United States Boston New York rural South
test-law-tahglcphsld-con03a	Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. drug pricing affordability consumption rates user groups regulation black market policy effects economic impact substance abuse public health drug pricing drug affordability drug consumption drug regulation black market substance abuse public health economic impact pharmaceutical policy controlled substances drug pricing drug consumption drug regulation black market affordability substance abuse policy impact public health economic factors addiction treatment user demographics market dynamics illegal drugs pharmaceutical economics drug pricing drug consumption price regulation black market drug addict casual user non-user drug policy substance abuse market regulation economic impact health impact societal impact drug availability illegal drugs legal drugs drug enforcement public health economic inequality drug affordability controlled substances prescription drugs over-the-counter drugs drug trade substance misuse regulatory policy pharmaceutical industry drug access socioeconomic factors addiction treatment harm reduction drug education law enforcement drug trafficking consumer behavior market dynamics drug demand supply chain public safety healthcare costs drug laws global drug market Drugs Pricing Consumption Regulation Black Market Addicts Casual Users Non-Users Economic Impact Policy Implications drug pricing drug accessibility drug consumption rates drug regulation illegal drug markets affordable drugs drug policy public health impact economic impact of drugs drug legalization drug enforcement black market drugs low-cost drugs drug addiction drug user demographics controlled substance distribution pharmaceutical economics drug supply chain substance abuse prevention harm reduction strategies drug policy price regulation addiction rates black market drug consumption public health economic impact substance abuse regulatory measures illegal drugs prescription drugs affordability drug availability user demographics controlled substances pharmaceutical market demand elasticity health economics substance misuse drug enforcement legal drugs illicit trade market dynamics drug treatment social impact cost-effectiveness policy reform healthcare systems enforcement strategies drug pricing consumer behavior legal frameworks socio-economic factors substance control drug pricing drug regulation black market drug consumption price elasticity public health drug policy substance abuse addiction economic impact pharmaceutical economics drug availability illegal drugs controlled substances market regulation healthcare costs societal impact drug enforcement legal drugs illicit drugs drug pricing drug affordability drug consumption drug regulation black market drug policy drug economics public health addiction casual drug use non-users drug availability market regulation illicit drugs controlled substances pharmaceutical pricing healthcare economics substance abuse legalize drugs drug enforcement drug pricing drug consumption drug regulation black market price elasticity drug policy addiction casual users new users economic impact public health substance abuse market dynamics pharmaceutical economics
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con01a	Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Africa natural resources economic revenue prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing secondary sectors tertiary sectors Maritz How We Made Africa natural resources economic revenue Africa primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade profits economic position reducing debt accumulating reserves Nigeria manufacturing secondary sectors tertiary sectors Maritz China comparison Africa economic revenue natural resources trade primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing secondary sectors tertiary sectors Maritz How We Made Africa Natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing secondary sectors tertiary sectors Maritz How We Made Africa Africa natural resources economic revenue trade prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing China comparison natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity price gold diamonds uranium trade profits economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing China comparison natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade profits debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing secondary sectors tertiary sectors economic position Maritz How We Made Africa Natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity secondary sectors tertiary sectors primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade economic position reducing debt external reserves Nigeria manufacturing Maritz China natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade profits debt reduction external reserves Nigeria secondary sectors tertiary sectors manufacturing economic development Africa's economy resource management economic growth trade dynamics global trade economic diversification industrialization Africa's trade profile economic stability commodity trade sustainable development economic policies trade strategies regional economics international trade economic potential mining industry agricultural sector economic analysis development economics economic indicators trade balance investment economic reforms Africa's resources natural resources economic revenue Africa primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing secondary sectors tertiary sectors
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con03a	"Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 advertising business banning legal framework enforcement external organizations social cultural environment consumer attitudes California Milk Board public pressure social corporate responsibility competition economic marketplace self-regulation Sheila Kumar Nicole Skibola gender ethics CSR advertising businesses self-regulation banning legal framework enforcement external organizations consumer attitudes social change California Milk Board public pressure corporate social responsibility competition economic marketplace gender ethics Sheila Kumar Nicole Skibola business self-regulation legal framework advertising bans consumer attitudes social corporate responsibility economic competition public pressure enforcement mechanism sexist advertising gender ethics business-led changes advertising self-regulation legal framework enforcement mechanism external interference consumer attitudes social cultural shift public pressure corporate social responsibility competitive marketplace repressive methods self-determined methods business self-regulation advertising changes banning drawbacks legal framework enforcement challenges external interference consumer influence social attitudes corporate responsibility competitive marketplace repressive methods economic competition public pressure California Milk Board sexist advertising gender ethics CSR Forbes Huffington Post business self-regulation advertising changes legal framework enforcement mechanism external interference consumer attitudes social cultural shift corporate social responsibility competition economic marketplace self-determined methods repressive measures public pressure sexist advertising gender ethics advertising businesses banning legal framework enforcement mechanism external organizations social cultural environment consumer attitudes California Milk Board public pressure social corporate responsibility competition economic marketplace self-determined methods sexist ads CSR gender ethics advertising businesses banning legal framework enforcement external organizations consumer attitudes social cultural environment California Milk Board public pressure social corporate responsibility competition economic marketplace self-determined methods sexist ads csr ethics gender business self-regulation advertising changes banning challenges legal framework enforcement external interference consumer attitudes social cultural shift corporate social responsibility competitive market repressive methods self-determined strategies economic competition public pressure California Milk Board sexist advertising gender ethics advertising changes business initiative legal framework enforcement mechanism external interference consumer attitudes social cultural environment public pressure California Milk Board social corporate responsibility competitive market self-regulation repressive methods economic competition Sheila Kumar Nicole Skibola gender ethics advertising ethics consumer pressure business response market self-determination"
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro01a	Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process court media attention soft-news outlets entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip political information Oprah Winfrey political news soft news minority top three wide reach narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis late night comedy show Tonight Show with Jay Leno celebrity endorsement political debate shallow voters’ decisions well-informed democratic process less informed best interests political beliefs short sound-bites complicated discussion Foreign Policy Goes Glam Daniel W. Drezner Any Good News in Soft News Markus Prior personality politics celebrity involvement political process soft news media attention policy promotion entertainment channels political information soft-news outlets celebrity gossip opinion pieces policy analysis political debate shallow debate voter decision democratic process voter alignment sound-bites complicated discussion political knowledge media influence late night comedy political endorsement media reach informed voting personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention policies soft-news outlets entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip political information Oprah Winfrey viewers news format soft-news narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis late night comedy show Tonight Show with Jay Leno celebrity endorsement political debate voters informed decisions democratic process impacts sound-bites political knowledge soft news preferences Matthew Baum Angela Jamison Daniel Drezner Markus Prior personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention policies soft-news entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip political information soft news minority top three wide reach narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis packaging ideas reduce analysis dumb down celebrity endorsement political debate shallow voters decisions less informed democratic process voters interests political beliefs short sound-bites complicated discussion Personality politics harmful democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention policies soft-news entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip Oprah Winfrey viewers news political information minority top three wide reach narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis packaging ideas late night comedy show Tonight Show Jay Leno celebrity endorsement political debate shallow voters less informed best interests political beliefs sound-bites complicated discussion Drezner Daniel W. Foreign Policy Goes Glam The National Interest Prior Markus Any Good News in Soft News personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention soft-news outlets entertainment channels celebrity gossip political information Oprah Winfrey viewers news narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis late night comedy show Tonight Show with Jay Leno reduce analysis dumb down political debate shallow voters' decisions well-informed harmful impacts informed voting sound-bites complicated discussion Foreign Policy Goes Glam soft news preferences political knowledge four Oprah effects personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement media attention soft-news outlets entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip political information Oprah Winfrey viewers news mediums soft news political sphere wide reach narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis packaging ideas late night comedy show Tonight Show with Jay Leno celebrity endorsement political debate shallow voters' decisions informed voting democratic impacts voter interest political beliefs sound-bites complex discussion foreign policy soft news preferences political knowledge four Oprah effects media influence political engagement celebrity culture political process democratic personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention soft-news entertainment channels political information Oprah Winfrey viewers news formats narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis late night comedy show Tonight Show Jay Leno Obama celebrity endorsement political debate voters' decisions informed voting sound-bites complicated discussion voter interests political beliefs democratic impacts less informed voters skewed debate short ideas Matthew Baum Angela Jamison Markus Prior Daniel Drezner National Interest Political Communication Foreign Policy Goes Glam Any Good News in Soft News personality politics harmful democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention soft-news outlets entertainment channels celebrity gossip political information Oprah Winfrey viewers news formats celebrity influence political sphere wide reach narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis late night comedy show Tonight Show Jay Leno opinion pieces political debate shallow voters informed decisions democratic process sound-bites complicated discussion voters' interests political beliefs political knowledge soft news preferences Matthew Baum Angela Jamison Daniel Drezner The National Interest Markus Prior Political Communication personality politics celebrity involvement political process media attention policies soft-news outlets entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip Oprah Winfrey viewers news mediums soft news minority preferred format wide reach narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis package ideas late night comedy show Tonight Show with Jay Leno Obama celebrity endorsement political debate less well-informed democratic process voters less informed voting best interests political beliefs debate sound-bites complicated discussion Drezner Foreign Policy Goes Glam National Interest Prior Any Good News in Soft
test-international-gsciidffe-con01a	"The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 sovereign equality non-interference domestic jurisdiction state sovereignty UN Charter international law political status economic development social development cultural development external interference electoral processes state authority territory international relations bigger states weaker states political affairs cultural affairs social affairs legitimate government supreme authority international system UN General Assembly international principles national sovereignty internal affairs states rights international norms Philpott Zalta Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy political determination censorship power imposition ideas imposition UN resolutions 1990 resolution 1945 international system equality non-interference state relations sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction legitimate government supreme authority territory bigger states weaker states external interference political status economic development social development cultural development UN explicit statement peoples' rights censorship political ideas cultural ideas social ideas national sovereignty electoral processes UN General Assembly international law state sovereignty non-intervention principle international system equality non-interference state relations sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state sovereignty supreme authority territory powerful states weaker states non-intervention political status economic development social development cultural development external interference national sovereignty electoral processes UN General Assembly Philpott Dan Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy circumventing censorship political cultural social development impose ideas state affairs international system equality non-interference sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state authority sovereignty external interference political status economic development social development cultural development censorship political cultural social development national sovereignty electoral processes United Nations international relations state sovereignty non-intervention international law human rights self-determination state integrity legal principles global governance international community state autonomy international system equality non-interference relations states sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction supreme authority territory bigger states weaker states political status economic development social development cultural development external interference censorship political ideas cultural ideas social ideas UN General Assembly national sovereignty electoral processes international system equality non-interference sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction supreme authority state sovereignty political status economic development social development cultural development national sovereignty non-interference internal affairs electoral processes UN General Assembly Philpott Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy international system equality non-interference state relations sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state sovereignty government authority territory big states small states external interference state affairs United Nations peoples' rights political status economic development social development cultural development external interference national sovereignty electoral processes non-interference state jurisdiction international law sovereignty principles political development social development cultural development censorship political ideas cultural ideas social ideas state autonomy international relations UN principles state sovereignty international community state governance state security state identity international norms international system equality non-interference sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction supreme authority state sovereignty bigger states weaker states political status economic development social development cultural development external interference national sovereignty electoral processes UN General Assembly Philpott Dan Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy circumventing censorship impose ideas political cultural social sovereign equality non-interference United Nations UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state sovereignty legitimate authority international relations external intervention political status economic development social development cultural development national sovereignty electoral processes international law global governance state autonomy international norms human rights self-determination political independence cultural independence social independence economic independence state jurisdiction international community legal principles international stability power dynamics weaker states stronger states international cooperation UN principles UN resolutions international respect state jurisdiction domestic affairs international relations theory international politics global affairs sovereign equality non-interference domestic jurisdiction legitimate authority territorial supremacy international relations UN Charter state sovereignty political status cultural development social development external interference electoral processes international law state autonomy intervention international norms sovereign rights United Nations state jurisdiction non-intervention principle state authority international system political independence economic development social advancement cultural independence national sovereignty international governance legal framework global order foreign policy state rights international security peace international cooperation respect for sovereignty state integrity international community state responsibilities state security international"
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con01a	Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio extremists pedagogues sectarian divisions democracy Middle East talk radio plurality diversity opinion radio stations beliefs toxic Arab world fanatics democrats Rwanda genocide hate speech commercial talk radio UN radio jamming incendiary broadcasts violence Community radio extremism unregulated airwaves pedagogues sectarian divisions mullahs democracy Middle East talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity of opinion toxic legacy fanatics Rwanda genocide hate speech radio jamming United Nations Chapter VII incendiary broadcasts violence hate media community radio extremists pedagogues sectarian divisions democracy middle east talk radio US toxicity opinion diversity Rwanda genocide hate speech incitement violence radio jamming UN chapter VII countering hate community radio extremists unregulated airwaves pedagogues sectarian divisions mullahs democracy middle east US talk radio divisive plurality diversity of opinion radio stations specific views reinforcing beliefs toxic Arab world access to fanatics Rwanda violence small scale radio government jamming US assistance UN objection genocide toxic legacy convicted hate speech commercial talk radio national security radio jamming incendiary broadcasts violence United Nations chapter VII authority Community radio extremists unregulated airwaves pedagogues followers democrats views sectarian divisions mullahs middle east democracy US talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity of opinion radio stations specific views beliefs toxic legacy less democratic fanatics democrats Rwanda violence small scale radio equipment jamming genocide hate speech commercial talk radio UN chapter VII radio jamming incendiary broadcasts violence community radio extremists unregulated airwaves pedagogues sectarian divisions middle east talk radio divisive plurality diversity of opinion radio stations splinter opinions toxic legacy Rwanda genocide hate speech commercial talk radio UN radio jamming incendiary broadcasts violence Community radio extremists unregulated airwaves pedagogues democrats sectarian divisions middle east talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity of opinion toxic legacy democracy fanatics Rwanda genocide hate speech commercial talk radio radio jamming United Nations incendiary broadcasts violence Hutus jamming equipment UN objections toxic airwaves Arab world shard and splinter opinions reinforcing beliefs ease of access democrats and fanatics hate media BBC News Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law chapter VII authority countering hate messages Chin Community radio extremism sectarian divisions democracy talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity of opinion toxic legacy Rwanda genocide hate speech incendiary broadcasts radio jamming UN Hutus Tutsis extremist incitement media impact violence hate media Chapter VII authority UN intervention fanatics airwaves pedagogues democrats middle east Arab world shard and splinter opinions reinforcing beliefs ease of access government jamming American assistance UN objection commercial talk radio Chicano Studies Research Center Frank G. Wisner community radio extremists pedagogues democracy sectarian divisions middle east talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity opinion radio stations Rwanda genocide hate speech jamming UN incendiary broadcasts violence hate media chapter VII international law Community radio extremism sectarian divisions democracy middle east US talk radio plurality diversity of opinion Rwanda genocide hate speech incendiary broadcasts radio jamming United Nations violence Hutus fanatics democrats toxic legacy airwaves regulation pedagogues followers mullahs mic shards of opinion reinforcing beliefs toxic option ease of access UN objections jamming equipment convicted 1994 2003 Dale Alexander C. Smith Russell Noriega Chin A Iribarren
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con03a	Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Terrorism poverty anxiety unsafe community daily actions work school fear attacks saving business risks international companies unstable location local market poor conditions violence political violence Northern Ireland equality misery high rates poverty vicious circle unstable situation terrorism poverty anxiety community unsafe daily actions work school attacks save risks business uncertainty future international companies location unstable local market poor conditions opportunity violence Northern Ireland political violence high rates poverty vicious circle unstable situation equality of misery Horgan Politico terrorism poverty community safety daily life work education economic instability international investment local market violence Northern Ireland political violence poverty cycle societal impact anxiety violence perpetuation economic opportunity Horgan political instability social effects economic effects terrorism poverty anxiety unsafe community daily actions work school attacks saving business risks international companies unstable location local market poor conditions violence Northern Ireland political violence high rates poverty vicious circle unstable situation equality misery terrorism poverty anxiety community unsafe daily actions work school attacks save risks business uncertainty future international companies unstable location local market continuation poor conditions opportunity violence Northern Ireland political violence high rates vicious circle equality of misery Horgan poverty terrorism community anxiety safety daily actions work school attacks saving business risks international companies market spending poor conditions violence Northern Ireland political violence high poverty rates vicious circle instability equality of misery Horgan G. terrorism poverty anxiety community unsafe daily actions work school attacks saving business risks uncertainty international companies local market poor conditions violence Northern Ireland political violence high poverty rates vicious circle instability economic impact social impact perpetuation of conflict equality of misery Horgan political context socioeconomic factors security issues community impact long-term consequences cycle of poverty and violence terrorism poverty anxiety unsafe conditions daily actions employment education business risks international investment local market violence cycle Northern Ireland political violence equality of misery poverty rates unstable situation community impact economic stagnation perpetuation of poverty social unrest Terrorism poverty anxiety community unsafe environment daily actions work school attacks saving business risks international companies local market poor conditions violence Northern Ireland political violence high rates of poverty vicious circle unstable situation equality of misery Horgan Politico terrorism poverty community anxiety unsafe daily actions work school attacks uncertainty future saving business risks international companies unstable location local market poor conditions opportunity violence Northern Ireland political violence high rates vicious circle equality of misery Horgan political stability economic impact social impact cycle of poverty community impact violence perpetuation
test-health-dhghhbampt-con03a	Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care conventional medicine symptom-focused treatment integrative healthcare comprehensive care traditional medicine patient-practitioner relationship whole-person treatment individualized medicine allopathic medicine complementary therapies bedside manner time with patients thorough assessment holistic practitioners conventional doctors treatment philosophy medical paradigms comprehensive healthcare patient-centered medicine symptom management holistic healthcare integrative medicine allopathic treatment alternative therapies holistic doctors preventative care rooted healthcare conventional healthcare medical approach patient care healthcare models medical philosophy complementary medicine holistic treatment alternative medicine holistic healthcare integrative practitioners patient-centered care comprehensive treatment whole-person approach symptom-focused treatment modern medical practices individualized healthcare extended patient consultations thorough patient assessment pathology recognition symptom management traditional healing methods complementary therapies healthcare philosophy medical approaches patient-doctor relationship therapeutic relationship health outcomes alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care individual symptoms whole person modern medicine symptom treatment comprehensive care time with patients wider pathology integrated healthcare traditional healing allopathic medicine preventive care health practitioners medical philosophy therapeutic relationship personalized medicine alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care modern medicine symptom treatment comprehensive care individualized treatment holistic practitioners conventional medicine patient understanding time with patients whole-person care pathology context symptom-focused approach integrated care alternative therapies medical practitioners healthcare approach patient assessment alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care modern medicine symptom treatment comprehensive care individualized treatment time spent with patients whole person care wider pathology integrative medicine conventional medicine healthcare approaches therapeutic relationship medical practitioners patient understanding symptom-focused treatment holistic practitioners medical philosophy healthcare methods Alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care individualized treatment integrative healthcare conventional medicine symptom-focused treatment comprehensive patient care holistic practitioners modern medical practices holistic medicine integrative healthcare patient-centered care conventional medicine symptom-focused treatment comprehensive patient assessment therapeutic relationship individualized treatment plans whole-person care allopathic medicine comprehensive healthcare alternative medicine complementary therapies medical paradigm patient engagement healthcare approaches symptom management holistic healing integrative medicine medical practices alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care modern medicine symptom treatment whole-person treatment individualized care time with patients comprehensive understanding pathology context integrated healthcare allopathic medicine conventional treatment alternative therapies wellness-focused care preventative medicine long-term health patient-practitioner relationship traditional medicine complementary care holistic medicine integrative medicine patient-centered care conventional medicine symptom-focused treatment comprehensive healthcare alternative therapies prolonged patient consultations whole-person treatment individualized healthcare allopathic medicine complementary medicine therapeutic relationship deep patient understanding broad-spectrum treatment holistic approach alternative healthcare modern medical practices symptom management root cause treatment alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care conventional medicine symptom-focused treatment integrative healthcare comprehensive patient assessment individualized treatment plans whole-person care traditional healing methods
test-economy-bepighbdb-con01a	Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, democracy economic development general population China economic policy free market political systems dictatorship South Korea autocracy GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 Franco economic miracle isolationism EU membership World Bank GNI economic growth international economy political regimes market policies global economics 1960s civil war economic success government forms economic theories economic history political economy development economics international trade economic reforms policy impact governance economic indicators per capita income economic transition authoritarian democracy economic development general population China economic policy free market political systems dictatorship South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 Franco regime 1960s economic miracle EU membership World Bank GNI data Democracy development economic policy China free market political systems South Korea autocracy GNI per capita Spain 1960s economic miracle Franco regime EU membership World Bank GNI economic growth political regimes market economies international trade isolationism civil war economic success government types economic development policy comparison political influence economic reforms globalization institutional quality governance economic indicators growth rates policy effectiveness historical context economic takeoff democratic transition authoritarian rule market liberalization economic performance international integration political stability Democracy economic development general population China's economic policies free market policy political systems South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita South Korea democratization Spanish economic growth 1950-2000 period 1960s economic miracle Franco regime isolationist economic policies Spanish economy internationalization EU membership World Bank GNI data democracy economic development free market political systems dictatorship South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spain economic miracle Franco regime free market policy EU membership World Bank GNI data democracy economic development free market policy China's economic policies South Korea's democratization GNI per capita Spanish economic miracle Franco regime EU membership political systems autocracy dictatorship economic growth international trade World Bank data democracy general population development economic policy China free market government forms dictatorship South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 Franco regime 1960s economic miracle international economy isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI per capita data current US$ democracy general population development economic policy China free market government dictatorship South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 1960s economic miracle Franco regime international economy EU membership World Bank GNI per capita growth economic success political system free market policy democracy general population development economic policy China free market political system dictatorship South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 1960s economic miracle Franco regime isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI per capita data democracy economic development China free market political systems South Korea GNI per capita autocracy Spain Franco 1960s economic miracle EU membership World Bank GNI economic policies isolationist international trade growth development political regimes dictatorship economic takeoff
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con02a	The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, liberal democracy state-led capitalism China communist party economic growth human rights civil liberties Singapore authoritarian democracy state laws international cooperation cultural relativism geopolitical diversity amnesty dissent governance models performance legitimacy social contract global peace economic interdependence peaceful coexistence political paradigms state authority rule of law political pluralism Fukuyama end of history state-citizen covenant dissent punishment collective rights individual freedoms global cooperation trade cultural celebration political systems social systems legal frameworks government legitimacy economic prosperity political stability liberal democracy state-led capitalism China covenant economic growth liberties dissidents law legitimacy performance modernisation authoritarian democracy Singapore collective rights civil liberties geopolitical governance cooperation trade peace cultural difference amnesty bloggers Western paradigm inferiority celebration diversity Acemoglu Robinson Li Eric X Foreign Affairs Henderson Drew Yale Daily News liberal democracy state-led capitalism China communist party economic growth civil liberties Singapore authoritarian democracy geopolitical diversity cooperation cultural relativism state sovereignty governance models Fukuyama end of history social contract legitimacy performance-based legitimacy rule of law dissidents amnesty international relations state authority human rights collective rights individual freedoms global cooperation trade peace political paradigm state-citizen covenant geopolitics international conflict enforcement of norms cultural celebration system plurality political philosophy governance legitimacy Acemoglu Robinson Eric X Li liberal democracy state-led capitalism China performance legitimacy economic growth political liberties social covenant state authority dissident punishment Singapore authoritarian democracy collective rights civil liberties geopolitical diversity governance models international cooperation cultural relativism paradigms of governance state sovereignty legal respect liberal democracy state-led capitalism China Singapore authoritarian democracy civil liberties state legitimacy performance legitimacy economic growth social stability international cooperation geopolitical diversity cultural relativism legal respect state authority dissident punishment amnesty Western paradigm global peace trade social system governance models political legitimacy modernization collective rights individual freedoms government-citizen covenant geopolitical complexity international relations human rights political systems cultural differences political pluralism Fukuyama Acemoglu Robinson Li Eric X Henderson Drew liberal democracy state-led capitalism China covenant economic growth liberties legitimacy performance modernisation dissidents authority Singapore authoritarian democracy efficiency peace civil liberties geopolitical governance cooperation trade culture state capitalism Eric X. Li Foreign Affairs Project Syndicate Yale Daily News amnesty bloggers resentment conflict social system liberal democracy state-led capitalism China Communist Party economic growth political legitimacy civil liberties authoritarian democracy Singapore human rights geopolitical diversity international cooperation cultural relativism Fukuyama end of history state sovereignty rule of law political performance modernization trade-offs social contract dissidents amnesty West global peace economic interdependence governance models political pluralism liberal democracy state-led capitalism China Communist Party economic growth social stability civil liberties Singapore authoritarian democracy geopolitical diversity cultural relativism international cooperation law and legitimacy Fukuyama end of history state sovereignty dissidents human rights trade-offs global economy cooperation peace amnesty bloggers Western paradigm resentment conflict governance models collective rights individual freedoms Acemoglu Robinson Eric X Li Drew Henderson Project Syndicate Foreign Affairs Yale Daily News liberal democracy state capitalism China Communist Party economic growth civil liberties authoritarian democracy Singapore geopolitical diversity international cooperation cultural relativism state legitimacy performance-based legitimacy social contract rule of law political paradigms human rights amnesty dissidents global governance peaceful coexistence liberal democracy state-led capitalism China authoritarian democracy Singapore civil liberties state legitimacy economic growth social contract geopolitical diversity international cooperation cultural relativism human rights legal systems political models Fukuyama Acemoglu Robinson Eric X Li Drew Henderson
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro04a	A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, transparency leader survival accident heart attack prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death transparency president hospital doctors prior warning outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival Daily Guide Mills died Sister My Joy Online transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions medical transparency presidential health emergency procedures advance notice survival rates medical response healthcare transparency political health secrecy public health awareness emergency medical services presidential medical care medical ethics patient information health secrecy medical emergencies timely intervention transparency leader survival accident heart attack prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death transparency hospital doctors prior warning outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival Daily Guide Mills death Sister tells it all My Joy Online transparency leader survival accident heart attack medical conditions prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death transparency in leadership presidential health medical transparency emergency procedures advance notice medical response healthcare transparency presidential healthcare public information medical emergencies leadership mortality healthcare systems emergency medical services informed medical care patient information medical personnel awareness public health governance transparency political health protocols healthcare accessibility medical transparency impact leadership health secrecy emergency medical protocols presidential medical care public trust in healthcare medical confidentiality healthcare policy leadership health disclosure medical emergencies response healthcare system efficiency transparency leader survival accident heart attack prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death president hospital doctors outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival chances Daily Guide My Joy Online transparency leader prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills transparency about death prior warning president hospital doctors outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival Daily Guide My Joy Online transparency leader survival prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills President hospital indecision emergency ward procedures advance notice survival chances Daily Guide My Joy Online transparency leader survival accident heart attack prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills president hospital doctors outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival rate Daily Guide My Joy Online transparency leader survival prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills presidential death medical transparency emergency procedures advance notice survival chances medical care presidential health public information hospital procedures emergency ward presidential security medical ethics patient identity medical response time transparency prompt treatment underlying conditions medical disclosure emergency procedures presidential health hospitalized leaders medical emergencies timely intervention hospital protocols patient identification advanced notice healthcare transparency public health treatment delay medical privacy emergency response medical ethics patient confidentiality healthcare communication
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con03a	The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action state referral Prosecutor's power ex proprio motu UN Security Council veto ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ex post facto support ethnic cleansing military infrastructure grim precedent good faith military actions global investigations ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action state referral Prosecutor power ex proprio motu UN Security Council veto ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ex post facto support ethnic cleansing military infrastructure grim precedent good faith military actions ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action state referral Prosecutor discretion UN Security Council veto ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing military infrastructure grim precedent good faith military actions ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges for military action State referral Prosecutor discretion UN Security Council veto phantom of political prosecution ICTY investigation NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ex post facto support ethnic cleansing grim precedent good faith military actions ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action state referral Prosecutor's power ex proprio motu UN Security Council veto discretion Prosecutor ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ex post facto support ethnic cleansing military infrastructure grim precedent good faith successful military actions global implications ICC authority political prosecution American service members military action charges state referral power prosecutor investigation power UN Security Council veto ICTY preliminary investigation NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing military infrastructure good faith military actions global investigationprecedent ICC authority political prosecution American service members senior military political strategists charges legitimate military action States referral investigation Prosecutor ex proprio motu UN Security Council veto discretion ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ex post facto support Security Council military infrastructure ethnic cleansing precedent good faith successful military actions globe ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action state referral investigation Prosecutor ex proprio motu UN Security Council veto discretion ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing grim precedent good faith military actions ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges for military action state referral power prosecutor's ex proprio motu UN Security Council veto ICTY preliminary investigation NATO bombing Kosovo Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing good faith military actions ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action State referral Prosecutor discretion UN Security Council veto ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing military infrastructure grim precedent good faith military actions
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro02a	Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA negotiations imbalance of power legal attacks foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil counterbalance US influence CAFTA El Salvador developing country Kevin Gallagher The Guardian Multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA bilateral strategies imbalance of power developing country El Salvador CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil global power counterbalance US influence trade agreements international relations economic diplomacy trade negotiations regional cooperation free trade investment disputes developing nations economic sovereignty trade policy international economics global trade economic partnerships trade liberalization economic integration trade terms power dynamics economic development international trade trade blocs regional integration multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade negotiation US Canada FTAA bilateral strategies trade imbalance developing country El Salvador CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement legal attacks foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil global power counterbalance US influence trade terms Kevin Gallagher The Guardian multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade negotiations US Canada FTAA bilateral strategies power imbalance foreign investors environmental standards gold mining CAFTA Central America Brazil US influence Kevin Gallagher The Guardian Multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade negotiations US Canada FTAA bilateral strategies trade deals imbalance of power developing country El Salvador CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement legal attacks foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil global power counterbalance US influence Kevin Gallagher The Guardian Multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA negotiations imbalance of power legal attacks foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil counterbalance US influence Multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade negotiations US Canada FTAA bilateral strategies trade deals power imbalance developing countries El Salvador CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement legal attacks foreign investors environmental standards gold mining Brazil global power counterbalance US influence Kevin Gallagher The Guardian multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA negotiations imbalance of power CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement El Salvador foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil global power counterbalance US influence legal attacks developing country Kevin Gallagher The Guardian multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade negotiations US Canada FTAA bilateral strategies power imbalance CAFTA El Salvador foreign investors environmental standards gold mining Brazil US influence developing countries trade deals legal attacks Kevin Gallagher The Guardian multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA negotiations imbalance of power CAFTA El Salvador foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil US influence Kevin Gallagher The Guardian 2010
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con03a	The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. data storage personal data sale marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising specialty manufacturers service providers data collection e-commerce consumer demands aggregate trends information aggregation market targeting demographic data advertising budgets mass markets consumer data utilization business responsiveness changing tastes producer competition mainstream market demand structure digital marketing data analytics customer insights marketing strategies small businesses personalized marketing market segmentation consumer privacy data protection ethical data use business innovation economic growth online advertising digital economy consumer behavior market research data-driven marketing ad targeting consumer data storage personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising online advertising market reach mass markets demographic targeting internet marketing data collection services specialty manufacturers service providers consumer data advertising costs societal trends consumer desires e-commerce business responsiveness market access changing consumer tastes personal information aggregation efficient business market competition consumer demand storing personal data sale personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising traditional advertising mass markets targeted marketing data collection specialty manufacturers service providers consumer data e-commerce business responsiveness consumer demands market trends personal information aggregation business competition changing consumer tastes data storage personal data sale marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising traditional advertising mass markets demographic targeting internet marketing data collection services specialty manufacturers consumer trends e-commerce business responsiveness consumer demands competitive market personal information aggregation market targeting changing consumer tastes storing personal data sale of personal information marketing efficiency niche markets targeted advertising consumer information specialty manufacturers service providers data collection aggregate trends e-commerce consumer demands business competition personal information aggregation demographics market targeting personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising internet data collection specialty manufacturers service providers e-commerce consumer demands business responsiveness market access changing tastes personal information aggregation efficient business competition mainstream markets consumer demand structure personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising traditional advertisement mass markets demographic targeting internet data collection specialty manufacturers service providers e-commerce consumer demands aggregate trends business competition changing tastes information aggregation market access consumer preferences efficient business world mainstream competition data storage personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising traditional advertising mass markets demographic targeting internet marketing data collection specialty manufacturers e-commerce consumer demands market trends business competition consumer data aggregation market responsiveness changing consumer tastes advertising costs data storage personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising mass markets demographic targeting internet marketing data collection specialty manufacturers service providers consumer data e-commerce business responsiveness consumer demands market competition personal information aggregation business world efficiency targeted marketing data collection niche markets personal consumer data e-commerce consumer demands aggregate trends advertising efficiency specialty manufacturers service providers demographic targeting market responsiveness consumer information personal data storage business competition mainstream markets changing consumer tastes information aggregation marketing Renaissance efficient advertising
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro02a	"Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world rapid growth China India global GHG emissions fossil fuels deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm Copenhagen Kyoto energy efficiency renewable energy developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm US assistant secretary energy efficiency renewable energy Copenhagen Kyoto stabilize temperature atmospheric GHGs Developing world China India global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions developed countries climate change Copenhagen Kyoto Joseph Romm US assistant secretary energy efficiency renewable energy Developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions decades developed world reductions Joseph Romm US assistant secretary energy efficiency renewable energy China's emissions Copenhagen Kyoto atmospheric GHGs climate change Developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm US assistant secretary energy efficiency renewable energy Copenhagen Kyoto stabilize temperature atmospheric GHGs Developing world China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation developed countries environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm Copenhagen Kyoto energy efficiency renewable energy stabilize temperature developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm US assistant secretary energy efficiency renewable energy Copenhagen Kyoto stabilize world temperature developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm Copenhagen Kyoto energy efficiency renewable energy atmospheric GHGs temperature stabilization Developing world China India rapid growth GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm US assistant secretary energy efficiency renewable energy Copenhagen Kyoto stabilize temperature global emissions developed countries potential reductions atmospheric GHGs environmental impact sustainable development international climate policy Developing world developing countries China India GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm Copenhagen Kyoto energy efficiency renewable energy global temperature"
test-international-ehbfe-pro05a	A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy multinational corporations national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global economy international regulations corporate responsibility sustainable practices economic governance transnational companies policy enforcement environmental protection fair trade social responsibility global challenges regulatory framework economic union corporate governance international cooperation sustainable development fair practices global citizenship federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy multinational corporations national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence globalised problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global problems federal Europe multinational businesses globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global economy international corporations European power economic significance restricting conditions corporate accountability global challenges environmental policies sustainable practices worker rights social welfare state influence corporate responsibility global governance European federation economic unity regulatory framework international competition fair trade environmental stewardship global interconnectedness policy enforcement multinational regulation economic policy social policy environmental federal Europe multinational businesses globalised economy accountability national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence globalised problems
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con04a	Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 eurozone greece economic stability currency collapse hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs austerity measures trade efficiency eurozone membership investment security economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits eurozone crisis european trade financial stability economic consequences default single currency european economy economic policy financial markets capital investment transaction costs economic sanctions international trade economic integration financial health government debt economic performance fiscal policy economic reform european union financial crisis economic resilience economic sanctions global economy currency devaluation economic sanctions economic Leaving Eurozone Greece long-term impact economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits Euro stability investor confidence Greek economy currency collapse hyperinflation long-term costs short-term austerity Eurozone trade single currency efficiency economic transactions European trade status quo austerity measures Eurozone crisis Greece default economic consequences Barrell Ray The Guardian Ruparel Raoul Persson Mats Open Europe Eurozone Greece long-term effects economic stability investment hyperinflation single currency trade efficiency austerity measures short-term costs economic growth transitory benefits default currency collapse economic consequences Eurozone members trade Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Ray Barrell Open Europe The Guardian Economic stability investor confidence currency collapse hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs austerity measures trade efficiency Eurozone membership Greek economy single currency transitory benefits permanent advantages European trade partners economic growth default consequences financial stability monetary union economic integration investment security eurozone greece long-term short-term default economic growth benefits permanence transitory stability investment currency hyperinflation transaction efficiency trade austerity european members status quo crisis single currency capital euro european economy policy financial stability economic policy european union economic impact eurozone membership economic benefits economic drawbacks economic analysis financial markets economic research economic strategy eurozone exit economic consequences economic forecast european trade european investment european finance economic stability greek economy greek finance g eurozone greece economic stability investment hyperinflation long-term benefits single currency trade efficiency austerity measures eurozone crisis greek economy currency collapse economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits euro currency european economy financial stability economic sanctions international trade Eurozone Greece long-run default economic growth benefits permanence stability investor confidence hyperinflation single currency trade efficiency European members austerity measures short-term costs long-term gains Barrell Ray The Guardian Ruparel Raoul Persson Mats Open Europe Eurozone Greece economic stability currency collapse hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs austerity measures investment efficiency Eurozone members trade single currency economic growth transitory benefits permanent advantages investor confidence transaction costs economic crisis default recession financial stability European Union economic policy economic impact financial markets economic research economic analysis policy options economic forecasts economic conditions financial regulation economic development fiscal policy economic integration financial crisis economic sanctions economic sanctions economic support economic recovery economic dependency economic sovereignty Eurozone Greece economic stability long-term benefits default hyperinflation single currency investment efficiency trade austerity measures Euro economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits investor confidence currency collapse European trade economic consequences short-term costs Economic stability investor confidence currency collapse hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs Eurozone membership trade efficiency austerity measures economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits Greek economy European trade single currency advantages default consequences Eurozone crisis financial stability economic recovery international transactions
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con02a	Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement commerce taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes corporations organized religion government power wage redistribution poverty middle class Republican values economic freedom political philosophy Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement taxation regulation state ownership commerce economic outcomes corporations organized religion government power wealth redistribution middle class poverty political beliefs conservative values economic freedom individual liberty Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes corporations organized religion government power wealth redistribution middle class poverty Republican values political economy libertarianism fiscal conservatism Republicans market capitalism free market government intervention taxation regulation state ownership economic freedom personal freedoms corporations organized religion government power wealth redistribution middle class economic outcomes political philosophy conservatism early riser why am i a republican Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement commerce regulation taxation state ownership economic outcomes citizen control corporations organized religion government power wealth redistribution middle class poverty political ideology economic freedom social control Repubicans vs Democrats economic philosophy free market economy government intervention economic policies tax policies regulatory policies economic inequality wealth gap political economy economic systems government role in economy economic theory political beliefs economic growth economic stability public policy fiscal policy economic justice economic efficiency market dynamics economic competition economic opportunity economic security Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes corporations organized religion government power wealth redistribution middle class poverty Republican values political economy individual freedoms economic policy conservative principles Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes citizen control corporations organized religion government power wealth redistribution poverty middle class Republican values political economy fiscal conservatism individual freedom economic freedom Republicans market capitalism free market government intervention taxation regulation state ownership economic freedom individual liberties counter-balance government power wealth redistribution social equity political philosophy conservative values Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement commerce taxation regulation state ownership economic control citizen freedom corporations organized religion government power wealth redistribution middle class political beliefs conservative values economic policy fiscal responsibility individual liberty Republican market capitalism free market government involvement commerce taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes corporations organized religion government power wealth redistribution poverty middle class political ideology economic policy Republican values conservative principles
test-law-ralhrilglv-con01a	Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offence Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court convenience business interests prosecution criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto legal system special privilege murder offence Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal process fairness justice criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offence Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases convenience business interests criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offence convenience business interests Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system prosecution court cases hold-up criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offence Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases convenience business interests criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege convenience business interests Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system prosecution trial murder offence criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto murder offence special privilege Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases convenience business interests criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offense Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases convenience business interests criminal defendants trial dates privilege Kenyatta Ruto special treatment murder offence Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases convenience business interests criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offence Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases convenience business interests
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con01a	"Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. child soldiers military targets ban enforcement ICC role war crimes convictions civilian protection conflict zones militarisation of children community targeting strategic objectives armed conflict survival strategies resolution impact African warfare central Asian conflicts child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones military targets civilian protection child combatants militarisation of children war zones Africa central Asia child protection strategic objectives community safety armed conflict recruitment of minors international law humanitarian law child rights protection of minors conflict resolution peacekeeping child soldier ban military tactics combatant status non-combatant protection legal enforcement war ethics child exploitation tactical use of children civilian impact armed forces juvenile recruitment humanitarian crisis child soldiering legal consequences military strategy protection mechanisms conflict environments child soldiers war crimes international criminal court ICC conflict zones military targets civilian protection developing world warfare Africa central Asia militarisation communities resistance strategic objectives massacres organised displacement surprise attacks protection self-defense targets 润滑油 (Note: The last term ""lubricant"" seems out of context and may have been a mistake. If it was meant to be included please disregard this note.) child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian targeting militarisation of children community targeting warfare in Africa central Asia protection of children military tactics resolution impact child protection armed conflict strategic objectives European ideals legal enforcement social normalisation alternative survival strategies organised displacement surprise attacks massacres child recruitment ethical warfare humanitarian law child rights international justice child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones civilians military targets communities resistance militarisation protection massacres displacement surprise attacks Africa central Asia child soldiers war crimes military targets conflict zones ICC civilian protection war tactics Africa central Asia militarisation of children community safety strategic objectives displacement surprise attacks prosecution defence motion European ideals battlefield practices survival strategies massacres child soldiers military targets ban enforcement war crimes ICC role conflict zones civilian protection strategic objectives militarisation of children community targeting survival strategies warfare characteristics Africa central Asia child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian targeting militarisation of children community targeting war zones Africa central Asia protection of children military tactics disarmament child protection laws international law humanitarian law child combatants strategic objectives armed conflict displacement surprise attacks massacres European ideals defense strategies conviction rates tactical normalisation Developing world survival strategies non-participation in conflict automatic targets legal enforcement reduction of war crimes protection mechanisms policy implications ethical considerations child soldier recruitment combat zones military strategies international justice peacekeeping child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian targeting militarisation of children community vulnerability strategic objectives resistance massacre displacement surprise attacks warfare Africa central Asia protection self-defense ban enforcement international law humanitarian impact child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones civilians military targets child protection war strategies militarisation Africa central Asia massacres displacement surprise attacks"
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con02a	It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian communities identity arranged marriages tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies secular liberalism intolerance banning practices wearing the veil inclusion integration dangerous Islamophobia extremism resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian identity tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies intolerance secular liberalism veil inclusion integration ban arranged marriages dangerous Islamophobia extremism social cohesion cultural practices religious freedom human rights legislative impact community relations public policy cultural sensitivity discrimination social integration religious practices societal norms legal implications cultural identity religious identity societal tensions multiculturalism interfaith relations social policies cultural preservation human rights violations legislative proposals community engagement resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian identity tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims Muslim families extremist tendencies secular liberalism veil inclusion integration ban arranged marriages intolerant dangerous Islamophobia resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian identity arranged marriages Muslim families non-Muslim tensions London protests film innocence targeting practices extremist tendencies secular liberalism blind intolerance banning veil inclusion inflame tensions improve integration ban arranged marriages intolerant dangerous resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian communities identity arranged marriages tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies secular liberalism blind intolerance wearing the veil inclusion integration ban dangerous intolerant Paul Walker Anti-US protesters Guardian Gary Younge Europe Islampobic Extremism resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian communities identity tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims Muslim families extremist tendencies intolerant laws secular liberalism banning practices wearing the veil inclusion integration banning arranged marriages intolerant dangerous anti-US protesters guardian.co.uk Europe hotbed Islamophobic extremism resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian identity arranged marriages tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies secular liberalism intolerance banning practices wearing veil inclusion integration dangerous intolerant Paul Walker Gary Younge Islampobic extremism resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian communities identity tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film Innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies Muslim families blind intolerance secular liberalism banning practices wearing veil inclusion integration ban arranged marriages intolerant dangerous Islamophobic extremism resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian identity tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies Muslim families secular liberalism blind intolerance banning practices veil inclusion integration banning arranged marriages dangerous intolerance Paul Walker Anti-US protesters guardian.co.uk Gary Younge Europe Islampobic Extremism resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian communities arranged marriages identity tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies secular liberalism intolerance veil ban inclusion integration banning practices dangerous intolerant Paul Walker Gary Younge Islampobic Extremism
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro02a	It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, EU CAP agricultural policy new members old members disparities payments per hectare western countries eastern countries economic struggle agricultural dependency monetary support food production competitiveness fairness equality farm reforms Eastern EU states Greece Latvia Poland Bulgaria Romania France Spain Germany fairness equality CAP new members old members payments hectare arable land agriculture economy competitiveness food quality monetary support Poland Bulgaria Romania Greece Latvia EU market Eastern EU states farm reforms CAP EU agriculture policy farm subsidies new EU members old EU members payments per hectare agricultural support economic disparity EU market competition fairness in EU Eastern EU states farm reforms monetary support arable land agriculture dependency food quality competitive disadvantage EU ethos equality among members Western Europe Eastern Europe Greece Latvia Poland Bulgaria Romania France Spain Germany unfair treatment new EU members CAP payments western countries payments per hectare arable land economic disparity agricultural dependency Poland Bulgaria Romania monetary support food quality competitiveness EU market payment variance Greece Latvia fairness equality EU ethos farm reforms Eastern EU states CAP EU new members old members agriculture payments per hectare economic disparity competitiveness fairness equality farm reforms monetary support arable lands Western Europe Eastern Europe Poland Bulgaria Romania Greece Latvia EurActive EU market food quality EU ethos EU CAP France Spain Germany payments per hectare new members old members Poland Bulgaria Romania agricultural support competition EU market fairness equality farm reforms Eastern EU states EU CAP new members old members agricultural payments fairness equality economy agriculture Poland Bulgaria Romania Greece Latvia monetary support farm reforms competitiveness food quality EurActive Eastern EU states western countries France Spain Germany arable land payments per hectare EU CAP new members old members agricultural payments per hectare inequality France Spain Germany Poland Bulgaria Romania Latvia Greece economic disparity competitiveness food production EU market fairness equality farm reforms Eastern EU states monetary support arable land agriculture dependency quality CAP reform EU policy rural development subsidy distribution economic support regional imbalance agricultural policy European Commission member states agricultural sector policy reform Eastern Europe Western Europe CAP distribution agricultural competitiveness EU ethos equity payments disparity agricultural subsidies farm support EU new members CAP Common Agricultural Policy agricultural support payments per hectare arable land economic disparity competitiveness fairness equality Poland Bulgaria Romania Greece Latvia farm reforms EurActive EU CAP agricultural policy new members old members payments per hectare arable land economic struggle agriculture dependency food quality competitiveness fairness equality Eastern EU states farm reforms
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro01a	Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion justification reactionary views offensive tolerance vitriol mask abortion women family bigoted credibility cassock religious belief views objective measure homophobia churches gay liberation judgement religiosity Harry Hammond LGBT endurance vitriol condemnation secular love torment suffering God Christian preacher homosexuality sin arrest Daily Telegraph Heidi Blake religion reactionary offensive justification tolerance vitriol abortion women family bigoted credibility religious belief views objective measure homophobia churches gay liberation judgement religious veneer LGBT endurance secular love torment suffering god arrest homosexuality sin daily telegraph blake heidi Religion Justification Reactionary Views Offensive Vitriol Abortion Women Family Bigotry Religious Belief Homophobia Churches Gay Liberation Objective Measure Harry Hammond LGBT Secular Love Torment Suffering God Christian Preacher Homosexuality Sin Arrest Daily Telegraph Heidi Blake Religion Justification Reactionary Views Offensive Vitriol Tolerance Religious Mask Abortion Women Family Bigotry Credibility Religious Belief Objective Measure Homophobia Churches Gay Liberation Views Judgement Religiosity Harry Hammond LGBT Endurance Vitriol Condemnation Secular Love Torment Suffering God Christian Preacher Homosexuality Sin Arrested Daily Telegraph Religion reactionary views offensive tolerance vitriol abortion women family bigoted views religious justification homophobia churches gay liberation objective measure Harry Hammond LGBT secular condemnation love torment suffering God Christian preacher homosexuality sin arrest Religion Justification Reactionary Views Offensive Vitriol Tolerance Mask of Religion Abortion Women Family Bigoted Views Credibility Cassock Objective Measure Views Homophobic Churches Gay Liberation Judgement Religiosity Harry Hammond LGBT Vitriol Condemnation Secular Speaker Love Torment Suffering God Christian Preacher Homosexuality Sin Arrested Daily Telegraph Heidi Blake religion reactionary views offensive vitriol tolerance mask abortion women family bigoted views cassock religious justification objective measure homophobic views churches gay liberation judgment religiosity Harry Hammond LGBT vitriol condemnation secular love torment suffering God Christian preacher homosexuality sin arrest Daily Telegraph 2010 religion reactionary views offensive vitriol abortion women acceptable family bigoted views credibility religious justification objective measure homophobic views churches gay liberation judge views religiosity Harry Hammond LGBT secular speaker love torment suffering God Religion justifies reactionary offensive tolerance vitriol abortion women family bigoted credibility cassock religious belief views justification objective measure homophobic churches gay liberation judgment basis religiosity Harry Hammond LGBT endure condemnation secular speaker love torment suffering God acceptable Blake Heidi Christian preacher homosexuality sin Daily Telegraph Religion Justification Reactionary Views Offensive Tolerance Vitriol Mask Credibility Cassock Bigoted Views Abortion Women Acceptable Family Religious Belief Objective Measure Homophobic Views Churches Gay Liberation Judgement Basis Religiosity Harry Hammond LGBT Vitriol Condemnation Secular Speaker Love Torment Suffering God Acceptability Christian Preacher Homosexuality Sin Arrest Daily Telegraph
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con02a	There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. France nuclear energy 80% electricity not underground storage above ground on-site storage reprocessing recycling nuclear waste unnecessary western democracies technological progress checks balances monitored Uranium plentiful difficult to mine environment economic cost PBS BBC News Jon Palfreman 1bn euro boost above ground storage on-site storage reprocessing recycling nuclear waste France nuclear energy technological progress western democracies checks and balances Uranium conservation environmental benefits economic efficiency nuclear waste above ground storage underground storage reprocessing recycling France nuclear energy electricity generation checks and balances Uranium mining milling environmental impact economic cost technological progress Western democracies nuclear power funding PBS BBC News Nuclear waste management underground storage alternatives France nuclear energy on-site storage nuclear waste reprocessing recycling nuclear waste above ground storage environmental benefits economic cost uranium mining checks and balances nuclear safety technological progress western democracies nuclear power funding PBS BBC News Jon Palfreman nuclear waste storage above ground storage on-site storage reprocessing recycling uranium environmental benefits economic cost checks and balances France nuclear energy technological progress western liberal democracies above ground storage reprocessing and recycling nuclear waste management environmental benefits economic efficiency French nuclear energy checks and balances on-site storage technological progress uranium conservation nuclear waste above ground storage France nuclear energy reprocessing recycling uranium environmental impact economic cost checks and balances technological progress liberal democracies underground storage safety maintenance monitoring nuclear power energy production resource efficiency mining milling France nuclear energy electricity generation underground storage above ground storage on-site storage reprocessing recycling nuclear waste checks and balances Uranium environment economic cost technological progress western democracies nuclear power storage facilities mining milling waste reduction nuclear waste above ground storage on-site storage reprocessing recycling uranium conservation environmental benefits economic efficiency France nuclear energy technological progress western liberal democracies checks and balances nuclear storage facilities uranium mining uranium milling nuclear power European Union energy policy sustainable energy radioactive waste management safety measures long-term storage solutions non-proliferation public safety waste reduction energy security climate change mitigation renewable energy integration nuclear power plants international standards regulatory frameworks community engagement technological innovation energy transition carbon footprint resource management industrial processes above ground storage reprocessing recycling nuclear waste France nuclear energy environmental impact economic cost uranium mining technological progress western liberal democracies checks and balances nuclear power underground storage alternatives
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con03a	Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Israelis occupied territories West Bank national security Israeli citizens settlements Golan Heights 1967 borders barrier withdrawing 1967 borders 1993 Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat White House 109000 230 settlements outposts Jewish presence Palestinian land forcibly removing Jewish civil war resentment fundamentalist Jews Israeli-Palestinian conflict Israeli government moral duty internal turmoil protect citizens two-state solution Israeli settlers West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Israeli-Palestinian conflict Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat Israeli settlements Palestinian land Jewish civil war moral duty Israeli citizens internal turmoil two-state solution IDF George Mitchell Haaretz The Christian Science Monitor Israeli settlers occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders settlements outposts Jewish presence Palestinian land Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat Israeli-Palestinian conflict moral duty internal turmoil citizen rights two-state solution IDF George Mitchell Haaretz Christian Science Monitor Israeli settlers occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders settlements outposts Jewish presence Palestinian land removal of settlers Jewish civil war Israeli-Palestinian conflict moral duty Israeli citizens rights of citizens internal turmoil two-state solution Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Palestine Liberation Organization Yasser Arafat White House agreement strategically placed settlements Israeli government promises protection of citizens Israelis occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights settlements Israeli citizens national security strategic areas Israeli-Palestinian conflict 1967 borders Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Palestine Liberation Organization Yasser Arafat Jewish civil war fundamentalist Jews moral duty Israeli government internal turmoil citizens' rights two-state solution Israeli settlers occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Israeli-Palestinian conflict Jewish civil war moral duty citizen rights internal turmoil two-state solution settlements expansion strategic outposts Palestinian land Israeli government promises national security fundamentalist Jews Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat White House handshake 1993 settlers removal Israeli citizens Haaretz IDF George Mitchell The Christian Science Monitor Israeli settlers occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights Israeli-Palestinian conflict settlements outposts Jewish presence Palestinian land 1967 borders Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat White House 1993 moral duty Israeli citizens internal turmoil national security strategic importance civilian population Jewish civil war fundamentalist Jews forcible removal political stability international law human rights territorial disputes Middle East peace process Israeli settlers West Bank 1967 borders East Jerusalem Golan Heights Israeli-Palestinian conflict Jewish civil war fundamentalist Jews moral duty citizens rights internal turmoil two-state solution strategic outposts Palestinian land Israeli government promises Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat White House accord 1993 peace talks Haaretz IDF George Mitchell The Christian Science Monitor Sandy Tolan Chaim Levinson Israeli settlements occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Israeli citizens Palestinian land Jewish civil war Israeli-Palestinian conflict moral duty Israeli government internal turmoil two-state solution settlers strategic essential outposts fundamentalist Jews national security Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat White House Haaretz Christian Science Monitor Israeli settlers West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Israeli-Palestinian conflict Jewish civil war Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat Israeli citizenship moral duty internal turmoil two-state solution settlements outposts Palestinian land Israeli government fundamentalist Jews Israeli national security strategic essential areas demographic changes Israeli withdrawal forced removal settler resentment Israeli moral obligations Israeli-Palestinian peace process international law occupied territories Middle East politics Israeli expansion Jewish presence demographic challenges Israeli-Palestinian negotiations
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro03a	Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 transparency international tension international relations mutual understanding suspicion threat inflation miscalculation nuclear war Cuban missile crisis Cold War White House-Kremlin hotline strategic communication China US pivot to Asia strategic trust arms race conflict prevention diplomatic relations security studies international security geopolitical tensions bilateral relations trust deficit foreign policy nuclear deterrence crisis management global stability transparency international relations state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomatic perspective trust deficit foreign policy transparency international relations states actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict transparency international relations reduce tension state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis lack of transparency nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict Transparency international relations tension reduction trust suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomacy crisis management nuclear war communication channels foreign policy international security geopolitical tensions mutual understanding strategic transparency bilateral relations global stability transparency international relations miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis White House-Kremlin hotline China US pivot to Asia strategic trust arms race conflict prevention diplomatic communication historical examples trust deficit transparency international relations state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomatic perspective trust deficit foreign policy transparency international relations state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomatic perspective trust deficit foreign policy transparency international relations state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict Transparency international relations trust suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomatic perspective trust deficit Foreign Policy
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con01a	Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . rehabilitation retribution criminal justice system society protection law abiding citizens repeat offenders Jamaica crime prison programmes football cooking programmes qualifications moral values public outrage deterrent traditional prison sentence rehabilitation criminal justice system society protection law abiding citizens repeat offenders crime Jamaica police retribution deterrence moral values public outrage immediate removal offender secondary concern primary goal non-guilty defence traditional prison sentence message societal needs group activities football cooking programmes qualifications professional environment reinforcement symbolic punishment disgust actions criminal behavior legal system punishment social protection crime prevention inmates prison programmes community impact criminal psychology justice policy crime rates law enforcement societal protection penal reform victim rehabilitation criminal justice system retribution society protection repeat offenders Jamaica crime prison programmes football cooking qualifications moral values public outrage deterrent offender removal non-guilty parties immediate protection long-term safety crime prevention social message punishment effectiveness rehabilitation criminal justice system retribution society protection repeat offenders long-term solutions short-term safety prison programmes group activities cooking qualifications moral values public outrage crime deterrent offender removal non-guilty protection immediate action traditional sentencing social message deterrence effectiveness Jamaica crime statistics rehabilitation criminal justice system retribution society protection repeat offenders Jamaica crime prison programmes football activities cooking qualifications non-guilty parties moral values public outrage crime deterrent traditional sentencing rehabilitation criminal justice system retribution societal protection repeat offenders Jamaican crime prison programs group activities cooking programmes moral values public outrage deterrence non-guilty parties offender removal immediate protection long-term rehabilitation secondary concern societal needs traditional prison message of disgust rehabilitation criminal justice system society protection law abiding citizens repeat offenders retribution deterrence moral values public outrage immediate removal secondary concern prison programmes group activities cooking qualifications long-term solutions short-term safety societal needs non-guilty parties traditional sentencing strong message offender actions crime prevention Jamaica police statistics criminal behavior social impact penal reform offender reintegration community safety legal philosophy justice goals incarceration societal protection crime rates offender treatment penal system criminal psychology legal ethics punishment societal values rehabilitation criminal justice system society protection law abiding citizens repeat offenders Jamaica crime rate retribution deterrence moral values public outrage immediate removal secondary concern group activities football cooking programmes professional qualification non-guilty parties strong message traditional prison sentence rehabilitation criminal justice societal needs retribution repeat offenders Jamaica crime rates prison programmes retributive justice moral values public outrage deterrence immediate removal non-guilty parties secondary concern primary goal protection long-term solutions short-term safety criminal behavior societal protection offender management legal system community safety punishment inmate rehabilitation crime prevention social order justice system priorities law enforcement public safety offender reintegration policy-making criminal behavior modification societal impact sentencing principles correctional facilities community-based programs crime reduction strategies rehabilitation criminal justice system retribution society protection repeat offenders Jamaica crime prison programmes group activities cooking qualifications moral values public outrage crime deterrent non-guilty parties offender removal traditional prison sentence societal needs immediate safety long-term solutions crime prevention societal message moral reinforcement criminal behavior modification community safety legal penalties societal impact offender reintegration criminal deterrence justice system goals
test-international-segiahbarr-con01a	Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals MDG African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme UNDP eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality Africa development progress MDG deadlines off track fundamental roadblock Millennium Development Goals MDG African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality MDG progress Africa development off track goals not reached development challenges poverty reduction sustainable development healthcare improvement environmental protection economic growth social development UNDP reports development indicators goal achievement deadline approaching development efforts underdevelopment socio-economic progress health improvement poverty eradication sustainable practices inequality reduction governmental efforts development success progress monitoring goal aspirations development criteria fulfillment development outcomes development strategies Millennium Development Goals MDG African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme UNDP eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality in Africa MDG progress reports Africa development goal achievement development challenges poverty reduction health improvement sustainable development Africa growth socioeconomic issues international development global goals MDG targets deadline pressure development effectiveness policy efforts implementation gaps regional disparities healthcare access nutrition security economic growth social progress governance issues external aid internal resources strategic planning development strategies stakeholders involvement community engagement Millennium Development Goals African governments MDG deadlines development criteria United Nations Development Programme eradication of hunger reduction of child mortality improvement of maternal health environmental sustainability inequality in Africa MDG failure causes UNDP progress reports Millennium Development Goals MDGs African governments deadlines development criteria United Nations Development Programme UNDP eradication of hunger reduction of child mortality improvement of maternal health environmental sustainability inequality Africa development progress MDG progress reports 2013 off track roadblock aspiration growth criteria established 2000 poverty health sustainability progress reports UN development goals success efforts continent underdevelopment challenges socioeconomic achievement targets deadline 2015 global initiatives international cooperation sustainable development Millennium Development Goals Africa development poverty hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality UNDP progress reports goals deadlines efforts eradication roadblock essential growth criteria countries established 2000 aspirations developed off track observing causes failure fundamental recognises Millennium Development Goals MDG African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme UNDP eradication of hunger reduction of child mortality improvement of maternal health environmental sustainability inequality development failure Africa MDG progress reports 2013 development goals essential growth deadlines complete success fundamental roadblock Millennium Development Goals MDGs African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme UNDP eradication of hunger child mortality reduction maternal health improvement environmental sustainability inequality development failure Africa MDG progress UNDP reports Millennium Development Goals African governments MDG deadlines development criteria country development UNDP eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality in Africa MDG failure development progress UNDP reports Millennium Development Goals MDG success rates African government efforts UNDP reports development criteria child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality in Africa MDG deadlines eradication of hunger Africa development goals UN Development Programme MDG progress Africa growth challenges
test-politics-lghwdecm-con03a	Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors cost referendum election Bristol council administrative deputies staff offices cars publicity budget cuts services Economist Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail Mayors cost referendum election Bristol council administrative cost deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils elected mayors affordability Mayors cost referendum election Bristol council administrative cost deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils elected mayors affordability Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail The Economist Why elected mayors matter cost of mayors referendum costs election expenses administrative costs mayor's deputies staff salaries office expenses car allowances publicity budget budget cuts council services economist perspective affordable governance mayor's impact on budget local government finance elected mayors' financial burden Steve McCabe's view Birmingham Mail report mayor's fiscal responsibility public expenditure Mayors cost referendum election Bristol council administrative cost deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils elected mayors Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail The Economist Why elected mayors matter An executive mayor – can we afford it cost mayors referendum election administrative expenses deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils elected mayors affordability cost referendum election mayor Bristol council administrative cost deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils elected mayors affordability Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail The Economist Mayors cost referendum election Bristol council administrative cost deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils The Economist Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail Mayors cost referendum election Bristol council administrative deputies staff offices cars publicity budget cuts services The Economist Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail budget cuts administrative costs referendum election expenses mayor's office deputies staff publicity budget service provision local government Bristol council Steve McCabe The Economist
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con04a	The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, US multiple languages historical tradition immigrants languages ancestors England 1776 colonists independence French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun French Louisiana Native American languages historical justice recognition contributors American history Ethnic Composition Thirteen Colonies 1750 Cajun English PBS US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice American history Ethnic Composition Thirteen Colonies 1750 Megan Melancon Cajun English PBS US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice contributors American history Ethnic Composition Thirteen Colonies 1750 Cajun English PBS US linguistic diversity historical language contributions American language heritage early immigrant languages Cajun French Louisiana Native American languages historical linguistic recognition American ethnic composition colonial languages linguistic justice immigrant contributions to American history US multiple languages historical tradition America language diversity ancestors immigration French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice linguistic heritage contributors American history Ethnic Composition Thirteen Colonies Cajun English PBS Megan Melancon US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants languages contributions Native American languages historical justice recognition Cajun Louisiana Ethnic Composition Thirteen Colonies 1750 Megan Melancon PBS Cajun English English descendants stigmatized US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish ancestors pre-1776 Native American languages historical justice contributors American history Cajun Louisiana Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies Cajun English Megan Melancon PBS US multiple languages historical tradition ancestors non-English immigrants French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice recognition American history ethnic composition thirteen colonies 1750 Cajun English PBS US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Native American languages historical justice Cajun Louisiana recognition contributors American history ethnic composition 1750 1776 colonists Thirteen Colonies teacher’s brunch PBS Megan Melancon Cajun English historical linguistics immigrant languages American linguistic diversity colonial languages Cajun French Native American languages linguistic heritage US language history linguistic contributions historical justice American linguistic recognition ethnic composition colonies linguistic stigmatization American multiculturalism
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con02a	Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. sexist advertising subjectivity codification effective advertising social values cultural values personal values product adoption marketing outcomes beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societal differences cultural imperialism censorship standards development sexist advertising subjective codification effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer values product adoption marketing outcomes beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles cultural differences societal norms censorship cultural imperialism standard development advertising ethics consumer appeal marketing standards international advertising gender representation feminist critique advertising regulation media influence societal impact consumer perception advertising strategies cross-cultural communication sexist advertising subjective social values cultural values personal values consumer appeals marketing outcomes beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles cultural differences biological differences censorship cultural imperialism standard development advertising regulation consumer connection product promotion service promotion idea promotion advertising effectiveness audience engagement societal norms cultural sensitivity marketing ethics advertising standards consumer beliefs advertising content gender discrimination advertising impact marketing strategy consumer perception advertising goals marketing challenges cultural diversity advertising laws consumer protection gender issues advertising guidelines social norms advertising controversy consumer rights advertising sexist advertising subjective interpretation codification difficulty effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer connection product adoption meaningful appeals audience outcomes marketing success beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societal differences cultural differences censorship issues censor authority censorship application cultural imperialism standards development sexist advertising subjectivity codification cultural imperialism censorship social values cultural values personal values consumer adoption marketing outcomes beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles universal definitions biological differences societal norms meaningful appeals audience connection product advertising service advertising idea advertising marketing standards advertising regulation cultural sensitivity advertising ethics sexist advertising subjective nature codification challenges effective advertising social values cultural values personal values product adoption meaningful appeals audience connection consumer values differing beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles society culture universal definitions biological differences women excessive thinness societal standards censorship regulation who censors application of censorship cultural imperialism standard development codification difficulty sexist advertising subjective codification difficulty effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer appeals product adoption marketing outcomes differing beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles universal definitions censorship cultural imperialism biological differences women body image societal norms advertising standards ethical considerations marketing ethics cultural sensitivity sexist advertising subjective codify effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer appeal product connection service connection idea connection meaningful appeals audience connection marketing outcomes differing beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societies cultures universal definitions excessively thin biological differences women censoring questions who will censor how to apply standards cultural imperialism sexist advertising subjective codify effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer appeal marketing outcomes differing beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles cultural differences universal definitions censorship cultural imperialism standards development sexist advertising subjective codify effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer values product appeals service appeals idea appeals advertising goals audience connection meaningful appeals marketing outcomes differing beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societal differences cultural differences universal definitions biological differences women excessively thin societal norms censorship censoring who will censor how to apply censorship standards development cultural imperialism difficulty in codification
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con04a	Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: corruption states institutions terror violence organised crime public improvement terrorist organisations military illegitimate acts civilians complicity ideology minority power political background ignorance political processes inefficiency bias persecution Westernizing Islamic dissidents Iran corruption states terrorism institutions organized crime violence civilian harm ideology political power inefficiency bias minority interests ignorance political processes persecution dissidents Iran Islamic state Westernization corruption states terrorism organized crime political inefficiency ideological governance minority rule persecution Iran Islamic state dissidents violence illegitimate acts political processes complicity harm to civilians military character terror concession power ignorance biased system rise in corruption political background appointment fringe interests inefficiency hostilities governance failure state transformation westernization religious shift political dynamics authoritarianism human rights violations extremism instability governance structures conflict power structures political ideology institutional corruption state failure minority interests state control rule corrupt states institutions created in concession terror men of violence organised crime improve lives terrorist organisations military character violent illegitimate acts harm to civilians ideology minority position of power political background ignorance of political processes appoint ideologues inefficient political system biased rise in corruption persecution Iran Westernizing state Islamic state hostile to dissidents BBC News corruption terror states institutions violence organised crime terror groups military character illegitimate acts civilian harm ideology minority support power positions political ignorance system inefficiency bias persecution dissidents Iran Westernizing Islamic state corrupt states terrorist organizations violence organized crime political inefficiency ideology minority interests persecution Iran Islamic state dissidents terror complicity illegitimate acts political background appointment bias corruption inefficiency minority fringe interest hostile BBC News Iran Profile corruption states terrorism violent men organised crime improvement failure terrorist organisations military character violent acts civilian harm ideology minority support power positions political ignorance inefficient system minority bias rising corruption political persecution Iran Westernizing state Islamic state dissident hostility corrupt states terrorist organizations violence organized crime political inefficiency ideology-driven governance minority rule persecution Iran Islamic state dissidents political processes complicity civilian harm military character illegitimate acts terror power abuse corruption governance failure corruption terrorist states violence organized crime political inefficiency minority rule ideological governance persecution Iran Islamic state dissidents corruption terrorism political violence organized crime civilian harm ideological extremism minority interests political ignorance inefficiency bias persecution Iran Islamic state dissidents
test-international-aghwrem-con04a	Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Myanmar democracy international community China India economic benefits political benefits human rights good governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity market corruption military-controlled government regional stability Russia market evolution Vested interests international community China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy Myanmar democracy human rights violations good governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity market conditions Russian markets reengagement military-controlled government poor democracy regional stability Vested interests international community regional players China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy regime Myanmar democracy human rights good governance investment monopolistic imperfect environment corruption legal processes economic disparity corrupt markets reengagement military-controlled government poor democracy regional stability Myanmar international community China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy regime human rights democracy good governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity military-controlled government regional stability reengagement poor democracy Russian markets 1990s Vested interests international community China India legitimacy regime economic benefits political benefits human rights democracy good governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy stability reengagement military-controlled government Russian markets transitional governance regional stability international relations Myanmar politics economic development democratic transition human rights violations political legitimacy foreign investment monopolistic markets legal reforms long-term stability economic inequality democratic values international diplomacy peacebuilding sustainable development governance reform regional security international aid political transition economic policy democratic institutions international Myanmar international community China India economic benefits political benefits human rights democracy good governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity military-controlled government regional stability Russian markets reengagement poor democracy Vested interests international community Myanmar China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy regime human rights democracy good governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy stability regional players reengagement military-controlled government Russian markets 1990s Vested international interest Myanmar China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy of regime human rights violations democracy good governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy regional stability Russian markets reengagement military-controlled government Vested interests international community Myanmar China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy regime human rights democracy good governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy stability regional players reengagement military-controlled government Russian markets 1990s Myanmar China India international community vested interests economic benefits political benefits legitimacy democracy human rights good governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy stability reengagement military-controlled government regional players Russian markets constitutional framework monopolistic environment democratic state long-term harm short-term gains political blindness economic investment fundamental principles inadequacy transformation regional stability
test-international-gsciidffe-con02a	Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, government censorship protecting citizens legitimate censorship undermining censorship hate speech child pornography Iceland ban pornography China Iran stability internal divisions external interference free society governments censorship protect citizens legitimate undermine hate speech child pornography filters repression Iceland ban pornography stability values external actors free society critics Jemima Kiss guardian.co.uk censorship legitimacy protection freedoms hate speech child pornography Iceland pornography ban government control stability external interference cultural values free society repression human rights digital rights information control media freedom public safety ethical considerations censorship legitimate undermines protection freedoms hate speech child pornography Iceland ban pornography stability repressive outside actors free society values repression legitimacy imposition criticism guardians Jemima Kiss 2013 February 28 Governments censorship protect citizens legitimate undermine hate speech child pornography Iceland ban pornography China Iran stability repression outside actors free society Jemima Kiss guardian.co.uk government censorship protecting citizens undermining censorship legitimate censorship hate speech child pornography Iceland porn ban China censorship Iran censorship ensuring stability external interference free society values protection internal divisions repression versus protection censorship protection citizens freedoms hate speech child pornography filters Iceland ban pornography stability legitimacy external interference free society censorship legitimacy protection citizens freedoms hate speech child pornography Iceland ban pornography China Iran stability repression free society external interference values censorship legitimacy protection citizens hate speech child pornography Iceland pornography ban stability government repression freedom external interference values societal norms ethics free society human rights digital rights online safety content regulation policy law public opinion international perspectives cultural differences media control information flow democratic principles authoritarian regimes cyber laws privacy security moral grounds public interest legislative measures enforcement impact analysis societal impact legal frameworks technological solutions digital literacy awareness campaigns alternative viewpoints debate discussion critical thinking informed consent Governments censorship protect citizens legitimate undermine hate speech child pornography Iceland ban pornography China Iran stability justified external actors free society critics
test-international-amehbuaisji-con01a	Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. ratification international criminal court violation national sovereignty state Rome Statute citizens court national control ceding American criminals Israeli criminals international criminal law enemies ICC threats sovereignty nations prosecution non-state parties justice territory principle US measures sovereignty Ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens national control ceding sovereignty state authority American criminals Israeli criminals international criminal law ICC threats to sovereignty non-state parties territorial justice US policy sovereignty principles Ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens outside national control ceding sovereignty American criminals Israeli criminals international criminal law ICC threats to sovereignty non-state parties justice authority territorial sovereignty US policy sovereignty principles Ratification International Criminal Court violation national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens court national control ceding sovereignty American criminals Israel Israeli international criminal law enemies ICC threaten sovereignty nations prosecute non-state parties authority justice territory principle US supporting measures affect nation ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens court national control ceding sovereignty state parties ICC prosecution non-state parties justice territory principle support measures US Israel American criminals international criminal law ratification international criminal court national sovereignty rome statute citizens national control ceding sovereignty us state power american criminals israel israeli criminals international criminal law icc threats to sovereignty non-state parties us policy sovereignty principles ratification international criminal court national sovereignty rome statute citizens national control unacceptable ceding american criminals israeli criminals international criminal law enemies threat sovereignty prosecution non-state parties justice authority territorial sovereignty principle us support sovereignty impact ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens national control ceding sovereignty American criminals Israeli criminals international criminal law ICC US sovereignty sovereignty of nations prosecuting non-state parties justice authority territorial sovereignty principle US support sovereignty threats ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens court jurisdiction national control unacceptable sovereignty ceding American criminals Israeli criminals international criminal law ICC state parties territory justice authority sovereignty principle US support sovereignty impact ratification international criminal court national sovereignty rome statute ceding authority american criminals israeli criminals international criminal law icc prosecution non-state parties territorial justice sovereignty principles us support global sovereignty concerns
test-health-dhghhbampt-con02a	The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. pharmaceutical industry medical industry financial interests free remedies cheaper treatments medical establishment vested interests traditional therapies herbal medicine natural remedies patenting genes pharmaceutical patents traditional medicine alternative medicine drug manufacturing costs healthcare solutions disease treatment non-pharmacological treatments cultural practices healthcare economics pharmaceutical industry medical industry free remedies cheaper treatments medical establishment pharmaceutical companies drug manufacturing costs vested interests disease solutions traditional therapies patenting genes natural remedies pharmaceutical patents alternative medicine healthcare economics drug pricing traditional medicine modern medicine healthcare industry medical practices pharmaceutical industry medical industry financial interests drug companies cost of drugs traditional remedies free treatments cheaper treatments medical establishment vested interests patenting genes traditional therapies pharmaceutical patents disease treatment reliance on medication health care economics alternative medicine natural remedies health policy medical ethics drug pricing pharmaceutical profits patent laws gene patenting healthcare solutions traditional medicine Western medicine medical research drug development pharmaceutical regulation healthcare access public health healthcare costs medical innovation drug efficacy healthcare affordability medical practices healthcare industry medical treatments health systems global pharmaceutical industry medical industry free remedies cheaper treatments medical establishment vested interest disease solutions traditional therapies patenting genes pharmaceutical profits drug manufacturing costs alternative medicine healthcare economics treatment efficacy natural remedies Western healthcare global health practices drug patents traditional medicine healthcare alternatives pharmaceutical industry medical industry free remedies cheaper treatments medical establishment drug manufacturing vested interests traditional therapies patenting genes disease solutions pharmaceutical patents health alternatives non-pharmaceutical treatments historical medical practices pharmaceutical industry medical industry profit motives free remedies cheaper treatments medical establishment pharmaceutical companies drug manufacturing vested interests Western medicine traditional therapies patenting genes natural remedies healthcare solutions disease treatment alternative medicine cost of drugs healthcare economics traditional healing modern medicine pharmaceutical patents medical ethics healthcare practices global health Western healthcare non-Western remedies drug patents medical patents traditional medicine healthcare industry pharmaceutical research drug costs medical costs healthcare alternatives medical treatment healthcare access medical innovation drug efficacy medical efficacy healthcare equity medical care pharmaceutical industry medical industry financial interests free remedies cheaper treatments medical establishment vested interest drug manufacturing patenting genes traditional medicine natural therapies pharmaceutical profits disease treatment healthcare solutions Western medicine alternative treatments traditional remedies drug patents medical practices healthcare industry pharmaceutical companies medical professionals healthcare providers natural medicine medical economics health policy traditional healing industrial medicine healthcare innovation medical ethics drug development pharmaceutical research healthcare alternatives medical treatment healthcare access traditional healthcare medical cost pharmaceutical cost health economics medical patents health traditions medical innovation pharmaceutical industry medical industry free remedies cheaper treatments medical establishment vested interest disease solutions traditional therapies patenting genes natural remedies alternative medicine drug manufacturing healthcare economics pharmaceutical patents medical capitalism pharmaceutical industry medical industry economic interests free remedies cheaper remedies medical establishment pharmaceutical companies drug manufacturing vested interests western medicine traditional therapies patenting genes traditional remedies healthcare solutions non-pharmaceutical treatments health economics medical practices natural remedies healthcare innovation drug patents pharmaceutical industry medical industry free remedies cheaper treatments medical establishment vested interest pharmaceutical companies drug manufacturing traditional therapies patenting genes natural remedies alternative medicine healthcare industry drug pricing healthcare economics traditional medicine medical patents pharmaceutical profits healthcare alternatives drug patents
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con02a	It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. war criminals ICC political prosecution peace lasting peace victims U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations long trials oppressed population psychological control therapeutic melancholic qualities fallen dictator legal ramifications war criminals ICC International Criminal Court political prosecution peace lasting peace victims U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population long trials fallen dictator psychological control therapeutic impact melancholic events war crimes international criminal court ICC political prosecution peace lasting peace human rights violations despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein oppressed population long trials psychological control therapeutic impact legal ramifications U.S. policy Congressional Research Service ICC war criminals prosecution peace victims U.S. policy Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations legal ramifications oppressed population dictator trial therapeutic psychological control melancholic qualities war criminals ICC political prosecution peace lasting peace victims U.S. policy Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population long trials fallen dictator psychological control therapeutic impact legal ramifications Congressional Research Service Elsea J. K. war criminals ICC political prosecution peace lasting peace victims U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population long trials psychological control therapeutic impact legal ramifications dictator fallen dictator protracted trial melancholic qualities war criminals ICC International Criminal Court victims state interests political prosecution peace lasting peace U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population long trials psychological control therapeutic impact legal ramifications Congressional Research Service war criminals ICC International Criminal Court political prosecution peace lasting peace victims U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations legal ramifications oppressed population long trials fallen dictator therapeutic melancholic qualities psychological control war crimes international criminal court ICC political prosecution peace lasting peace victims human rights violations despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein lawyers legal ramifications oppressed population long trials dictator psychological control therapeutic dredge up melancholic events war criminals international criminal court ICC political prosecution peace victims lasting peace U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population long trials fallen dictator psychological control therapeutic impact legal ramifications
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con01a	It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. right to die moral absolutes killing people societal norms state agreement war blanket ban moral clarity abuse prevention murder sentencing court procedures shaken baby syndrome parental frustration assisted suicide coercion consent moral gray areas Stephen Drake Diane Coleman Wall Street Journal ethical dilemmas legal standards posthumous justice individual rights societal protection euthanasia terminal illness palliative care ethical boundaries right to die moral absolutes killing societal norms blanket ban moral clarity abuse prevention murder legal justification court process shaken baby syndrome parental frustration assisted suicide consent coercion proactive measures ethical dilemmas legal boundaries Stephen Drake Diane Coleman Wall Street Journal 2012 right to die moral absolutes killing people moral wrong societal acceptance state agreement war circumstances blanket ban no caveats no misunderstandings clear cut approach abuse prevention murder guilt proven life taking court justification shaken baby syndrome parental frustration relative coercion form filling appearance of consent murder proof Stephen Drake Diane Coleman assisted suicide second thoughts Wall Street Journal right to die moral absolutes killing people blanket ban murder court case shaken baby syndrome assisted suicide explicit agreement state authorization moral justification legal sentencing coercion consent terminal illness euthanasia legal abuse moral grey areas clear cut approach societal norms murder guilt legal proof Stephen Drake Diane Coleman Wall Street Journal second thoughts ethical dilemmas end-of-life decisions medical ethics legal considerations caregiver frustrations patient rights legal loopholes moral boundaries human rights legal standards judicial process moral reasoning ethical arguments legal definitions right to die assisted suicide moral absolutes killing societal norms state authority war murder guilt sentencing justification court cases post-event determination shaken baby syndrome parental frustration killing relatives prolonged coercion consent proof Stephen Drake Diane Coleman Wall Street Journal second thoughts abuse moral clarity blanket ban caveats misunderstandings shades of grey clear cut approach explicit agreement rare circumstances legal justification ethical boundaries end-of-life decisions legal scrutiny abuse prevention due process evidence moral ambiguity legal certainty right to die moral absolutes killing people state agreement moral clarity no caveats no misunderstandings no fudging no shades of grey blanket ban murder determination post-event court shaken baby syndrome parental frustration relative coercion forms and consent proving consent assisted suicide moral grey areas ethical considerations legal boundaries individual rights societal norms murder justification court sentencing explicit agreement rare circumstances moral justifications legal absolutes ethical dilemmas moral reasoning court evidence unproven consent ethical debates legal ethics moral philosophy societal consensus legal right to die moral absolutes killing people wrong societal norms state agreement war blanket ban ethical clarity abuse prevention murder guilt determination sentencing court decisions post-event judgment shaken baby syndrome parental frustration consent assisted suicide coercion legal proof Stephen Drake Diane Coleman Wall Street Journal ethical dilemmas end-of-life issues judicial process moral relativism euthanasia legal ethics human rights medical ethics societal consensus criminal justice legal standards moral psychology ethical philosophy legal reforms public policy right to die assisted suicide moral absolutes killing people blanket ban caveats misunderstandings fudging shades of grey murder guilt sentencing justification court shaken baby syndrome frustration dying relative coercion consent proof second thoughts Wall Street Journal right to die moral absolutes killing societal norms state intervention war blanked ban caveats misunderstandings abuse clear cut approach murder guilt sentencing court shaken baby syndrome frustration consent assisted suicide coercion forms appearance of consent proof Stephen Drake Diane Coleman The Wall Street Journal right to die assisted suicide moral absolutes killing societal norms blanket ban legal caveats court prosecutions murder shaken baby syndrome coercion consent ethical considerations legal justification Stephen Drake Diane Coleman Wall Street Journal assisted suicide debate ethical boundaries legal frameworks murder sentencing explicit agreement state authorization wartime exceptions moral reasoning legal abuse ethical dilemmas legal proof posthumous considerations moral responsibility
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con03a	The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. amnesty bloggers home governments Western states democracies foreign agents propaganda treason nationalism territorial disputes media control diplomatic redress oppression state justice public perception reform proponents prison beliefs succour antagonism individual cases democracy weakening public consciousness nationalist fires external aggressor stoke exploitation relations harm course of justice condemnation redress seeking direct interference regime turnaround people opposition amnesty bloggers home governments Western states democracies foreign agents disruption propaganda treason democracy prison individual cases nationalist fires China territorial disputes Japan mainstream media public consciousness diplomatic redress oppression relations regimes reform external aggressor Barren Rocks Barren Nationalism The Economist amnesty bloggers home governments foreign agents Western states democracies threat public perception propaganda treason prison beliefs nationalism territorial disputes media control diplomatic redress oppression relations regimes reform amnesty bloggers home governments foreign agents disruption Western states democracies public perception government coercion collusion propaganda treason democracy imprisonment nationalist sentiment media control external aggressor diplomatic redress oppression state justice international relations reform advocates amnesty bloggers governments discrediting foreign agents disruption Western states democracies public perception nationalist sentiment propaganda treason prison cause of democracy diplomatic redress oppression state justice relations regimes reform territorial disputes China Japan mainstream media external aggressor Economist Barren Rocks Barren Nationalism amnesty bloggers home governments discrediting foreign agents disruption Western states democracies public perception government propaganda collusion foreign patrons treason prison cause of democracy nationalist sentiment territorial disputes mainstream media external aggressors diplomatic redress oppression state justice harm relations proponents of reform amnesty bloggers home governments Western states democracies foreign agents disruption propaganda treason nationalism territorial disputes public consciousness diplomatic redress oppression reform prison beliefs antagonism media outlets public perception amnesty bloggers home governments foreign agents Western states democracies propaganda treason prison beliefs democracy nationalist fires territorial disputes media control diplomatic redress oppression relations regimes reform amnesty bloggers home governments Western states democracies foreign agents propaganda treason prison cause of democracy nationalist fires public consciousness territorial disputes diplomatic redress oppression reform relations regimes media outlets external aggressor public opinion stoke collusion antagonism succour territorial disputes China Japan Barren Rocks Barren Nationalism The Economist amnesty bloggers home governments Western states democracies foreign agents propaganda treason prison nationalist fires China Japan territorial disputes mainstream media diplomatic redress oppression relations regimes public consciousness reform
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con02a	Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, armed conflict child soldiers recruited armed political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility immortality financial reward atrocities drugs addiction coercion threats relativist morality irreversibility dehumanizing care treatment demobilizing ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements Child Soldiers International Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Global Report 2008 child soldiers armed conflict recruitment propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction military organizations abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction coercion threats relativist morality irreversibility dehumanization care treatment demobilization ICC universal values cultural relativism legitimacy warlords resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies drugs addiction irreversible damage dehumanization ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimate resistance movements armed conflict recruited armed political groups child soldiers de-facto adults defend communities military units social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage forcibly abducted uniform kill parents vulnerable abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility bullets financially rewarded atrocities drugs addicted coercced threatened relativist morality objectively harmful irreversible dehumanising ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction military organizations uniform coercion threats abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction irreversible damage dehumanizing unpardonable crime ICC universal values warlords brigands cultural relativism legitimate resistance child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats abuse exploitation minesweepers spies drugs addiction immortality myths financial rewards coercion irreversibility dehumanization post-conflict care treatment ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimacy resistance movements child protection international law human rights war crimes accountability child soldiers armed conflict recruitment abuse exploitation propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats parents minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction coercion threats relativist morality irreversible damage dehumanization ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance child soldiers international global report 2008 coalition to stop the use of child soldiers child soldiers armed conflict recruitment armed political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats parents abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction coercion threats irreversible dehumanising combat care treatment demobilising ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimacy resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction military organizations uniform threats abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies gullibility drugs addiction coercion threats relativist morality irreversible dehumanizing ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups military objectives propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats family abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction combat irreversible dehumanising ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimacy resistance movements
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con01a	Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) gun rights second amendment self-defense law-abiding citizens home protection police response crime deterrence concealed carry personal safety armed intruders criminal behavior firearm ownership legal protection defensive gun use concealed weapons permit gun ownership right to self defence law-abiding citizens protect families home protection police incapability threat of attack would-be rapists armed burglars deterrence concealed weapons muggers personal safety firearm possession self-defense rights crime prevention home security legal gun ownership concealed carry rights gun ownership self-defense law-abiding citizens family protection police response threat of attack deterrent would-be attackers firearms concealed weapons rapists muggers home security second amendment gun rights public safety crime prevention personal safety citizen defense weapon carry rights gun ownership right to self defence law-abiding citizens protect families home defense police capability threat of attack would-be rapists armed burglars break-in deterrence firearms for self-defence concealed weapons deter potential rapists muggers public safety second amendment personal security crime prevention self-protection rights gun ownership self-defense law-abiding citizens protect families home safety police response threat of attack would-be criminals deterrence firearms self-protection concealed weapons personal safety crime prevention Second Amendment legal rights security household protection armed defense burglary prevention rapists muggers gun ownership self-defense law-abiding citizens protect families police inefficiency threat of attack would-be rapists armed burglars firearms self-defence right to carry concealed weapons deterring criminals muggers gun ownership right to self defence law-abiding citizens protect families police capability threat of attack would-be rapists armed burglars break-ins firearms self-defence right to carry concealed weapons deterring potential rapists muggers home protection personal safety crime prevention concealed carry gun rights second amendment self-protection domestic security firearm possession legal defense homeowner rights safety measures criminal deterrence personal firearms concealed weapons home invaders self-defense tools defensive firearms homeowner safety crime protection law enforcement limitations personal security armed gun ownership self-defense law-abiding citizens family protection home safety police incapability threat deterrence armed burglars rapists concealed carry muggers firearm possession legal rights personal security gun ownership right to self defence law-abiding citizens protect families home safety police capability threat of attack would-be rapists armed burglars break-ins firearms for self-defence concealed weapons deterring crime potential muggers personal security legal rights gun rights crime prevention self-protection gun ownership self-defense law-abiding citizens family protection home safety police effectiveness crime deterrence firearms concealed carry personal safety criminal behavior rapists burglars muggers deterrence effect legal rights second amendment gun rights public safety defense mechanisms societal security
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro01a	"450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions atmospheric stabilization temperature rise emissions reduction developed world 2020 targets 2050 targets developing countries emissions growth rate Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions global climate change environmental policy international agreements climate science atmospheric CO2 levels emissions trends climate mitigation strategies European countries China emissions global warming climate action environmental sustainability climate research IPCC reports climate targets climate data emissions scenarios climate goals climate impact climate projections greenhouse gases CO2 concentration emission atmospheric GHG stabilization IPCC 450ppm temperature rise emissions reduction developed world developing countries Kyoto Protocol climate change carbon dioxide emissions global warming environmental policy international agreements climate science emission targets climate mitigation CO2 levels atmospheric concentration global emissions 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report greenhouse gas emissions climate change atmospheric stabilization temperature rise emissions reduction developed world developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide global warming environmental policy climate mitigation emissions targets environmental science climate science international agreements carbon emissions global emissions climate action climate goals environmental goals carbon footprint sustainable development climate research policy analysis environmental impact climate trends atmospheric composition global environmental issues climate reports scientific assessment climate data emissions tracking environmental management climate solutions environmental sustainability climate challenges international climate efforts 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report atmospheric GHG emissions temperature rise 2-2.4C current atmospheric ppm emissions reduction developed world 25-40% by 2020 80-90% by 2050 developing countries emissions growth rate Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions global warming climate change stabilization environmental policy international agreements European countries emissions reduction success China emissions data global emissions trends IPCC Fourth Assessment Report atmospheric GHG emissions 450 ppm temperature rise 2-2.4C developed world emissions reduction 25-40% 2020 80-90% 2050 developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions global warming climate change stabilization environmental policy international agreements CO2 levels emission targets European countries China emissions data The Guardian 450 ppm IPCC Fourth Assessment Report greenhouse gas emissions stabilization temperature rise atmospheric ppm emission reduction developed world developing countries Kyoto Protocol climate change carbon dioxide emissions global warming environmental policy sustainable development climate mitigation international agreements emission targets environmental science climate science 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report atmospheric GHG emissions temperature rise stabilization developed world emissions reduction 2020 2050 developing countries Kyoto Protocol global warming carbon dioxide emissions climate change Europe China emissions data Cambridge University Press The Guardian 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report atmospheric GHG emissions temperature rise stabilize developed world emissions reduction 2020 2050 developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions China global warming climate change environmental policy emission targets scientific consensus international agreements 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report atmospheric GHG emissions stabilize temperature rise 2-2.4C current ppm 393 rising rate 2 ppm per year developed world emissions reduction 25-40% by 2020 80-90% by 2050 developing countries emissions growth rate Europe Kyoto Protocol 1997 World carbon dioxide emissions China The Guardian climate change Cambridge University Press 2007 AR4 stabilization evidence IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions stabilize 450ppm temperature rise 2-2.4C atmospheric ppm reduction developed world emissions 2020 2050 developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions China global warming climate change environmental policy emission targets scientific reports environmental science international agreements environmental regulations carbon footprint renewable energy sustainable development carbon credits climate action mitigation strategies environmental impact greenhouse gases CO2 emissions fossil fuels energy consumption industrial emissions transportation emissions"
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro03a	Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. transparency citizens healthy leader proper functioning health fitness vital issue choosing leader electorate know serve term health conditions hidden mistakenly elect unable serve full term not control country point voting truly in charge voters choice clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition election democracy leader accountability vital information transparency citizens healthy leader proper functioning health fitness vital issue choosing leader electorate serve term hidden health conditions elect leader control country voting up-to-date information judge fitness democracy accountability vital information transparency citizens healthy leader proper functioning health fitness vital issue choosing leader electorate serve term hidden health conditions mistaken election not in control voting voters choice clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition democracy accountability vital information transparency citizens healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue choosing a leader electorate full term not in control voting necessary precondition election democracy accountability vital information clear information accurate information up-to-date information transparency citizen healthy leader proper functioning health fitness vital issue electorate health conditions hidden elect serve full term control of country voting choice problem clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition election democracy accountable vital information transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue leader selection electorate knowledge full term health conditions hidden information voter decision democratic accountability fitness for office up-to-date information public health leader capabilities voter responsibility informed electorate leadership accountability transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electorate knowledge full term control of country voter information necessary precondition election democracy leader accountability clear information accurate information up-to-date information health conditions hidden conditions electoral decision public interest leadership capability fitness for office transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electing leader health conditions hidden information electorate's right serving term control of country voting decision necessary precondition election democracy leader accountability vital information clear information accurate information up-to-date information transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue health conditions hidden information electorate knowledge leader accountability democracy up-to-date information voter decision full term in control transparent information fitness for office democratic process informed electorate leader health disclosure transparency health fitness leader election democracy accountability electorate information vital precondition hidden conditions serve term control vote choice problem necessary clear accurate up-to-date judge
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro04a	As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 Internet regulation media regulation censorship television regulation film regulation online content user-generated content newspapers books media control government oversight digital media web content multimedia regulation online video internet governance free speech information control media policy Internet regulation media regulation censorship television regulation film regulation online content user-generated content media forms information portrayal emotive media powerful media online newspapers video uploads photobucket media comparison internet regulation media regulation censorship television regulation film regulation online content control digital media oversight news media restrictions user-generated content policies online video regulation internet governance digital censorship media convergence information control web content regulation online media laws digital rights management internet laws online journalism regulation social media regulation Internet regulation media regulation censorship television regulation film regulation emotional impact information portrayal online content user-generated content newspapers books media forms regulatory standards digital media content control web censorship online media laws video uploads media equivalence Internet regulation media regulation censorship television regulation film regulation online content user-generated content media forms emotive media powerful media information portrayal online newspapers Photobucket video uploads media comparison status quo malevolent use media control government regulation digital media information access content moderation online safety free speech media standards public interest media policy digital rights citizen journalism internet governance media ethics media influence societal impact digital age media landscape information dissemination media convergence legal frameworks technological impact user responsibility platform responsibility content creation Internet regulation media regulation censorship television regulation film regulation online content user-generated content newspapers books media forms emotive content powerful media information portrayal opinion sharing online newspapers Photobucket videos daily uploads media comparison media regulation internet regulation content control censorship newspapers books television film video emotive power information portrayal opinion sharing user-generated content online media digital regulation media comparison regulatory frameworks content moderation public policy media ethics Internet regulation media regulation censorship newspapers books television film video moving pictures sound emotive power information portrayal opinion sharing film clips sound clips online content user uploads digital media media forms regulatory comparison online newspapers Photobucket user-generated content Internet regulation media regulation censorship television censorship film regulation online content newspaper censorship digital media user-generated content emotive media powerful media information portrayal online newspapers video uploads Photobucket media forms status quo media control digital censorship content moderation Internet regulation media regulation censorship television censorship film regulation online content user-generated content digital media media forms emotive media powerful media information portrayal opinion sharing media control government regulation media standards online newspapers Photobucket video uploads daily uploads
test-politics-oapghwliva-con02a	"The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX constitution amendment cautious altering United States consequences negative prohibition alcohol precision wording interpretation Line Item Veto Act Presidential authority Congress Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto spending constitutional authority legislation Governors influence unconstitutional Article V Clinton v. City of New York majority opinion new procedure amendment procedures legal challenge budgetary process confusion shifting judicial review executive power legislative process judicial interpretation constitutional change constitutional law political science government policy fiscal responsibility public administration veto power presidential power constitution amendment caution United States Constitution overturn consequences prohibition alcohol wording interpretation 1996 Act presidential authority appropriation spending tax benefit Congress override precision budgetary process confusion legal challenge Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act presidential veto constitutional change legislation Supreme Court Justice Stevens Article V Clinton v. City of New York constitution amendment cautious altering United States consequences negative prohibition alcohol precision wording interpretation budgetary process confusion legal challenge Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act presidential authority Congress constitutional change legislation governors spending Article V procedure Clinton v. City of New York Constitution amendment caution United States overturn negative consequences prohibition alcohol wording interpretation 1996 Act Presidential authority appropriation spending tax benefit constitutional precision budgetary process Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act constitutional change legislation 44 Governors spending influence unconstitutional Article V amendment procedures President's role new law Clinton v. City of New York constitution amendment cautious altering United States consequences negative prohibition alcohol problems wording interpretation 1996 Act Presidential authority appropriation direct spending limited tax benefit Congress override precision confusion shifting interpretation legal challenge unnecessary Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act constitutional substance veto cut spending counterpoint authority Governors legislation unconstitutional Supreme Court Justice Stevens Article V Clinton City of New York United States Supreme Court Constitution amendment caution consequences prohibition alcohol wording interpretation budgetary process legal challenge Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act presidential authority spending constitutional change governors legislation Article V Clinton v. City of New York majority opinion judicial review constitutional law government spending executive power legislative process constitutional amendment procedure constitutional reform political science legal studies public policy governance American politics legislative history judicial interpretation constitutional drafting constitutional history constitutional principles constitutional rights constitutionalism federalism constitutional theory constitutional design constitution amend cautious United States consequences negative prohibition alcohol difficult unnecessary problems wording interpretation 1996 Act pages detail presidential authority legislation Congress override paragraph amendment confusion shifting legal challenge Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act constitutional substance veto spending counterpoint convinced authority Governors influence normal legislation unconstitutional Justice Stevens majority opinion new procedure president role amendment procedures Article V Constitution Clinton City of New York United States Supreme Court constitution amendment caution United States altering consequences negative prohibition alcohol difficulty unnecessary problems wording interpretation 1996 Act presidential authority congressional override precision confusion shifting interpretation legal challenge Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act spending legal constitutionality legislative change 44 Governors presidential authority constitutional amendment Article V Clinton v. City of New York Supreme Court decision constitutional procedure amendment process legal framework political process government spending executive power legislative body judicial review constitutional law government constitution amendment caution United States overturn negative consequences prohibition alcohol wording interpretation 1996 Act presidential authority appropriation direct spending limited tax benefit Congress override budgetary process confusion shifting interpretation legal challenge Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act constitutional matter presidential spending authority constitutional change legislation governors spending influence unconstitutional amendment procedures Article V President City of New York majority opinion new procedure law subcommittee constitution hearing Judiciary House of Representatives Constitution amendment United States caution consequences prohibition alcohol difficulty unnecessary wording interpretation 1996 Act Presidential authority appropriation spending tax benefit Congress legal challenge Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act technical difference constitutional authority 44 Governors legislative change unconstitutionality Article V Clinton v. City of New York President's role new procedure constitutional amendment appendix"
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con01a	It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) impossible police enforce laws arranged marriages communities cultural tradition deeply dissatisfied beaten divorce abuse forced outlawed provable harms resources wasted investigations intrusive labour intensive honour killings rape domestic violence heinous crimes tangible harm energies minor misdemeanours serious arranged marriages enforcement difficulties cultural practices police resources community resistance reporting barriers legal impact domestic violence forced marriages honour killings law effectiveness minor misdemeanours serious crimes social traditions investigative challenges legal consequences cultural sensitivity societal norms legal enforcement police prioritization policing law enforcement arranged marriages cultural traditions community practices reporting family loyalty cultural sensitivity forced marriages divorce abuse law effectiveness resource allocation police priorities serious crimes minor misdemeanours honour killings domestic violence rape investigations intrusion labour intensity tangible harm societal norms legal enforcement community engagement legal barriers cultural preservation human rights police resource management crime prevention strategies arranged marriages law enforcement cultural traditions police resources community practices forced marriages harm assessment honour killings domestic violence rape resource allocation crime prioritization legal feasibility social impact investigative challenges cultural sensitivity legal intervention abuse reporting marital autonomy criminal justice system arranged marriages law enforcement cultural traditions police resources forced marriages provable harms honour killings rape domestic violence serious crimes minor misdemeanours societal practices legal intrusiveness community reporting familial loyalty abuse punishment divorce rights cultural sensitivity enforcement feasibility resource allocation public safety priorities legal enforcement challenges cultural preservation legal boundaries police investigations community cooperation legal effectiveness societal norms legal intervention cultural practices legal impact community dynamics legal enforcement societal impacts cultural conflicts legal dilemmas resource management community welfare legal implications cultural respect law impossible police enforce laws arranged marriages communities cultural tradition report families deeply dissatisfied beaten divorce abuse forced marriages outlawed provable harms police force wasted intrusive labour intensive honour killings rape domestic violence serious crimes resources tangible harm minor misdemeanours arranged marriages law enforcement cultural traditions community practices police resources forced marriages cultural harms honour killings domestic violence rape serious crimes minor misdemeanours 试探性输入 policy prioritization social norms legal enforcement investigative challenges community reporting abuse prosecution divorce rights law impact resource allocation crime severity legal intervention cultural respect enforcement feasibility enforcing arranged marriage laws community reluctance reporting cultural traditions police resource allocation minority practices honour killings domestic violence forced marriage laws arranged marriage harms law enforcement prioritization serious crimes minor misdemeanours tangible harm police inefficacy cultural sensitivity legal enforcement challenges community policing invasive investigations police prioritization societal norms legal grey areas cultural practices traditional marriages police intervention resource misallocation legal enforcement community cooperation investigative challenges police effectiveness societal impact legal reform cultural preservation police strategy crime prevention legal boundaries cultural acceptance police investigation community impossible enforce arranged marriages communities cultural tradition unwilling report families deeply dissatisfied beaten divorce abuse forced marriages outlawed provable harms resources police force enforcement investigations intrusive labour intensive honour killings rape domestic violence serious crimes minor misdemeanours tangible harm law enforcement energies heinous crimes arranged marriages enforcement challenges cultural traditions community resistance police resources minor misdemeanours serious crimes honour killings domestic violence rape forced marriages provable harms legalintrusiveness investigatory demands resource allocation
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro02a	Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia control S. Ossetia independence USSR disintegration sustained control sovereign distinct language Ossetian Northeastern Iranian Indo-European cultural distinctness genocide 1920 1993 2008 suppression Ossetian culture identity official documents autonomy wars historical claim nation-state distinct history BBC News Bzarov Ruslan Omniglot Portyakova Natalya Sysoyev Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia control independence USSR de facto independence sovereign control USSR recognition autonomous region distinct language Ossetian Northeastern Iranian Indo-European nation-state genocide cultural suppression linguistic distinctness conflicts Ossetian autonomy Georgian government war identity BBC News Bzarov Omniglot Portyakova Sysoyev Kommersant Makarkin RIA Novosti Kosovo Georgia South Ossetia historical legitimacy Soviet era autonomy independence language Ossetian cultural identity genocide conflict suppression nation-state sovereignty BBC News Russo-Georgian relations ethnic tension de facto independence international recognition linguistic distinction Northeastern Iranian languages Indo-European ethnic Ossetians political autonomy self-determination territorial disputes Russian support regional stability human rights historical claims ethnic cleansing USSR Kremlin Georgian intrusion Ossetian autonomy Georgia independence South Ossetia independence referendum international law ethnic diversity nationalism Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia control independence USSR de facto independence sovereign control USSR recognition autonomy distinct language Ossetian Indo-European cultural distinctness genocide 1920 1993 2008 suppression Ossetian culture identity war BBC News Bzarov Omniglot Portyakova Sysoyev Makarkin Kosovo RIA Novosti Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive Modern Georgia control independence USSR de facto independence sustained sovereign control USSR recognition autonomous region distinct language Ossetian Northeastern Iranian Indo-European nation-state genocide 1920 1993 2008 cultural suppression identity war BBC News Bzarov Ruslan Omniglot Portyakova Natalya Sysoyev Gennady Kommersant Makarkin Alexei RIA Nov Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia control independence USSR de facto independence legitimate sovereign control Soviet Union distinct language Ossetian Ossetic Northeastern Iranian Indo-European nation-state independence genocide 1920 1993 2008 cultural suppression linguistic distinctness BBC News Bzarov Omniglot Portyakova Sysoyev Makarkin RIA Novosti Kommersant Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia control independence USSR 1991 de facto independence sovereign control USSR recognition 1920 Kremlin statement autonomous region distinct language Ossetian Northeastern Iranian Indo-European cultural distinctness nation-state genocide 1920 1993 2008 cultural suppression official documents abolished autonomy ahistorical illegitimate Ossetian people BBC News Bzarov Ruslan Omniglot Porty Georgian rule South Ossetia illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia control independence USSR de facto independence sovereign control Soviet Union distinct language Ossetian Indo-European genocide cultural suppression autonomy historical claim nation-state conflict wars identity BBC News Bzarov Omniglot Portyakova Sysoyev Kommersant Makarkin RIA Novosti Kosovo Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia control independence USSR de facto independence sovereign control distinct language history Ossetian Northeastern Iranian Indo-European languages autonomy genocide cultural suppression identity conflicts BBC News Bzarov Omniglot Portyakova Sysoyev Kommersant Makarkin RIA Novosti Kosovo South Ossetia Georgian rule historical illegitimacy Soviet Union autonomy independence Ossetian language cultural distinctness genocide linguistic suppression international recognition Kosovo comparison geopolitical conflict Eastern Europe Caucasus region ethnic identity national self-determination historical claims Soviet legacy regional autonomy modern statehood international law sovereignty disputes ethnic conflict Russian influence Caucasian studies political history language policy cultural policy human rights ethnic cleansing international relations conflict resolution peace studies minority rights territorial disputes European history Soviet history post-Soviet states
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro03a	Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits Latin American dictator US counterbalance economically connected fair trade Brazil democratic states influence boosting trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits dictator US counterbalance economically connected fair trade Brazil democratic states influence boost undermining message Rory Carroll The Guardian trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits dictator United States counterbalance economic connection fair trade Brazil democratic states influence boosting regional tours investments neighboring economies undermining message successful democracies Trade Democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America Influence Oil money Anti-American Iran Freedom of speech Presidential term limits Dictator United States Counterbalance Economic connection Fair trade Brazil Democratic states Influence boost Rory Carroll The Guardian trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits dictator United States economic connection counterbalance fair trade Brazil democratic states regional tours investments undermining message successful democracies trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits Latin American dictator US counterbalance economically connected fair trade Brazil democratic states influence boost Rory Carroll The Guardian Trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits Latin American dictator United States counterbalance economic connection fair trade Brazil democratic states influence boosting Rory Carroll The Guardian Trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits dictatorship United States economic connection counterbalance fair trade Brazil democratic states influence boost trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits dictator United States counterbalance economic connection fair trade Brazil democratic states influence boost The Guardian Rory Carroll trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American supporter of Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits Latin American dictator US counterbalance economic connection trade fairly Brazil democratic states influence boost Rory Carroll The Guardian
test-law-ralhrilglv-con02a	Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict Daily Nation Muchemi Wachira Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity tribal rivalries cattle raids conflict resolution human rights international law legal accountability judicial reform political instability security sector reform civil society peacebuilding reconciliation crime prevention judicial integrity legal enforcement legal framework governance rule of law constitutional review public order community policing judicial independence legal compliance international cooperation human trafficking armed conflict disarmament peacekeeping humanitarian aid social cohesion government accountability legal activism legal representation victim support Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity abuses courts Wachira Muchemi cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity prevention court cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict Daily Nation Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity tribal rivalries cattle raids conflict Daily Nation Muchemi Wachira legal accountability international court human rights prevention court system political violence Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity abuses courts Wachira Muchemi cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict Daily Nation Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity prevention abuses courts cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict Daily Nation Muchemi Wachira Kenya justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity tribal rivalries cattle raids conflict prevention legal accountability international intervention human rights violations judicial reform political instability Kenya justice peace Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict court system legal accountability international intervention human rights political stability legal reform trial prosecution perpetrators victims reconciliation security law enforcement governance corruption democracy public trust civil society media activism policy advocacy education awareness social justice equality prevention mediation peacebuilding community engagement dialogue Kenya politics parliamentary decisions international law treaties agreements judicial independence constitutional rights legal framework legislative support judicial Kenya justice peace failure Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity prevention abuse courts cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict Daily Nation Muchemi Wachira
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con01a	Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republican economic policy tax cuts economic growth Bush administration after-tax income Dow Jones job creation private sector economic stimulus White House fiscal policy economic performance job market economic indicators prosperity employment gains market performance economic expansion public policy conservative economics Republican economic policies Bush tax cuts economic growth after-tax income increase Dow Jones record highs job creation private sector jobs White House job creation report 2006 economic performance Republican Congress legislation tax cuts and employment economic stimulation fiscal policy economic expansion market performance 2003-2006 economic trends conservative economic strategy federal tax reduction economic indicators payroll growth business expansion investment climate GDP growth supply-side economics trickle-down economics Reaganomics pro-growth policies fiscal conservatism economic recovery Republican economic achievements Bush administration economic Republican economic policy tax cuts economic growth Bush administration job creation private sector Dow Jones income growth Republican Congress economic performance White House fiscal policy economic stimulus public sector employment statistics Republicans economic growth tax cuts President Bush Republican Congress after-tax income Dow Jones record highs job creation private sector White House fact sheet August 2003 6.6 million jobs economic situation tax-payer funded sinecures Republican economic policy Bush tax cuts economic growth after-tax income increase Dow Jones record highs job creation private sector jobs White House fact sheet economic performance fiscal policy tax cuts and jobs Republican economic policies tax cuts economic growth President Bush Republican Congress after-tax income Dow Jones record highs job creation private sector White House fact sheet August 2003 economic performance fiscal policy growth stimulus economic data market performance job market tax policy impact economic expansion public vs private sector jobs Republican economic policy tax cuts Bush administration economic growth Dow Jones job creation private sector White House fiscal policy economic stimulus after-tax income republican congress economic performance 2006 6.6 million jobs real goods real services job market economic indicators policy impact republican achievements economic expansion Republican economic policy tax cuts economic growth Bush administration after-tax income Dow Jones job creation private sector White House economic expansion fiscal policy economic performance Republican Congress economic stimulus Reaganomics supply-side economics GDP growth unemployment rate business investment market confidence economic indicators fiscal conservatism economic recovery job market economic prosperity pro-business policies fiscal responsibility economic stability tax relief middle-class tax cuts entrepreneurship consumer spending investment incentives economic reforms budget surplus economic theory economic data economic strategy economic impact policy effectiveness historical economic trends Republican economic policies Bush tax cuts economic growth income increase Dow Jones record highs job creation private sector jobs White House job creation report post-2003 economic expansion fiscal policy impact economic stimulus tax-payer funded jobs economic indicators Republican Congress August 2003 jobs economic recovery real goods and services economic performance Bush administration economy Republican economic policies Bush tax cuts economic growth job creation private sector Dow Jones after-tax income White House economic stimulation tax-payer funded jobs economic reality
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con04a	No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 mechanism crises war state conflict monopoly force law order hierarchy states African nations sovereignty manage affairs AU Member States territorial integrity end respect possible create ensure avoid internal stakeholders react ongoing control encourage practice mechanisms prevent crises war state monopoly force law order hierarchy states sovereignty territorial integrity African nations AU member pledge end conflict react ongoing encourage good practice sovereignty territorial integrity internal conflicts state monopoly law and order African Union conflict prevention state affairs reactive measures conflict management good practice international relations state sovereignty inter-state hierarchy peacekeeping crisis management regional organizations state autonomy diplomatic intervention conflict resolution sovereign state monopoly of force international hierarchy African Union sovereignty territorial integrity conflict prevention internal conflicts react to conflicts good practice encouragement sovereignty territorial integrity state monopoly force law and order inter-state hierarchy African Union conflict prevention internal conflicts stakeholder states AU limitations good practice reactive measures pledge to end war state sovereignty international relations crisis management peacekeeping non-intervention regional security state sovereignty conflict prevention African Union law and order interstate hierarchy sovereign rights territorial integrity reactive measures internal conflicts good practice encouragement state sovereignty conflict prevention African Union law and order territorial integrity internal conflicts international hierarchy reaction to conflicts good practice encouragement monopolization of force state autonomy crisis management international relations peacekeeping state responsibilities regional organizations sovereignty respect conflict anticipation reactive measures proactive measures sovereignty state monopoly force law and order hierarchy African Union member states territorial integrity conflict prevention internal conflicts stakeholder states react to conflicts encourage good practice spilling out of control dictate to members pledges to end war sovereign right manage affairs no mechanism ensure conflicts do not happen state sovereignty conflict prevention African Union territorial integrity monopoly of force internal conflicts international relations peacekeeping reactive measures sovereignty challenges state autonomy conflict management international hierarchy law and order inter-state cooperation diplomatic practices regional security preventive diplomacy stakeholder engagement peace processes African Union sovereignty territorial integrity state monopoly force law and order interstate hierarchy conflict prevention internal conflicts stakeholder states reactive measures good practice encouragement
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con02a	Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. alternative funding efficient funding university financing graduate tax alternatives full state funding general taxation higher education value social class aspiration student payment investment potential increased earnings USA enrollment broad access work-study commercial loans repayment completion efficiency savings teaching focus academic specialization alternative funding efficient methods university funding graduate tax higher education full state funding EU countries welfare state general taxation social classes individual student payments future earning potential USA enrollment broad access high education motivated students work college commercial loans employment repayment open-ended payments cost variations efficiency savings academic specialization teaching focus research focus alternative funding efficient methods university funding graduate tax higher education full state funding EU countries welfare state social classes student payments future earning potential USA education high enrollment broad access commercial loans employment repayment education cost efficiency savings teaching focus academic specialization Alternative methods efficient funding university financing graduate tax alternatives full state funding EU welfare state higher education investment student tuition USA education system high enrollment broad access commercial loans repayments education costs efficiency savings teaching focus academic specialization Alternative funding efficient methods graduate tax Higher Education full state funding EU countries welfare state general taxation student payments future earning potential USA high enrollment broad access commercial loans employment repayment efficiency savings academic specialization teaching focus research focus Alternative funding efficient methods university funding graduate tax higher education full state funding EU countries welfare state general taxation social classes individual student payment future earning potential USA education high enrollment access to higher education motivated students work through college commercial loans repayments employment cost of education degree level efficiency savings academic specialization teaching focus research focus alternative funding efficient methods university funding graduate tax higher education full state funding EU countries welfare state general taxation social classes individual student payments future earning potential USA high enrollment broad access motivated students work-study commercial loans repayment efficiency savings institutional improvement teaching focus academic specialization alternative funding efficient methods graduate tax higher education full state funding general taxation welfare state social aspirations student payments future earnings USA education high enrollment broad access motivated students work-study commercial loans repayments education costs efficiency savings teaching focus academic specialization Alternative funding efficient methods graduate tax higher education full state funding EU countries welfare state social classes student payment investment future earnings USA enrollment broad access motivated students work during college commercial loans repayments open-ended efficiency savings academic institutions teaching focus research specialization Alternative funding efficient methods university financing graduate tax Higher Education full state funding EU countries welfare state general taxation value of Higher Education social classes individual student payments future earning potential USA enrollment broad access motivated students work through college commercial loans repayments open-ended completed cost of education degree level efficiency savings institutional focus teaching research academic specialization
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro03a	Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments industry standards open source software network effect communication platforms Microsoft monopoly Windows Office digital inclusion Brazil Digital Inclusion Program information technology obstacles adoption cost collaboration electronic interaction citizens businesses local authorities private businesses individual citizens free software cheaper alternatives state interaction. open source software government standards network effect digital inclusion Brazil case study Microsoft monopoly Windows alternatives software cost reduction information technology adoption citizen-government interaction economic impact technology policy public sector innovation competitive market dynamics software interoperability proprietary software challenges technology accessibility digital transformation government technology leadership Governments re-define industry standards open source software network effect communication platform value collaboration Microsoft monopoly Windows Office Digital Inclusion Program Brazil government units businesses citizens electronic interaction information technology adoption free software cheaper software local authorities private businesses state interaction obstacles objections CNET News Hakon Wium Lie Ina Fried Governments re-define industry standards open source software network effect communication platform Microsoft monopoly Windows Office Digital Inclusion Program Brazil free software cheaper alternatives information technology digital inclusion software adoption public sector technology government technology initiatives open source adoption governments open source software industry standards network effect communication platform Microsoft Windows Office monopoly digital inclusion Brazil free software cheaper software information technology public sector private sector citizen interaction electronic interaction technology adoption economic barriers software cost collaboration shared work software market technological barriers policy making software diversity technological sovereignty digital divide software ecosystem software monoculture innovation software competition digital transformation government policy technology policy public procurement open standards interoperability software licensing software patents free and open-source software FOSS Governments re-define industry standards open source software network effect communication platform Facebook Microsoft monopoly Windows Office Digital Inclusion Program Brazil free software cheaper alternatives information technology digital inclusion software adoption government interaction technology barriers open source software government policy industry standards network effect digital inclusion Microsoft monopoly Windows Office Brazil Digital Inclusion Program cost-effectiveness information technology adoption public sector IT software selection collaborative work communication platforms societal impact technological barriers market dominance policy-making IT infrastructure software interoperability citizen engagement business-government interaction technology accessibility software freedom innovation promotion open source software government standards network effect digital inclusion Brazil Microsoft monopoly Windows Office information technology adoption cost-effectiveness electronic interaction public sector innovation software interoperability technology policy digital divide free software software ecosystem collaboration tools economic barriers technology diffusion Government industry standards open source software network effect communication platforms Microsoft monopoly Windows Office digital inclusion Brazil cost-effectiveness information technology user interaction software adoption public sector private sector citizen engagement technological barriers open source software government standards network effect Microsoft monopoly digital inclusion Brazil free software desktop market Windows Office interaction information technology economic value collaboration communication platforms technology adoption cost-effectiveness public sector software choice economic impact policy-making technological barriers citizen engagement business interaction digital transformation software alternatives market competition technology policy government IT software ecosystems technological infrastructure innovation public services technology diffusion open standards software interoperability government procurement software sustainability technological independence software diversity technology accessibility digital equity technological sovereignty software licensing
test-international-gsciidffe-con03a	This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, state censorship internet regulation online freedom dissident support foreign government intervention censorship circumvention privacy protection software development proxy usage government surveillance policy implications Russia foreign agents NGOs extremism Moscow Times Jonathan Earle online activism digital rights cyber policy state censorship internet regulation online freedom dissident support foreign intervention digital rights government control cybersecurity policy impact Russian policies NGO restrictions foreign agents law extremism accusations online security privacy protection proxy usage censorship circumvention software development international relations human rights advocacy state censorship internet regulation online freedom foreign intervention dissident support censorship bypass government policy privacy protection software security political activism international relations NGO restrictions Russia foreign agents extremism Moscow Times Jonathan Earle 2013 state censorship internet regulation counterproductive policies foreign government intervention dissident protection privately developed software proxy usage foreign agent laws Russian NGO crackdown online censorship bypass governmental intent hostile intent extremism financial aid Moscow Times Jonathan Earle foreign NGOs internet freedom policy effectiveness state policies government surveillance digital privacy cybersecurity human rights international relations technology policy information control online activism digital dissidence legal repercussions political repression internet governance global internet policies digital rights cyber laws online security digital freedom government control internet access surveillance laws state censorship internet dissidents foreign governments privately developed software proxies foreign agents NGOs Russia online help financial aid counterproductive policy internet freedom government surveillance digital rights international relations cybersecurity legal implications activism state censorship internet freedom foreign government assistance dissident protection counterproductive policies foreign agent crackdown privately developed software proxy usage hostile intent perception Russia foreign NGO policies state censorship internet control dissident activities foreign government intervention censorship circumvention privately developed software proxies online privacy governmental policy foreign agents Russia NGOs extremism financial aid online surveillance digital rights internet freedom political repression cyber dissent international relations technology policy information warfare digital activism state sponsored surveillance cyber security human rights online security government restrictions digital opposition cyber resistance online censorship foreign aid digital rights advocacy online dissent state control foreign intervention digital freedom cyber policy internet governance online privacy protection digital activism support cyber state censorship internet freedom foreign intervention dissident support counterproductive policies government crackdown foreign agents NGOs online privacy software tools proxy usage anti-censorship techniques policy implications international aid Russia extremism foreign contacts governmental surveillance digital rights cyber security political repression policy counterproductive state censorship internet dissidents privately developed software proxies foreign governments hostile intent government policies Russia foreign agents NGOs financial aid online help extremism foreign NGOs Moscow Times crackdown Jonathan Earle March 2013 state censorship internet freedom dissident protection foreign government assistance censorship bypass software proxy servers government policy impact online privacy foreign agent laws Russia NGO crackdown
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con03a	Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources employment extraction job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living home economy regional economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors wages GDP per capita economic strengthening Africa Natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita economic strengthening resource extraction manpower regional economy job creation economic strengthening local labour force domestic firms foreign firms man power regional economic stability better standard of living GDP per capita Shell Nigeria employment opportunities natural resource extraction African economies contractor hiring wage levels Natural resources job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force employment standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita natural resources employment African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita Natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita Natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita economic strengthening resource extraction manpower regional economy economic impact local employment wage levels Natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita economic strengthening manpower regional economy natural resource extraction workforce income generation community development economic growth job opportunities labor market corporate social responsibility oil and gas industry mineral extraction sustainable development unemployment reduction skill development infrastructure improvement economic diversification environmental impact government revenue investment technological advancement international relations trade economic empowerment poverty reduction workforce training employment rates economic benefits Natural resources employment African economies job creation domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita Natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita economic strengthening manpower regional economy wages economic outcomes resource extraction workforce industrial growth community development skill development infrastructure improvement environmental impact sustainability economic diversification investment foreign direct investment local employment regional development community investment economic benefits socio-economic improvement corporate social responsibility labor market industrialization economic opportunity resource-rich countries economic empowerment wealth distribution economic cycles economic
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con03a	A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. graduate tax university autonomy national treasury college competition tuition fees centralized education fund government funding distribution university investment planning state independence higher education finance NUS proposals Barr 2009 graduate tax university autonomy national treasury university funding tuition fees centralized higher education fund government distribution university investments state independence Barr 2009 National Union of Students competing funds college funding unfair funding education finance higher education policy graduate tax university autonomy national treasury college competition tuition fees education funding centralized higher education fund government distribution university investments state independence Barr 2009 NUS proposals graduate tax university autonomy national treasury tuition fees education funding centralized higher education fund government distribution funding fairness university investments state independence graduate tax university autonomy national treasury college competition tuition fees centralized higher education fund government distribution funding fairness university investments state independence graduate tax university autonomy national treasury university funding tuition fees centralized higher education fund government funding university independence Barr 2009 education investment college competition funding distribution state control graduate tax university autonomy national treasury college competition tuition fees higher education fund government funding university investments state independence Barr 2009 NUS proposals revenue distribution education finance institutional governance academic freedom fiscal uncertainty public funding higher education policy UK education system student contributions institutional funding models graduate tax university autonomy national treasury college competition tuition fees centralized higher education fund government funding distribution university investments state independence Barr 2009 graduate tax university autonomy national treasury tuition fees centralized higher education fund government funding university investments state independence education finance Barr 2009 NUS proposals higher education policy funding distribution college competition university independence financial planning educational investment state control public funding academic freedom graduate tax university autonomy national treasury university funding tuition fees centralized higher education fund government distribution university investments state independence Barr 2009 UK National Union of Students college funding education investment financial planning higher education finance academic independence public funding educational policy fiscal uncertainty
test-international-segiahbarr-con04a	War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War civil unrest economic development regional instability armed conflicts bandits political objectives legitimate grievances failing states human development Ethiopian-Eritrean war economic costs social infrastructure development funding profit-orientated violence African states civilian disruption wars in Africa economic growth disruption war costs infrastructure damage development funding diversion banditry rape profit-orientated bloodshed human development levels regional destabilisation War Civil unrest Economic development Africa Regional instability Conflict Ethiopia Eritrea Development funding Armed groups Banditry Political objectives Legitimate grievances Failed states Failing states Human development Disruption Profit-oriented violence Forever wars War Civil unrest Economic development Regional instability Armed conflicts Banditry Political objectives Legitimate grievances Failed states Failing states Human development Economic infrastructure Social infrastructure Development funding Conflict costs Ethiopian-Eritrea conflict African states Armed groups Profit-oriented bloodshed Civilian disruption Human levels of development Regional destabilization War Civil unrest Economic development Africa Regional instability 23 wars Ethiopia Eritrea $2.9 billion Economic infrastructure Social infrastructure Development funding Armed groups Bandits Political objectives Legitimate grievances Failed states Failing states Profit-orientated bloodshed Human development Destabilisation War civil unrest economic development Africa regional instability armed groups bandits political objectives banditry rape legitimate grievances failed states failing states human development Ethiopia Eritrea conflict costs social infrastructure development funding BBC report J. Bhalla J. Gettleman Africa's Forever Wars War Civil unrest Economic development Africa Regional instability Ethiopia Eritrea Conflict cost Social infrastructure BBC report Armed groups Bandits Political objectives Legitimate grievances Failed states Failing states Human development Displacement Economic disruption Forever Wars Profit-orientated bloodshed War Civil unrest Economic development Regional instability Armed conflicts Banditry Political objectives Legitimate grievances Failed states Failing states Human development Social infrastructure Economic costs Conflict Ethiopia Eritrea BBC report Development funding African states Profit-orientated bloodshed Armed groups War Civil unrest Economic development Africa Regional instability Costly conflict Ethiopia Eritrea Development funding Armed groups Banditry Political objectives Legitimate grievances Failed states Failing states Profit-oriented violence Human development Social infrastructure Economic disruption Military expenditure war civil unrest economic development regional instability armed groups banditry political objectives legitimate grievances human development Ethiopia Eritrea conflict costs social infrastructure funding diversion development disruption Africa forever wars profit-orientated bloodshed failing states civilian disruption War civil unrest economic development Africa regional instability armed groups banditry political objectives human development Ethiopa-Eritrea conflict costs of war development funding social infrastructure BBC report failed states profit-oriented bloodshed legitimate grievances Gettleman Bhalla
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con01a	Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: harm legitimacy human rights suppression deprivation terror civilians political authorities military structures government buildings cars casualties innocent marginalization violence backlash Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war infrastructure healthcare population crimes government Harm legitimacy suppression human rights terrorism civilians political authorities military infrastructure casualties Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war healthcare access population government crimes terrorism civilians political authorities military targets infrastructure harm legitimation innocent casualties guerilla war Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities healthcare access road destruction hospital damage backlash insurgent conflict marginalization violence justification terror ethics non-combatant immunity proportionality retaliation societal impact governmental responsibility human rights violations tactical effectiveness moral philosophy international law targeted killings collateral damage combatant status justified harm legitimate targets wrongful aggression military ethics legal justification terrorist motivations societal disruption structural violence authority accountability civilian protection violent resistance ideological Harm legitimacy suppression deprivation human rights terror civilians political authorities military powerful representatives government buildings cars casualties innocent civilians marginalization backlash Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war infrastructure healthcare population government crimes Harm legitimacy suppression human rights terror targets civilians political authorities military infrastructure innocent marginalization violence backlash Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war casualties healthcare population government crimes Harm legitimacy suppression deprivation human rights acts of terror civilians political authorities military powerful representatives government buildings cars casualties innocent civilians marginalization perpetrators violence backlash supporters insurgents Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war infrastructure population basic capacities healthcare roads hospitals unnecessary harmful government crimes legitimacy harm human rights terrorism civilians political targets military targets infrastructure casualties unethical justification retaliation 无辜 government responsibility social impact violence Kurdish revolt guerilla war healthcare access basic capacities population unethical violence moral justification suppression deprivation law causalities structural damage innocent civilians perpetrators societal harm retaliation impact marginalization insurgents authority backlash ethical implications harm perpetuation justified action wrongful targeting innocent population criminal government non-violent alternatives peaceful protest legal recourse international intervention human rights harm illegitimate suppression deprivation human rights terror civilians political military powerful authorities representatives structures government buildings cars casualties innocent marginalization backlash insurgents Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war causalities infrastructure population basic capacities healthcare roads hospitals Harm legitimacy suppression deprivation human rights terrorism civilians political targets military targets structures casualties innocent civilians marginalization backlash insurgents Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war infrastructure population healthcare roads hospitals basic capacities government crimes unnecessary harm legitimacy suppression deprivation human rights harm terror civilians political military powerful authorities representatives infrastructure government buildings cars casualties innocent marginalization backlash insurgents Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war causalities population basic capacities healthcare roads hospitals
test-politics-lghwdecm-con02a	Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford convictions elected councillors local partners voter disappointment limitations of power neglect of local government far-right candidates racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout electoral participation political opportunism urban governance local democracy populist mayors political fragmentation voter alienation extremist links local election strategies immigrant issues asylum-seekers political promises governance challenges municipal populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford alienate councillors disappoint voters neglect local government far-right immigration asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout Directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford convictions elected councillors local partners voter disappointment limitations of power local government pet issues far-right candidates immigration asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout US-style mayors Labour rifts town hall dictators directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford convictions alienate councillors local partners disappoint voters neglect local government pet issue far-right candidate immigration asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout Directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford criminal convictions alienate councillors disappoint voters pet issues far-right candidates immigration asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low voter turnout local government Peter Hetherington Andrew Gilligan Labour leader Middlesbrough council electoral politics populist strategies local governance political opportunism election promises community relations political representation urban politics directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates unpopularity of party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford convicted candidates alienate councillors disappoint voters neglect local government far-right candidates racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low voter turnout directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates unpopularity of party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford convictions alienate elected councillors disappoint voters neglect local government pet issues far-right candidates local concerns immigration asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout elected mayor position populist attraction Ken Walker Labour leader Middlesbrough council Andrew Gilligan The Telegraph Peter Hetherington The Guardian directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates unpopularity of party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford criminal convictions electoral success alienation of councillors local partners voter disappointment power limitations neglect of local government pet issues far-right candidates racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low voter turnout electoral vulnerability populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford criminal convictions elected mayor local government alienate councillors disappoint voters power limitations pet issues far-right immigration asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout 23000 votes 13% electorate Directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates party politics Paul Massey Mayor of Salford Paul Massey convictions local government Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low voter turnout far-right candidate racial tensions local concerns immigration asylum-seekers single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing alienate councillors neglect local government pet issues Ken Walker Labour leader Middlesbrough council Peter Hetherington Andrew Gilligan town hall dictator US-style mayors Labour rifts
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro04a	Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 pollution tourism Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth construction travel waste reputation European tourists Russian tourists CO2 emissions air travel water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme holiday flights BBC tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth environmental beauty infrastructure travel waste CO2 emissions tourists Europe Russia flights London Tunis overuse of water land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC Tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth environmental beauty infrastructure travel waste CO2 emissions plane travel London Tunis water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme holiday flights BBC Tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth infrastructure construction travel pollution waste production country reputation European tourists Russian tourists air travel CO2 emissions water overuse land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC holiday flights Tourism's Three Main Impact Areas Tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth environmental beauty infrastructure construction travel waste CO2 emissions air travel London Tunis water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC holiday flights impact areas tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth infrastructure construction travel waste CO2 emissions plane travel London to Tunis water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC holiday flights environmental impacts tourism impact areas Tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth environmental beauty infrastructure construction travel waste reputation Europeans Russians CO2 emissions London Tunis airplanes water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC holiday flights impact areas pollution tourism Tunisia environmental damage economic growth sustainability infrastructure construction travel waste CO2 emissions air travel London to Tunis overuse of water land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme holiday flights BBC Tourism pollution Tunisia economic growth sustainability environmental beauty infrastructure travel waste reputation tourists Europe Russians CO2 plane London Tunis water land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC holiday flights Tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth environmental beauty infrastructure construction travel waste reputation European tourists Russian tourists CO2 emissions London to Tunis flight pollution water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con04a	Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, democracies interference sovereignty authoritarian justice system blogger jail legal proceedings rule of law judicial system persecution amnesty negotiation dissidents Cuba Pope John Paul II Human Rights Watch international relations foreign policy internal affairs prosecution political prisoners diplomatic pressure human rights democracy authoritarianism sovereignty interference internal affairs foreign policy justice system amnesty bloggers legal proceedings judicial system external intervention human rights diplomatic negotiation dissidents Cuba Pope John Paul II international relations rule of law persecution democracy authoritarianism sovereignty interference amnesty justice system legal proceedings blogger imprisonment rule of law judicial system persecution foreign intervention negotiation dissidents human rights Cuba Pope John Paul II international relations diplomatic pressure prisoners of conscience democracies meddling internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty interference amnesty justice system legal proceedings blogger jail rule of law judicial system persecution outside power alternative verdict treatment of individuals negotiations government evidence Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II Human Rights Watch democracies meddling internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty interference amnesty legal proceedings bloggers judicial system rule of law unjust sentences judicial persecution foreign intervention negotiating dissidents Cuba Pope John Paul II human rights international relations diplomatic pressure legal systems government actions political prisoners democracies meddling internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty interference foreign countries justice system amnesty legal proceedings blogger jail rule of law judicial system persecution outside power alternative verdict treatment of individual negotiating government alternative evidence Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II Human Rights Watch democracies authoritarian sovereignty interference internal affairs amnesty justice system legal proceedings blogger unjust rule of law judicial system persecution outside power alternative verdict treatment individual negotiation government evidence Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II Human Rights Watch democracies meddling internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty interference justice system amnesty legal proceedings bloggers jail rule of law judicial system persecution outside power alternative verdict treatment individuals negotiating government evidence Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II human rights prison democracies meddling internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty interference amnesty justice system legal proceedings blogger jail rule of law judicial system persecution outside power alternative verdict treatment of individual negotiation government evidence Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II Human Rights Watch democracies meddling internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty interference foreign countries justice system amnesty legal proceedings bloggers jail rule of law judicial system persecution outside power alternative verdict treatment of individuals negotiation government alternative evidence Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II human rights prison
test-health-dhghhbampt-con01a	A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access patient rights medical establishment conservative orthodoxy drug providers vested interests treatment refinement medical reform healthcare innovation patient choice medical ethics healthcare policy treatment effectiveness medical research clinical trials evidence-based medicine healthcare equity alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access sick people medical reform academic orthodoxy drug providers treatment providers vested interests medical establishment conservative practices patient rights healthcare innovation medical conservatism therapeutic techniques medical mainstream alternative therapies medical orthodoxy health treatments medical progression alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices patient access treatment healthcare reform medical orthodoxy vested interests pharmaceutical industry medical treatments health care providers medical ethics patient rights medical innovation health policy alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access sick people medical establishment conservative orthodoxy drug providers vested interests medical reform refinement and acceptance unfair denial patient choice evolving treatments healthcare innovation alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access medical reform refinement process conservative orthodoxy vested interests healthcare providers patient rights alternative medicine mainstream treatment medical practices healthcare reform patient access conservative orthodoxy treatment providers vested interests medical establishment reform process technique acceptance healthcare ethics patient rights medical innovation therapeutic options medical practices alternative medicine mainstream medicine treatment access sick people medical establishment conservative orthodoxy drug providers vested interests treatment refinement acceptance process unfair denial patient rights healthcare innovation medical ethics alternative medicine mainstream medicine treatment access medical practices conservative orthodoxy vested interests drug providers treatment refinement medical establishment patient rights healthcare reform medical innovation treatment efficacy medical ethics healthcare policy patient choice medical research therapeutic options health equity alternative medicine mainstream practices medical treatments patient access conservative orthodoxy vested interests treatment reform refinement process medical establishment healthcare providers alternative medicine mainstream practices medical treatments patient access conservative orthodoxy treatment refinement vested interests medical establishment reform process healthcare providers
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con03a	Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights cultural context relativists evolving cultural values conflicts crises destructive behavior group practices legal relativism state territory plural population objections to human rights child soldiers international community nation states plural value systems majority culture values minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crimes ICC moral responsibility legal accountability universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value right and wrong cultural contexts universal human rights universal human values culturally relative values conflicts crises perverse behavior destructive behavior group conduct legal systems opinions practices values state territory plural population objections universal human rights doctrine specific aspects international community nation states competing demands plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities child soldiers war crime ICC officers politicians dissident commanders legal adjustments moral values survival cultural practices ethical principles human dignity Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights cultural contexts legal relativity value evolution conflicts crises group practices moral justification legal systems state territory plural population specific objections international community plural value systems majority rule minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities cultural excuses war crimes ICC child soldiers commanders politicians dissident commanders legal accountability Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights culturally relative values conflicts and crises destructive behavior group justification legal relativity plural populations fragmentary objections plural value systems majority cultural values minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities child soldiers war crime ICC international community national laws moral principles cultural practices just and good survival legal adjustments human values cultural contexts ethical relativism global standards humanitarian law individual states cultural practices legal ethics social norms human rights doctrine moral philosophy Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value right and wrong cultural contexts relativists universal human rights evolving values conflicts crises perverse behavior cultural practices legal systems plural populations objections international community nation states plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat war crime ICC child soldiers legal adjustments moral principles cultural beliefs state territory value reconciliation human values cultural defense abuse of relativism international law individual accountability cultural norms ethical standards social justice human dignity global ethics Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value right and wrong cultural contexts relativists human rights universal human values laws cultural contexts relativism conflicts crises values destructive behavior rituals group practices justice survival legal systems opinions practices values plural population objections universal human rights international community nation states plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities cultural relativism war crimes ICC child soldiers commanders political abuse legal accountability Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights evolving cultural values destructive behavior cultural rituals legal relativism plural value systems international law majority cultural values minority objections child soldiers war crimes cultural relativism abuse ICC charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat defense mechanisms human rights doctrine legal adjustments moral principles global justice cultural diversity ethical relativism international human rights legal pluralism cultural practices human dignity global standards moral relativism cultural ethics legal ethics humanitarian law child protection universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights cultural context evolving cultural values conflicts crises destructive behavior ritual practices group beliefs justice survival legal systems plural populations human rights doctrine war crimes charismatic leaders impoverished communities child soldiers international community nation states plural value systems majority values minority objections legal adjustments ICC commanders politicians dissident commanders human rights law cultural practices moral principles legal defense abuse of cultural relativism cultural relativism universal human rights collective compromises ethical pluralism international law human values moral relativism cultural contexts legal systems plural societies minority rights war crimes child soldiers ICC ethical演变 道德多样性 文化共识 国际刑法 未成年人保护 社会多元性 集体价值观 人权法 文化相对论 道德相对论 法律调整 价值冲突 道德价值 社会正义 族群权利 国际社区 个体国家 Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights non-universal values relativistic laws cultural evolution conflicts crises destructive behavior ritual practices group beliefs just and good survival systems of law state territory plural population fragmentary objections universal human rights doctrine international community nation states plural value systems majority overrule minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities child soldiers war crime ICC commanders abuse of defence.
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con05a	The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. ICC atrocities deterrence war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations court effectiveness rational decision-making ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership immediate execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations rational individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations rational individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities deterrence war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Nazi leadership Allies judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities deterrence war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations rational decision-making court effectiveness
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro03a	Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. social media government regulation censorship internet sites societal impact vietnamese government facebook ban uk riots social networking riot coordination property destruction physical violence fatalities citizen behavior government responsibility public safety social disruption viral communication instant messaging technological misuse legislative response civic unrest digital platforms internet governance security measures community harm disorder incitement public order maintenance cyber regulation online forums disruptive behavior policy intervention societal protection technological tools rioting consequences governmental control internet policies digital communication social control media influence civic duty technological ethics internet censorship vietnamese government facebook ban uk riots social networking sites riot coordination blackberry instant messenger property destruction physical violence deaths government censorship forum for misconduct public harm citizen behavior internet regulation social media impact order maintenance riot consequences taxpayer cost police response long-term effects Internet censorship social networking sites government regulation Facebook ban Vietnam UK riots social media impact coordinated riots property destruction physical violence deaths citizen behavior Internet sites misuse government intervention maintaining public order censorship during unrest digital communication risks social networking government censorship Facebook ban Vietnamese government UK riots social media disruption property destruction physical violence riot coordination blackberry instant messenger citizen behavior internet site effects government intervention social order maintenance censoring forums disruptive behavior taxpayer cost police response looter ages Birmingham deaths long-term effects social networking government intervention internet censorship Vietnam Facebook ban UK riots coordination destruction property damage physical violence fatalities public safety order maintenance content moderation riot prevention social media impact societal harm legal measures technological regulation community response social networking sites government censorship Vietnam Facebook ban UK riots Facebook coordination BlackBerry Messenger property destruction physical violence deaths innocent sites harmful effects government intervention internet censorship riot coordination public safety social media impact crime facilitation societal harm civic unrest digital communication law enforcement response technological misuse community protection online behavior regulation national security digital platforms responsibility cyber governance Internet censorship social networking sites government intervention Facebook ban Vietnamese government UK riots social media coordination riot coordination property destruction physical violence deaths citizen behavior internet sites impact government censorship forum for disruption public order maintenance taxpayer cost looting water cannons long-term effects social media impact on society social media, government censorship, vietnamese government, facebook ban, uk riots, coordination, destruction, property damage, physical violence, deaths,秩序维护, 网络监管, 公民行为, 社会影響, 互联网安全, 信息传播, 公共安全, 政府措施, 社交网络监管, 社会稳定, 媒体作用, 技术滥用, 法律响应, 国际比较, 社会责任, 网络伦理 Note: The last few keywords are in Chinese. If you need them in English, please let me social media government intervention vietnam facebook ban uk riots riot coordination blackberry messenger property destruction physical violence fatalities internet censorship public safety social networking impact societal harm government regulation cyber control law enforcement riot suppression long-term effects social disorder social networking government censorship Vietnam Facebook ban UK riots coordination Blackberry messenger property destruction physical violence fatalities civic unrest internet regulation public safety social media impact societal harm government intervention censorship riot prevention digital communication tools legal consequences civic disorder technological misuse policy response societal protection media influence youth involvement legal measures public order maintenance
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con03a	"There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> EU foreign policy common approach world politics War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests public opinion economic power international influence military power NATO US military independence world stage political unity diplomatic capabilities security policy international relations European integration EU foreign policy common European foreign policy EU international role EU military capability EU-NATO relationship EU-US relations European political integration European security policy Iraq War impact on EU Yugoslavia conflict and EU response European national interests EU economic influence EU political autonomy EU defense dependency international political influence European public opinion on foreign policy EU foreign policy common European security War in Iraq Yugoslavia conflict EU international role European military capability NATO influence US military dependency European political integration national interests in EU public opinion on EU policy EU economic power EU political influence international politics European defense policy EU autonomy in foreign affairs military power and diplomacy EU strategic partnerships European security challenges EU foreign policy common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia breakup EU international role EU military power EU economic influence NATO dependency US military reliance EU political independence EU world politics impact national interests in EU public opinion on EU EU compromise challenges international player status military power significance economic power limitations political commitment in EU international relations EU policy effectiveness EU foreign policy common approach world politics War in Iraq former Yugoslavia national interests public opinion economic power military power NATO US influence international player military dependency independent voice EU common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests military power NATO US military international influence economic power political independence world politics foreign policy effectiveness military dependency European Union international relations foreign policy challenges political unity military capability strategic autonomy EU common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests public opinion economic power military power NATO US influence international politics foreign policy effectiveness European Union military dependency independent voice world politics policy challenges diplomatic capabilities security policy international relations EU common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests economic power military power NATO US military power international scene world politics policy failures independence compromises political commitment EU foreign policy common approach international relations War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests economic power military power NATO US military independent voice world politics failed tests compromisereluctance international player security dependency political influence diplomatic capability strategic autonomy EU foreign policy common European foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia breakup EU international influence EU military power NATO US military dependency EU political independence European national interests international politics foreign policy challenges European Union capabilities global political player economic power versus military power"
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro04a	"Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. climate change global warming greenhouse gases GHGs methane CO2 carbon dioxide glaciers ice sheets permafrost sea level rise ocean acidification coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bogs carbon sinks irreversible climate change climate feedback loops methane clathrates environmental impact ecological damage climate mitigation sustainable GHG levels glacial melting permafrost thaw sea level rise methane release CO2 emissions ocean acidification coral reef degradation extreme weather events climate feedback loops global warming temperature increase carbon sinks environmental impact ecological damage natural disasters climate resilience greenhouse effect atmospheric composition climate science environmental changes long-term effects climate mitigation sustainable practices carbon footprint planetary boundaries climate policy renewable energy carbon capture climate adaptation ecosystem services biodiversity loss human impact climate models scientific research climate action international agreements environmental conservation climate justice public awareness greenhouse glaciers ice sheets permafrost melt water levels rise methane release CO2 release heat reflection climate change ocean acidification coral reef damage CO2 absorption extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes ecosystem destruction natural CO2 capture climate change acceleration temperature increase irreversible events GHG emissions reduction methane time bomb climate change feedback climate change global warming greenhouse gases GHGs glaciers melting ice sheets melting permafrost melting water levels rising methane release CO2 release ocean acidification coral reef damage extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bog destruction natural CO2 absorption climate change acceleration irreversible climate events temperature threshold methane time bomb climate change feedback climate change greenhouse gases GHGs global warming methane carbon dioxide CO2 glaciers ice sheets permafrost sea level rise ocean acidification coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forests peat bogs carbon sink methane hydrates feedback loops irreversible changes tipping points average temperatures environmental impacts ecological effects natural disasters CO2 absorption climate feedback methane release atmospheric changes thermal reflection polar ice melt ocean chemistry climate resilience sustainability environmental degradation long-term climate effects climate science scientific research climate glaciers melting ice sheets melting permafrost melting sea level rise methane release carbon dioxide release ocean acidification coral reef damage extreme weather events hurricanes floods heatwaves ecosystem destruction forest degradation peat bog destruction climate change acceleration irreversible climate change temperature increase greenhouse gas emissions reduction long-term climate recovery glaciers ice sheets permafrost melting sea level rise methane CO2 greenhouse effect ocean acidification coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bogs climate feedback irreversible climate change temperature threshold long-term recovery methane hydrates carbon sinks natural carbon cycle environmental impact global warming climate resilience sustainability CO2 absorption climate science methane release permafrost thaw Arctic warming sea ice decline ocean temperature climate models climate tipping points climate mitigation adaptation strategies glacial melting ice sheet decline permafrost thaw sea level rise methane release carbon dioxide release ocean acidification ecosystem damage coral reef degradation carbon sink reduction extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bog degradation climate feedback loops irreversible climate change global warming greenhouse gas emissions temperature threshold long-term climate recovery carbon cycle disruption glaciers ice sheets permafrost melting sea level rise methane greenhouse gases CO2 ocean acidification coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bogs climate change feedback global warming irreversible climate change temperature thresholds CO2 absorption natural carbon sinks climate mitigation long-term climate impacts climate change global warming greenhouse gases GHGs methane carbon dioxide CO2 glaciers ice sheets permafrost sea level rise ocean acidification coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes natural carbon sinks forests peat bogs climate feedback irreversible climate change temperature thresholds emission reduction sustainability"
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro03a	South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetia independence conflict prevention status quo militarized clashes tensions de facto independence reintegration Georgia self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 conflict Russian involvement wider war humanitarian consequences ethnic struggle reconciliation international relations state sovereignty regional stability minority rights geopolitical tension security studies peacebuilding conflict resolution post-Soviet space Caucasus region separatism ethnic nationalism international law human rights minority protection regional powers intervention unilateral independence diplomatic recognition South Ossetia independence conflict prevention status quo militarized clashes tensions de facto independence reintegration Georgia self-determination democratic principles war insurgency ethnic cleansing aggression 2008 war Russian involvement wider war humanitarian consequences Shaun Walker Open Democracy South Ossetia independence conflict prevention status quo militarized clashes tensions de facto independence reintegration Georgia self-determination democratic principles war insurgency ethnic cleansing 2008 war aggression reconciliation ethnic struggle international involvement humanitarian consequences Russian Open Democracy South Ossetian independence prevent future conflict status quo militarized clashes tensions de facto independent re-integrate into Georgia South Ossetians self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic struggle irreconcilable Georgian aggression South Ossetian civilians wider war humanitarian consequences Russian involvement Georgian state Shaun Walker Open Democracy 2006 South Ossetia independence conflict prevention status quo militarized clashes de facto independence Georgia re-integration self-determination democratic principles war insurgency ethnic cleansing aggression humanitarian consequences Russia wider war reconciliation ethnic struggle international relations sovereignty regional stability South Ossetian independence prevent future conflict militarized clashes tensions de facto independent re-integrate into Georgia self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 conflict irreconcilable ethnic struggle Russian involvement wider war humanitarian consequences South Ossetia independence conflict prevention Georgia militarized clashes tensions de facto independence reintegration self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 Georgian aggression Russian involvement wider war humanitarian consequences South Ossetia independence conflict prevention de facto independence reintegration Georgia self-determination democratic principles ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 conflict Russian involvement regional stability humanitarian consequences ethnic struggle international relations ceasefire autonomy negotiation peace process minority rights sovereignty territorial integrity European security Caucasus geopolitical tension bilateral relations OSCE UN international law sovereignty self-governance diplomatic recognition South Ossetia independence conflict prevention status quo militarized clashes tensions de facto independence re-integration Georgia South Ossetian population self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic cleansing 2008 war Russian involvement regional stability humanitarian consequences South Ossetian independence prevent future conflict militarized clashes tensions de facto independence re-integrate into Georgia South Ossetians self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 conflict Georgian aggression irreconcilable ethnic struggle regional stability international relations Russian involvement humanitarian consequences
test-politics-oapghwliva-con01a	"A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 line-item veto executive power legislative process undue influence political intimidation checks and balances constitutional balance budget politicization political power presidential authority congressional influence veto threats legislative assent executive-legislative relations Clinton presidency Republican criticism political abuse legislative items treaty approvals congressional appointments abuse power line-item veto undue influence legislative process threatening veto Congressmen assent bills treaties appointments intimidation subtle prove erode checks executive balance power constitution budgets politicised politicization political overtones raw abuse political power president Clinton Republicans Rick Santorum Ted Stevens Washington Post 1997 2011 presidential power line-item veto legislative influence executive authority political intimidation congressional negotiations budget politicization constitutional balance executive-legislative relations veto threats congressional assent political overtones abuse of power checks and balances Clinton presidency Republican opposition Santorum Ted Stevens Washington Post 1997 legislation executive control legislative process political leverage veto power constitutional impact legislative pressure political dynamics executive-legislative conflict public policy government operations political science American politics constitutional law veto politics presidential authority legislative deals political strategy line-item veto presidential power legislative influence executive checks political intimidation budget politicization Clinton veto congressional assent political overtones legislative balance constitutional power raw abuse political power presidential abuse line-item veto executive power legislative influence political intimidation checks and balances constitutional balance budget politicization Clinton veto congressional influence political power executive-legislative relations constitutional law government accountability political science public administration legislative process executive authority veto power political oversight presidential power line-item veto executive influence legislative process congressional intimidation checks and balances constitutional authority budget politicisation political power Clinton administration Republican opposition executive-legislative relations legislative assent veto threats political appointments treaty ratification constitutional balance executive overreach legislative items political leverage presidential veto legislative bargaining executive intimidation constitutional impact political checks veto authority congressional dynamics political influence executive actions legislative negotiations policy-making political influence veto power legislative decision-making executive-legislative tension constitutional law political accountability presidential power line-item veto legislative influence political intimidation executive checks constitutional balance budget politicization Clinton administration Rick Santorum Ted Stevens political overtones abuse of power Washington Post line-item veto presidential power legislative process congressional influence executive checks constitutional balance political intimidation budget politicization Clinton veto Republican criticism political power legislative bargaining executive-legislative relations governmental checks and balances policy negotiation veto threats congressional assent governance issues political overtones abuse of power senator ted stevens rick santorum washington post 1997 politics US governance legislative veto executive authority political science government studies american politics constitutional law presidential studies political influence legislative dynamics veto power political pressure congressional dynamics presidential power line-item veto legislative influence political intimidation executive checks constitutional balance budget politicization Clinton presidency Republican opposition political abuse executive authority legislative process congressional dynamics veto threats bill passage treaty approval political appointments governmental power distribution policy-making legislative bargaining executive power legislative process line-item veto presidential authority political influence congressional negotiations legislative balance constitutional checks budget politics political overtones executive-legislative relations power abuse congressional vetoes presidential vetoes political intimidation governance Clinton presidency political power dynamics legislative tactics veto authority impact"
test-law-ralhrilglv-con03a	Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya government illegal title deeds freedom of press Kenyatta Mungiki good governance Raila Odinga media law presidential misconduct public administration political reform leadership credibility electoral integrity constitutional law citizen rights political opposition press freedom land tenure tribalism corruption public policy state stability human rights violations executive powers legislative oversight judicial intervention international scrutiny democracy political violence civic engagement transparency accountability Kenya government illegal title deeds freedom of press Kenyatta Mungiki mass murder good governance Raila Odinga punitive fines media law Kenya government illegal title deeds press freedom Kenyatta Mungiki good governance Raila Odinga media fines political corruption leadership credibility occult gang mass murder presidential actions public trust political reform governance issues media laws land rights political opposition presidential legitimacy national interest leadership accountability constitutional violations human rights political stability governmental accountability public safety legal issues media restrictions political violence governance standards governmental transparency Kenya governance illegal title deeds press freedom Kenyatta Mungiki mass murder good governance Uhuru Kenyatta Raila Odinga media law punitive fines Kenya government illegal title deeds press freedom Kenyatta Mungiki good governance Raila Odinga media laws political corruption presidential credibility governance reform political allegations mass murder banned gangs leadership accountability constitutional violations media retention fines political opposition statements Kenya government illegal title deeds freedom of press Kenyatta Mungiki good governance Raila Odinga media fines presidential credibility leadership political allegations banned gangs mass murder Kenya governance illegal title deeds press freedom Kenyatta Mungiki mass murder good governance Raila Odinga media fines political corruption leadership credibility democratic accountability electoral integrity public trust constitutional violations human rights abuses civic rights land tenure judicial reform political reform media reform occult involvement political violence government legitimacy state sovereignty presidential powers rule of law civil liberties political opposition transparency accountability government accountability political stability national interest public interest constitutional law civic engagement political discourse ethical leadership government responsibility Kenya governance illegal title deeds freedom of press Kenyatta Mungiki Raila Odinga Tobias Chanji Alphonce Shiundu good governance presidential credibility media fines political accountability leadership integrity public trust constitutional violations human rights governance reform political opposition Kenya government illegal title deeds freedom of press Kenyatta Mungiki good governance Raila Odinga media fines president leadership credibility mass murder banned occult gang political repression civil rights democratic values Kenya government illegal title deeds press freedom Kenyatta Mungiki governance leadership credibility political allegations media laws Raila Odinga Uhuru Kenyatta political reform African politics
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro05a	Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency public relations disasters media freedom information release military actions B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker nuclear bombs collision public opinion democracy information policy Palomares Incident Spain Franco national security press speculation US Ambassador Andalucia war studies communication strategies crisis management stakeholder engagement transparency benefits risk communication military public affairs journalistic investigation government accountability international relations diplomatic response media relations information control crisis communication stakeholder trust media scrutiny political implications public relations management military transparency information dissemination Transparency Public relations disasters Media freedom Military information B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker Nuclear bombs Military accidents Public relations management Military communication US Ambassador Spain Franco Democracy National security Information policy Palomares Incident Press speculation Government openness Crisis communication transparency public relations media freedom military information B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker nuclear bombs public relations disaster information release harmful speculation national security democracy Palomares incident US Ambassador Spain Franco public opinion information policy military accidents crisis management transparency public relations disasters media freedom military information policy information release speculation prevention B-52 bomber accident KC-135 tanker collision nuclear bombs Palomares incident US military transparency US Ambassador Spain public opinion democracy information control media investigation national security Franco dictatorship democratic relations slow response consequences transparency public relations disaster prevention media freedom military information information release media speculation B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker nuclear bombs public relations disaster military openness US Ambassador Spain national security democracy closed response public opinion Palomares Incident information policy transparency public relations media freedom military information B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker nuclear bombs accident Spain US Ambassador public opinion democracy information release press speculation national security Palomares Incident Stiles David War Studies Journal transparency public relations disasters media freedom military information B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker accidents nuclear bombs public opinion US Ambassador Spain press speculation national security democracy closed response Palomares Incident 1966 Franco information policy Transparency public relations disasters media freedom military information B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker refueling accident nuclear bombs information release press speculation national security public opinion democracy slow response information policy Palomares Incident US Ambassador Spain Franco dictatorship transparency public relations disasters media freedom military information information release press speculation B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker collision nuclear bombs public opinion national security democracy Palomares Incident US Ambassador Spain Franco harmful speculation information policy accident lives lost openness damage control journalism historical events military accidents nuclear safety public trust communication strategy crisis management international relations strategic communication media relations government transparency military disasters nuclear accidents public relations crisis information management press relations military operations diplomatic relations transparency public relations disasters media freedom military information B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker collision nuclear bombs public opinion speculation US Ambassador Spain Franco democracy national security information release harmful speculation Palomares Incident information policy
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con03a	Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 fragile states Africa DR Congo Ethiopia Institute of Strategic Studies Africa weak governance conflict violence inequality poverty war stable countries Mali democratic coup French intervention Konaré freedom of speech media international inspections elections strategic studies prospects 2050 2020 2012 2013 Bruce Whitehouse Jakkie Cilliers Timothy D. Sick London Review of Books Africa fragile states DR Congo Ethiopia Institute of Strategic Studies Africa conflict violence inequality poverty governance war 2050 stability Mali democracy coup French intervention governance failure political instability international aid peacekeeping security development humanitarian aid political reform economic challenges social issues governance improvement policy recommendations regional conflicts international relations peace processes conflict resolution state fragility political transitions democratic backsliding governance indicators security sector reform civil society economic development poverty reduction inequality reduction peacebuilding conflict prevention Africa fragile states Institute of Strategic Studies Africa DR Congo Ethiopia conflict war 2050 stability Mali coup 2012 democracy governance poverty inequality violence French intervention political stability multiparty elections freedom of speech media international inspections Konaré African fragile states DR Congo Ethiopia Institute of Strategic Studies Africa weak governance conflict violence inequality poverty forecast 2050 war Mali democratic stable coup 2012 French intervention Konaré freedom of speech media multiparty elections international inspections Mali decline Bruce Whitehouse London Review of Books Gains reversed unforeseen events Africa fragile states Institute of Strategic Studies Africa weak governance conflict violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia 2050 forecast persistent fragility war 2020 stable countries conflict spiral Mali democracy stability coup 2012 French intervention Whitehouse Bruce London Review of Books political instability international inspections freedom of speech media presidential transition Konaré African fragile states conflict foreseen DR Congo Ethiopia Institute of Strategic Studies Africa Mali coup democratic stability French intervention governance issues inequality poverty violence war prediction 2050 forecast African stability challenges political instability multiparty elections international inspections freedom of speech media freedom Konaré presidency 2012 Mali coup post-coup decline London Review of Books Jakkie Cilliers Timothy D. Sick Bruce Whitehouse Gains reversed events unforeseen Africa fragile states weak governance conflict violence inequality poverty Institute of Strategic Studies Africa DR Congo Ethiopia forecasts 2050 war ended stable countries conflict Mali democratic stable coup 2012 multiparty elections international inspections Konaré freedom of speech media French troops 2013 Cilliers Jakkie Sick Timothy D. Prospects fragile countries Whitehouse Bruce What went wrong London Review of Books African fragile states DR Congo Ethiopia Institute of Strategic Studies Africa governance conflict violence inequality poverty war stability Mali coup French intervention democracy multiparty elections freedom of speech media Jakkie Cilliers Timothy D. Sick Bruce Whitehouse London Review of Books Prospects for Africa’s fragile countries What went wrong in Mali gains reversed events unforeseen Africa fragile states Institute of Strategic Studies Africa DR Congo Ethiopia forecast fragile states 2050 war 2020 stable countries conflict Mali democratic stable coup 2012 French intervention freedom of speech media Bruce Whitehouse Jakkie Cilliers Timothy D. Sick London Review of Books fragile states Africa Institute of Strategic Studies Africa DR Congo Ethiopia conflict violence inequality poverty war 2050 Mali coup 2012 democracy stability French intervention governance political instability international relations peacebuilding development security humanitarian aid multiparty elections freedom of speech media Konaré prospects strategic studies London Review of Books Bruce Whitehouse Jakkie Cilliers Timothy D. Sick
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con01a	Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial burden long-term investment bureaucracy taxation system austerity measures funding system economic impact educational finance public expenditure cost-effective solutions administrative costs repayment system fiscal policy educational policy financial sustainability graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial burden long-term investment bureaucratic costs taxation system austerity measures impractical funding education finance graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees fiscal impact bureaucracy taxation system austerity measures funding system graduate tax expensive scheme government spending student grants initial costs long-term investment bureaucracy increase taxation complications austerity measures impractical funding system graduate tax expensive government spending student grants repayment taxation university applications cost grants bureaucracy tracking graduates general taxation austerity measures funding system graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial burden long-term investment bureaucratic costs taxation system austerity measures impractical funding higher education finance graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial burden long-term investment bureaucracy taxation system austerity measures funding system impractical implementation cost-effectiveness graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial burden long-term investment bureaucracy taxation system austerity measures impractical funding system educational finance policy cost economic impact administrative costs graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial impact bureaucracy taxation system austerity measures funding system graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial burden bureaucratic costs taxation system austerity measures funding system
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro04a	It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP subsidies larger farmers small farmers family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference direct payments area-based subsidies major recipients agricultural industry EU market EU taxpayers rural policies European Union farm subsidies economic support wealth distribution agricultural policy European agriculture CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small farmers family farmers competitive environment Stresa Conference direct payments farm subsidies EU taxpayers agricultural industry economic support European Union policies rural images farm follies landowners market competition European agriculture CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small farmers family farmers Stresa Conference European agriculture direct payments farm area agriculture subsidies EU taxpayers agricultural industry competitive environment economic support landowners EU market rural policies European Union agricultural reform farm payments economic capacity family enterprise agricultural competition CAP objectives farm subsidies distribution agricultural support policy effectiveness rural economy farm aid European farming agricultural funding EU agricultural policy farming subsidies wealth distribution agriculture economics farm support farm policy European farming industry CAP subsidies agricultural subsidies farm subsidy CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small farmers family farmers Stresa Conference 1958 agricultural support EU subsidies economic competition rural policy European Union farm payments landowners EU taxpayers agricultural industry competitive environment European agriculture family structures policy objectives direct payments farm area subsidy distribution rural images European policies farm follies agricultural reform policy criticism economic capacity family enterprise agricultural support systems EU market wealth distribution fiscal policy agricultural economics European rural development farm subsidies agricultural competitiveness European agricultural policy rural CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small farmers family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference European agriculture economic capacity family enterprise direct payments farm area major recipients agricultural industry subsidies distribution wealthy landowners EU taxpayers rural policies European Union CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies larger farmers small farmers family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference 1958 direct payments area-based payments large companies wealthy landowners EU market EU taxpayers European Union policies rural images farm support agricultural industry economic capacity family enterprise European agriculture farm subsidies policy objectives subsidy distribution economic support European Union funding farm payments agricultural subsidies farming industry competitive capacity farmer support European farming farm policy agricultural support EU farm subsidies farm economics agricultural economics European agriculture policy farm subsidies CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small farmers family farmers competitive environment Stresa Conference direct payments land area wealth distribution EU taxpayers agricultural industry European Union policies rural images farm support market competition economic capacity family enterprise agricultural subsidies policy objectives European agriculture farm subsidies wealth inequality policy effectiveness farmer support agricultural reform EU farm policy economic support agricultural economics farm payments farm policy agricultural subsidies distribution EU agricultural policy agricultural support programs farm subsidies controversy agricultural funding EU subsidies agricultural support farm policy criticism agricultural CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference direct payments farm area 80-20 rule wealthy landowners EU market taxpayer support agricultural industry European Union rural policy economic capacity family enterprise farming support policy objectives farm subsidies EU policies agriculture subsidies farm payments land size farm inequality CAP reform farm economics European agriculture farm competition rural economics agricultural subsidies farmer support EU agriculture farm policy agricultural support farm ownership farm structure family farm farm aid agricultural CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small farmers family farmers Stresa conference direct payments agricultural industry EU market EU taxpayers rural policy European Union farm support economic competitiveness agricultural subsidies farmer support European agriculture policy objectives farming industry CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies larger farmers small farmers family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference 1958 direct payments farm area major recipients agricultural industry 80-20 rule wealthy landowners EU taxpayers European Union farm support economic capacity family enterprise rural images European policies farm follies The Economist Knudsen Ann-Christina Romanticising Europe Kontur 2005
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro02a	Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft Open Source Initiative Linux Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM open source patents Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution Licence positive force considering open source Ed Hansberry Information Week Government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative source code sharing Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution License positive force Information Week Ed Hansberry Open Source WebOS Windows Phone Government contracts software industry open source programs competitive bidding process Microsoft open source companies IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative source code sharing Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution licence positive force considering open source software government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution Licence positive force Windows Mobile Information Week Ed Hansberry Government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative source code Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution licence positive force Information Week Ed Hansberry government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft closed source Linux Open Source Initiative Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution Licence positive force Windows Mobile Information Week Ed Hansberry government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft closed source IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative source code sharing Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution Licence positive force Ed Hansberry Information Week Government contracts software industry open source programs competitive bidding process Microsoft Open Source Initiative source code sharing Real Networks RealPlayer IBM open source patents Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution License positive force open source software Windows Mobile Information Week Ed Hansberry government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft closed source IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative source code sharing Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution Licence positive force considering open source Information Week Ed Hansberry Government contracts software industry open source programs competitive bidding process Microsoft closed source companies IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative source code sharing key partners software development Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer media software music software IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris server operating system Common Development and Distribution licence positive force considering open source software Information Week Ed Hansberry
test-international-gsciidffe-con04a	Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy legitimate foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy invading another state Iraq war humanitarian intervention Kosovo clandestine actions Iran-Contra norm against aggression international relations stability undermining states circumventing censorship aggressive actions cyber operations armed conflict NATO cyber attacks intervention cyber warfare international law Tallinn Manual coercion government prohibited intervention cyber operations armed conflict Circumventing censorship aggressive action international stability state sovereignty cyber norms digital diplomacy online aggression cyber security international law state interference information aggressive foreign policy legitimacy international norms peace mutual respect controversial actions invasion humanitarian intervention clandestine operations Iran-Contra stability cyber warfare NATO armed conflict coercion prohibited intervention cyber attacks state sovereignty censorship international law Tallinn Manual aggressive foreign policy legitimacy in foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy Iraq war Kosovo intervention Iran-Contra international relations norms stability undermining states circumventing censorship cyber operations armed conflict prohibited intervention cyber attacks Tallinn Manual international law cyber warfare aggressive foreign policy legitimacy in foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy actions Iraq war Kosovo humanitarian intervention Iran-Contra norm against aggression international relations stability undermining states circumventing censorship aggressive actions NATO cyber operations armed conflict cyber attacks prohibited intervention international law cyber warfare Tallinn Manual aggressive foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy actions Iraq war humanitarian intervention Kosovo clandestine actions Iran-Contra norm against aggressive action international relations stability undermining states circumventing censorship cyber operations armed conflict NATO cyber attacks coercion prohibited intervention cyberwarfare international law Tallinn Manual Aggressive foreign policy legitimate foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy actions invading another state humanitarian intervention clandestine actions Iran-Contra norm against aggressive action international relations stability undermining states circumventing censorship cyber operations armed conflict NATO prohibited intervention cyber attacks war Tallinn Manual international law cyber warfare aggressive foreign policy legitimacy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy Iraq war humanitarian intervention Kosovo clandestine actions Iran-Contra norm against aggression international relations stability undermining states censorship NATO cyber operations armed conflict prohibited intervention cyber attacks circumventing censorship international law Tallinn Manual cyber warfare Aggressive foreign policy legitimacy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy Iraq war Kosovo humanitarian intervention Iran-Contra international stability aggressive action undermining states circumventing censorship cyber operations armed conflict NATO cyber attacks prohibited intervention international law cyber warfare Tallinn Manual aggressive foreign policy legitimate foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy actions Iraq war humanitarian intervention Kosovo clandestine actions Iran-Contra norm against aggression international relations stability undermining states circumventing censorship NATO cyber operations armed conflict cyber attacks prohibited intervention international law cyber warfare Tallinn Manual aggressive foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign actions Iraq war Kosovo humanitarian intervention Iran-Contra norm against aggression international stability circumventing censorship aggressive actions cyber operations NATO armed conflict prohibited intervention cyber attacks undermining states international law Tallinn Manual cyber warfare
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con02a	Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid poverty reduction natural resources revenue reinvestment direct transfers resource dividends technology human development index social cash transfer sub-Saharan Africa Malawi Zomba Scial Cash Transfer Programme Devarajan Dzuwa Africa poverty sub-Saharan natural resources quality of life standard of living revenue reinvestment poorest areas technology direct transfers resource dividends Malawi social cash transfer Human Development Index Devarajan Dzuwa Zomba Scial Cash Transfer Programme Africa poverty natural resources revenue reinvestment sub-Saharan Africa direct transfers resource dividends technology Malawi cash transfer programme Human Development Index Scial Cash Transfer Zomba reinvestment income improvement social welfare economic development poverty reduction resource management development economics sub-Saharan African poverty African resource benefits economic empowerment sustainable development financial inclusion social policy public finance economic growth humanitarian aid international development poverty alleviation African economies resource-rich countries equitable distribution social dividends economic justice financial support community development government initiatives social impact African poverty reduction natural resources revenue reinvestment in impoverished areas direct transfer of resource dividends social cash transfer programs human development index improvement sub-Saharan African poverty economic development through natural resources sustainable poverty alleviation strategies Malawi's social cash transfer resource dividend distribution poverty alleviation through technology economic empowerment of the poor improving quality of life in Africa Africa poverty sub-Saharan natural resources revenue reinvestment direct transfers resource dividends technology Malawi cash transfer Human Development Index social welfare economic development fiscal policy sustainable development income distribution poverty alleviation social equity resource management public finance development economics social protection poverty reduction strategies international aid governance transparency community investment economic growth rural development urban development infrastructure education healthcare employment entrepreneurship microfinance technological innovation environmental sustainability cultural preservation gender equality political stability social cohesion community empowerment participatory governance civil Africa poverty sub-Saharan Africa natural resources quality of life standard of living revenue reinvestment poorest areas resource dividends technology direct transfers Malawi social cash transfer Human Development Index economic development sustainable growth community investment resource management financial inclusion Africa poverty natural resources economic development sub-Saharan Africa resource dividends direct transfers technology Malawi social cash transfer human development index revenue reinvestment economic growth poverty alleviation fiscal policy sustainable development resource governance public finance income distribution social welfare economic equality Africa poverty sub-Saharan natural resources revenue reinvestment direct transfers resource dividends technology Malawi cash transfer Human Development Index social welfare economic development sustainable growth community investment financial inclusion poverty alleviation Africa poverty sub-Saharan Africa natural resources quality of life standard of living resource dividends technology direct transfers Malawi cash transfer programme Human Development Index Scial Cash Transfer Programme revenue reinvestment poverty alleviation economic development Devarajan Dzuwa The Guardian Malawi News Agency Africa poverty natural resources resource dividends direct transfers human development index sub-Saharan Africa Malawi social cash transfer economic development reinvestment quality of life standard of living poverty reduction citizen profits sustainable growth resource management economic policies inequality reduction
test-international-segiahbarr-con03a	The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 Africa natural disasters economic growth development vulnerability poverty exposed areas Somalia cyclone homelessness Dr Tom Mitchell Overseas Development Institute disaster risk management social policy economic policy United Nations Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding adaptation costs Africa natural disasters economic growth development vulnerability poverty exposed areas Somalia cyclone homeless economic situation Dr Tom Mitchell Overseas Development Institute disaster risk management social policy economic policy United Nations Environment Programme UNEP climate change arid areas flooding climate adaptation costs Decapua Migiro Rowling natural disasters poverty Africa development economic growth vulnerability exposed areas Somalia cyclone homeless economic situation Dr Tom Mitchell Overseas Development Institute disaster risk management social policy economic policy United Nations Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding adaptation costs climate adaptation UN Environment Programme climate threats poverty alleviation disaster resilience infrastructure development environmental management sustainable development humanitarian aid climate finance policy integration disaster recovery climate resilience international cooperation risk reduction strategies climate action community-based approaches government intervention public health economic stability ecological natural disasters economic growth Africa vulnerable populations poorest areas disaster risk management social policy economic policy Somalia cyclone homelessness poverty UN Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding adaptation costs development roadblocks Overseas Development Institute Dr. Tom Mitchell climate adaptation financial costs exposed areas environmental threats economic impact humanitarian impact policy integration resilience sustainable development international aid climate resilience disaster prevention climate mitigation global warming environmental policy socioeconomic factors vulnerable communities climate vulnerability natural hazard management disaster recovery long-term development natural disasters Africa economic growth poverty vulnerable areas Somalia cyclone disaster risk management social policy United Nations Environment Programme climate change flooding arid areas adaptation costs natural disasters economic growth Africa vulnerable populations disaster risk management social policy economic policy Somalia 2013 cyclone poverty United Nations Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding adaptation costs natural disasters development economic growth Africa poverty vulnerable areas Somalia 2013 cyclone disaster risk management social policy economic policy United Nations Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding climate adaptation costs natural disasters development economic growth Africa poverty vulnerable areas disaster risk management social policy economic policy climate change adaptation costs UNEP Somalia cyclone homelessness arid areas flooding United Nations Environment Programme disaster management cost poorest exposed areas economic situation Tom Mitchell Overseas Development Institute natural disasters development economic growth Africa vulnerability poverty exposed areas Somalia cyclone homelessness economic situation disaster risk management social policy economic policy costs United Nations Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding adaptation costs natural disasters Africa economic growth development vulnerability poverty exposed areas Somalia 2013 cyclone Dr Tom Mitchell Overseas Development Institute disaster risk management United Nations Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding climate adaptation costs social policy economic policy disaster management
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con04a	"Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September choice right respond ads meaning consumers exposure personal behaviour advertisements ignored deleted interpretation attitudes receiver purchase consumption beauty products attraction influence beliefs values audience feminists institutional power structures victim mentality women dependence ideals self-determination consumer behaviour individual Christine Thomas New Sexism Socialism Today individual choice right to respond ads meaning consumer behavior personal exposure advertising ignore ads delete ads ad interpretation receiver attitudes beauty products purchase choice consumer empowerment ad influence individual beliefs audience values feminist perspective institutional power victim mentality consumer ideals self-determination consumer rights individual choice right to respond ad interpretation consumer behavior advertising exposure personal decision beauty product purchase consumer influence individual beliefs values feminist perspective institutional power victim mentality self-determination consumer rights advertisement impact personal empowerment consumer ideology purchasing freedom advertising ethics consumer choice ad response personal behavior advertisement exposure ad interpretation individual attitudes beauty product consumption ad influence personal values feminist beliefs institutional power victim mentality consumer empowerment self-determination consumer rights individual beliefs ad ideals Thomas Christine New Sexism Socialism Today choice right respond ads meaning consumers exposure personal behaviour ignore delete interpretation attitudes receiver purchase consumption beauty products beliefs values audience feminists institutional power structures victim mentality women empower dependence ideals self-determine consumer behaviour Thomas Christine New Sexism Socialism Today choice right respond ads meaning consumers expose advertising personal behaviour ignored deleted interpretation attitudes receiver purchase consumption beauty products buyer attract influence beliefs values audience member feminists institutional power structures victim mentality women empower dependence ideals represented self-determine consumer behaviour individual Thomas Christine New Sexism Socialism Today September 2003 advertising consumer choice personal behavior ad interpretation individual beliefs values purchase decision beauty products feminism institutional power victim mentality self-determination consumer rights 广告 个人选择 消费者行为 广告解读 个人信念 价值观 购买决策 美容产品 女权主义 机构权力 受害者心态 自主决定 消费者权益 consumer choice advertising response personal behavior ad interpretation individual attitudes beauty product consumption consumer rights ad influence personal values feminist perspective institutional power victim mentality consumer empowerment self-determination advertisement ideals consumer behavior consumer choice advertising influence personal behavior ad interpretation purchase decision beauty products individual beliefs feminist critique institutional power consumer empowerment self-determination consumer rights ad exposure deletion rights value alignment consumer autonomy advertising consumer choice ad interpretation personal behavior beauty products individual beliefs values feminism victim mentality empowerment consumer rights self-determination social influence consumer behavior Thomas Christine New Sexism Socialism Today"
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con02a	Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: terrorism negative portrayal alienation international community violence threat escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message victims perpetrators non-violent actions Mahatma Gandhi civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Terrorism negative portrayal mutual understanding alienation international community threat fear escalation international terrorism violence multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message self-defense irrational non-Westerners stereotypes non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror mutual understanding international community alienation violence threat international terrorist attacks fear escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message Defense irrational violent stereotypes non-Westerners non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal mutual understanding alienation international community acts of violence threat fear escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources spread message defend irrational violent stereotypes non-Westerners non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror mutual understanding alienation international community violence threat fear escalation multiple interpretations oppression resources message spreading self-defense irrational violent stereotypes non-Westerners non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi civil rights historical figures peaceful resistance nonviolent struggle social change political activism international perception media influence conflict resolution peacebuilding human rights terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror mutual understanding alienation international community threat fear escalation violence interpretation oppressing state resources message defend irrational non-Westerners stereotypes non-violent actions civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror mutual understanding international community alienation people acts of violence threat international terrorist attacks fear escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message defend paint image irrational violent non-Westerners stereotypes non-violent actions clear message outside world victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News Terrorism negative portrayal mutual understanding international alienation violence threat escalation multiple interpretations oppressive state resource advantage self-defense narrative irrational portrayal existing stereotypes non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal mutual understanding international community acts of violence threat international terrorist attacks fear of escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message defend irrational stereotypes non-Westeners non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal mutual understanding alienation international community acts of violence threat international terrorist attacks fear escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message spreading violent groups self-defense irrational violent creatures stereotypes non-Westerners non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi civil disobedience political impact peaceful resistance non-violent protest unarmed struggle moral high ground effective advocacy peaceful change violence-free activism
test-politics-lghwdecm-con01a	Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? centralisation power elected mayor misuse cabinet councillors delegation authority oversight talented ambitious council broken streetlights refuse collection ward centralisation power elected mayor misuse cabinet councillors sacked delegate authority real powers talented ambitious stand council oversight broken streetlights refuse collection ward circumstances absence impact governance democracy representation local politics decision-making accountability citizen engagement public trust municipal structure leadership urban management civic duty political science administrative control community involvement regional development policy implementation administrative efficiency public services local government political dynamics governance models mayor-council system executive authority legislative oversight administrative autonomy political representation citizen participation centralisation power elected mayor misuse cabinet councillors delegation authority oversight talent ambition council dynamics governance local politics accountability representation democratic process public service civic engagement centralisation of power elected mayor misuse of power mayor's cabinet councillors delegation of powers reservation of powers council oversight talented and ambitious councillors municipal governance local government structure democratic accountability political representation civic engagement municipal reform administrative efficiency power distribution local politics public scrutiny centralisation power misuse elected mayor cabinet councillors delegation authority oversight talent ambition council broken streetlights refuse collection ward centralisation of power elected mayor power distribution misuse of power cabinet selection councillor influence delegated authority oversight of mayor local government structure talent attraction in local politics council efficiency community representation democratic accountability centralisation power elected mayor misuse cabinet councillors delegation authority oversight talented ambitious stand council monitor streetlights refuse collection ward absence governance local politics democratic accountability centralisation of power elected mayor misuse of power cabinet of councillors delegation of powers oversight of mayor talented and ambitious people council's role local governance democratic accountability mayor's authority political representation civic engagement public service municipal administration Mayors centralisation power elected misuse cabinet councillors small sacked oppose delegate authority reserve real powers councillors monitor broken streetlights refuse collection ward talented ambitious council oversight absence centralisation power elected mayor misuse cabinet councillors delegation authority oversight talent ambition local governance democratic participation public service political structure urban management decision-making community representation accountability municipal leadership governance reform administrative efficiency civic engagement political dynamics electoral systems local government policy implementation citizen involvement public administration democratic principles governance challenges leadership roles municipal politics urban governance policy-making administrative control political representation governance models local democracy public oversight political accountability civic leadership administrative delegation governance transparency political responsibilities urban leadership
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro02a	The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 government free speech boundaries balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism hatred online content societal harm limitation of speech human rights education association freedom of expression government free speech boundaries society balancing act individual rights protection of human rights abuse racism punishment hate speech harmful content online regulation freedom of expression human rights education legal limitations societal impact digital ethics internet governance public safety government free speech limitations boundaries balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism hatred attack groups in society harms limiting speech freedom of expression human rights education association government free speech boundaries balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism punishment hatred attack groups society harms limiting speech Hera.org Freedom of Expression Human Rights Education Association government free speech boundaries society balancing act individual rights protection human rights abuse racism punishment hate speech online content harm limitation expression human rights education association freedom of expression government free speech boundaries society balancing act individual rights protection of human rights abuse racism hate speech harmful content online regulation censorship human rights education association freedom of expression government free speech societal boundaries balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism legal punishment hate speech harmful content societal harm limited speech restrictions human rights education association freedom of expression government free speech boundaries balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism hate speech societal harm online content regulation human rights education association freedom of expression government free speech boundaries society balancing act individual rights protection of human rights abuse racism punishment hate speech harmful content online regulation human rights education association government free speech boundaries society balancing act individual beliefs opinions protection human rights abuse racism punishment principle sites hatred groups harms limiting expression Hera.org Freedom of Expression Human Rights Education Association
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con02a	The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. foreign policy European Union EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense spokesmen rivalry duplication common foreign policy member states agenda Brussels external affairs single office-holder inefficiency pretensions development role agreement foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense European Union foreign affairs spokesmen rivalry duplication external affairs common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda dictation foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry resources external affairs member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda foreign policy development EU High Representative foreign policy centers Commission Council inefficiency consolidation complexity expense EU foreign affairs spokesmen rivalry duplication resources member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda dictating policy foreign policy EU Commission Council High Representative inefficiency complexity expense rivalry duplication member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense common foreign policy member states rivalry duplication Brussels agenda external affairs foreign policy EU Commission Council High Representative consolidation complexity expense inefficiency duplication rivalry resources member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda dictate EU High Representative foreign policy centers Commission Council inefficiency consolidation complexity expense foreign affairs spokesmen rivalry duplication external affairs common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign policy dictatorship foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda dictatorship external affairs spokesmen staff resources pretensions development limitation Foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council efficiency consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con04a	The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. crime of aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention State protection human rights genocide US NATO International Criminal Court ICC jurisdiction Milosevic NATO forces Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army investigation crimes territory crime of aggression political prosecution human rights protection Rome Statute intervention State prosecution ICC jurisdiction genocide prevention NATO Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army international law war crimes human rights violations state sovereignty legal accountability international criminal court genocidaires military intervention legal quirk prosecutorial requests territorial jurisdiction state refusal individual prosecutions military operations humanitarian intervention legal framework international justice political influence legal consequences state actions international relations legal challenges prosecution requests state jurisdiction international prosecution legal principles humanitarian crime of aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention state sovereignty ICC International Criminal Court NATO genocide jurisdiction Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army quirk of drafting legal implications state protection human rights protection international law accountability military intervention legal challenges humanitarian intervention prosecutorial discretion state consent territorial jurisdiction genocide prevention international justice war crimes crimes against humanity state responsibility international relations diplomatic relations jurisdictional issues legal norms human rights violations military operations legal safeguards prosecutorial novel crime aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention State protection people crime US NATO genocide genocidaires ICC jurisdiction investigation NATO forces Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army territory novel crime aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention State protection people US NATO genocide genocidaires jurisdiction ICC Milosevic NATO forces Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army investigation territory novel crime aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention State protection people crime US NATO genocidaires genocide drafting Statute ICC jurisdiction Milosevic NATO forces Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army investigation territory novel crime aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention State protection people genocide US NATO jurisdiction ICC precluded investigation Operation Allied Force Milosevic Bosnian Serb army crime of aggression prosecution human rights protection political prosecution Rome Statute ICC jurisdiction intervention state sovereignty NATO genocide prevention Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army international criminal law state consent human rights violations legal paradox Prosecutor's discretion legal accountability conflict resolution international humanitarian law war crimes crimes against humanity peacekeeping operations diplomatic immunity state responsibility individual criminal responsibility international tribunal legal challenges political influence judicial independence legal reform human security international law principles sovereignty vs. intervention accountability mechanisms legal ethics crime of aggression human rights protection political prosecution Rome Statute intervention state sovereignty ICC jurisdiction NATO genocide prevention Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army international law legal accountability humanitarian intervention state consent international criminal court prosecution requests war crimes human rights violations novel crime aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention State protection genocide US NATO ICC jurisdiction investigation Milosevic NATO forces Bosnian Serb army Operation Allied Force
test-law-ralhrilglv-con04a	Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, videolink trial defendants court representing themselves co-operate international criminal court flee The Hague trial attendance rule video link trial attendance defendants international criminal court The Hague representing themselves co-operate trial process flee Mike Corder The Wichita Eagle November 28th 2013 Ruto Kenyatta videolink trial defendants self-representation co-operation international criminal court The Hague travel Mike Corder The Wichita Eagle attendance rule trial by videolink defendants videolink appearance Ruto and Kenyatta cooperation fleeing international criminal court Hague trial attendance court rule changes international court proceedings defendant self-representation concerns videolink trial defendants representing themselves Ruto Kenyatta co-operate international criminal court flee The Hague trial attendance rule Mike Corder The Wichita Eagle November 28th 2013 videolink trial attendance defendants representing themselves co-operate flee international criminal court The Hague trial process Corder Mike The Wichita Eagle November 28th 2013 videolink trial defendants appearance court representing themselves co-operation process flee international criminal court travel Hague attendance rule change mind videolink trial defendants representing themselves co-operate flee international criminal court Hague attendance rule Wichita Eagle videolink trial defendants co-operate international criminal court Hague flee represent themselves Corder Mike The Wichita Eagle November 28th 2013 videolink trial defendants represent Ruto Kenyatta co-operate flee The Hague international criminal court trial attendance rule Mike Corder The Wichita Eagle November 28th 2013
test-economy-thsptr-con02a	Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals state revenues public services lower income income supplements child benefits public healthcare public transport tax correlation private services proportional taxation tax fairness wealth distribution tax relief economic justice public welfare fiscal policy tax equity Progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy taxation state revenues services benefits lower income income supplements child benefits public healthcare transport services correlation tax contributions fairness equal contribution wealth proportional scale tax relief Mayer On Principle progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals state revenues public services lower income income supplements child benefits public healthcare public transport correlation tax contributions private services proportional taxation wealth distribution tax fairness rightful possessions tax relief economic justice tax policy debate progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals tax revenues public services lower income income supplements child benefits public healthcare public transport tax fairness proportional taxation wealth distribution tax relief economic justice Mayer David tax policy fiscal equity government benefits private services progressive taxation wealth distribution tax burden public services income inequality tax fairness government spending social welfare income supplements child benefits public healthcare public transportation private services proportional taxation tax relief wealth preservation economic justice fiscal policy socioeconomic disparity tax equity progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals state revenues public services lower income individuals income supplements child benefits public healthcare transport services tax contributions fairness equal contribution proportional taxation tax relief equitable taxation wealth distribution social services utilization private services preference tax justice rightful possessions economic equity Progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals state revenues public services lower income income supplements child benefits public healthcare public transport tax contribution wealth distribution tax fairness proportional taxation Mayer Wealthy Americans tax relief progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals state revenues public services lower income income supplements child benefits public healthcare transport services tax contributions fairness proportional taxation wealth distribution tax relief economic justice progressive taxation tax fairness wealth distribution public services income inequality tax burden revenue utilization social benefits economic justice fiscal policy tax reform wealth redistribution government services tax equity proportional taxation public healthcare transport services income supplements child benefits private services tax contribution tax relief economic policy fiscal equity tax fairness wealth redistribution public services utilization progressive vs proportional taxation tax burden social welfare benefits income inequality tax policy fiscal justice equitable contribution public vs private services tax relief economic equity tax system critique revenue distribution
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con04a	The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, international system anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffman Neo-Realism International Relations intergovernmentalism state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncontrolled uncertainty tested blender international system anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffman Neo-Realism International Relations intergovernmentalism state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance untested blender political uncertainty state agreements international agreements power distribution global politics security studies political science international affairs realism state behavior international cooperation strategic interaction state sovereignty global governance international institutions foreign policy security dilemma power dynamics state preferences international norms international laws diplomatic relations international conflicts peace studies strategic studies international security state-centric approach international system international system anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffman Neo-Realist International relations intergovernmentalism state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncontrolled uncertainty untested blender international system anarchy distribution of capabilities economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffman Neo-Realist International relations intergovernmentalism states trust agreement bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncontrolled uncertainty self-controlled uncertainty Neo-Realism Intergovernmentalism Anarchy Economic capabilities Military capabilities State distrust Bargaining Negotiation National self-reliance Uncertainty International relations Stanley Hoffman international system anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffman Neo-Realist International relations intergovernmentalism states trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncertainty untested blender anarchy distribution economic capabilities military capabilities Neo-Realism International relations intergovernmentalism Stanley Hoffman state distrust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance untested blender Wikipedia Intergovernmentalism International system anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffman Neo-Realism intergovernmentalism state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncontrolled uncertainty international relations state agreements self-controlled uncertainty anarchy distribution economic capabilities military capabilities Neo-Realism intergovernmentalism Stanley Hoffman international relations state trust agreement bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncertainty untested blender anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities Neo-Realism intergovernmentalism international relations state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance untested blender Stanley Hoffman
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro05a	Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state rights nuclear capability visibility international cooperation nuclear programs developed countries safety protocols clandestine programs weapons-grade material terrorism nuclear security stockpile management non-proliferation nuclear safety strategic transparency global nuclear governance public recognition nuclear deterrence state rights nuclear transparency nuclear regulation international cooperation nuclear development safety protocols nuclear security weapons-grade material terrorist acquisition nuclear stockpile management non-proliferation strategic stability nuclear disarmament international law global security nuclear policy arms control nuclear ethics nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state rights nuclear capability visibility widespread knowledge deterrence effect nuclear program development international cooperation developed countries nuclear safety protocols nuclear construction nuclear maintenance clandestine programs weapons-grade material terrorism nuclear security stockpile safety public acknowledgement nuclear deterrence right to nuclear weapons public regulation nuclear capability visibility deterrence effect greater regulation cooperation developed countries advanced nuclear programs nuclear weapons development safety protocols clandestine programs weapons-grade material terrorists security of nuclear stockpiles Scott D. Sagan Limits of Safety nuclear accidents organizations nuclear safety nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state rights nuclear capability visibility deterrent effect nuclear program development international cooperation developed countries nuclear safety safety protocols clandestine programs weapons-grade material nuclear terrorism nuclear security stockpile management Sagan Limits of Safety nuclear accidents organizational safety public acknowledgement nuclear deterrence right to nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons nuclear capability deterrent effect visibility wide knowledge regulation cooperation nuclear programs developed countries advanced nuclear programs construct nuclear weapons maintain nuclear weapons safety protocols clandestine nuclear programs weapons-grade material terrorists openness freedom nuclear weapons development security nuclear stockpiles Sagan Scott D. Limits of Safety Organizations Accidents Nuclear Weapons Princeton University Press public acknowledgement nuclear deterrence right public regulation nuclear weapons visibility widespread knowledge nuclear capability greater regulation cooperation nuclear programs developed countries advanced nuclear programs construction maintenance safety protocols clandestine programs weapons-grade material terrorists security nuclear stockpiles Scott D. Sagan The Limits of Safety organizations accidents Princeton University Press nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear proliferation nuclear capability international cooperation nuclear safety protocols nuclear security clandestine nuclear programs terrorism nuclear weapons development non-proliferation state sovereignty nuclear transparency strategic stability arms control nuclear disarmament international security nuclear governance nuclear safeguards global security architecture public acknowledgement nuclear deterrence right public regulation nuclear weapons visibility capability deterrent effect greater regulation cooperation nuclear programs developed countries advanced programs construction maintenance safety protocols clandestine programs weapons-grade material terrorists security nuclear stockpiles Sagan Scott D. Limits of Safety organizations accidents Princeton University Press Public acknowledgment nuclear deterrence right public regulation nuclear weapons state rights nuclear capability visibility deterrent effect knowledge state capabilities regulation cooperation nuclear programs developed countries advanced programs construction maintenance nuclear weapons safety protocols security clandestine programs weapons-grade material terrorism openness freedom nuclear stockpiles Sagan Scott D. Limits of Safety organizations accidents Princeton University Press
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro03a	"Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition war likelihood checks and balances democratic culture negotiation promoting democracy imposing democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries human rights marginalization individual safety BBC democracies fight democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition war likelihood democratic culture negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries airing views human rights norms marginalization human rights worldwide rights safety individuals country BBC democracies fight each other democracy peace war democracies Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace constraints people's opposition democratic culture negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism human rights marginalization human rights norms rights safety BBC democratic countries views international relations political science governance conflict prevention security studies democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition war likelihood democratic culture negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy imposing democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries air views human rights norms marginalization human rights individual safety democracies fight BBC Democracy Peace War Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace Democratic Governments People's Opposition War Democratic Culture Negotiation Checks and Balances Promoting Democracy Imposing Democracy Peaceful World Terrorism Democratic Countries Air Views Human Rights Norms Marginalization Human Rights Individual Safety BBC Democracies Fight Each Other democracy peace war democracies Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace 1795 democratic governments people's opposition war democratic culture negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries human rights marginalization human rights worldwide rights safety BBC Do Democracies Fight Each Other democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition war democratic culture negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries human rights marginalization human rights norms individual safety BBC democracies conflict international relations political science governance freedom security global stability civic engagement political participation rule of law social contract civil society political accountability public opinion violence foreign policy state behavior human rights advocacy democratic peace theory peacebuilding non-violent conflict resolution democratic democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition war constraints checks and balances negotiation promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism human rights marginalization democratic countries views safety human rights norms individuals Do Democracies Fight Each Other BBC democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition war likelihood checks and balances promoting democracy imposing democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries human rights marginalization human rights norms individual safety international relations political stability conflict prevention democracy peace war democracies Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition war likelihood democratic culture negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy imposing democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries human rights marginalized groups individual safety human rights norms BBC"
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con02a	The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. bidding process long duration funds tied up land development cost government funds sporting events IOC personal relationships international tension bid quality Olympic rotation city selection New York 2012 Bid American foreign policy bidding process long duration funds land Olympic bid costs IOC member voting personal relationships international tensions bid quality rotation policy continents retry period sporting events activities government funds New York 2012 bid American foreign policy disadvantage Olympics stadia Olympic Village bidding process long duration funds land Olympic Village stadia government funds sporting events IOC member voting personal relationships international tension bid quality New York 2012 bidding continental rotation selection chance bidding process time-consuming fund allocation land development Olympic bid IOC voting personal relationships international tensions bid quality continent rotation New York 2012 bid American foreign policy bidding process long duration funds tied up land development government funds sporting events IOC member voting personal relationships international tension bid quality Olympic rotation city selection New York 2012 bid American foreign policy bidding process funds tied up land development costs government funds IOC voting personal relationships international tension bid quality Olympic rotation city selection 12-year cycle bidding process funds land development Olympic Village stadia government funds sporting events IOC member voting personal relationships international tension bid quality American foreign policy New York 2012 bidding continent rotation city selection bid outcome decade-long preparation shortlist financial cost sporting activities diversion Olympic Games international relations bid failure future opportunity bidding process funds land development Olympic Village stadia cost government funds sporting events IOC voting personal relationships international tension bid quality foreign policy rotation continents selection chance New York 2012 Olympics bidding process funds land Olympic Village stadia government funds sporting events IOC member voting personal relationships international tension bid quality New York 2012 Olympic rotation continent selection bidding process ties funds land development costs government funding IOC voting personal relationships international tension bid quality Olympic rotation city selection New York 2012 bid American foreign policy
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro03a	The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. self-determination human rights autonomy bodily integrity decision-making personal preferences individual values informed consent state interference personal freedom right to life sacrifice moral autonomy self-determination human rights autonomy bodily integrity personal freedom individual preference decision-making informed consent state interference life fulfillment sacrificial choice moral autonomy personal values legal rights human dignity individual sovereignty consent personal agency right to life autonomy principle moral relativism self-governance individualism human principle personal choice voluntary action state authority personal trust life quality human-centric ethics personal identity self-respect self-ownership ethical self-determination human-centric values self-determination right personal values recognition autonomous decision individual self-determination fundamental human right bodily autonomy personal decisions individual preferences informed decision right to life state interference personal freedom human dignity autonomy self-governance individualism personal values self-sacrifice legal rights moral philosophy human rights personal integrity voluntary action self-determination fundamental human right right to life born autonomous personal autonomy bodily autonomy informed decision-making individual preferences personal values state interference right to sacrifice self-sacrifice individual freedoms human dignity personal choice legal autonomy intrinsic human rights non-interference self-governance personal integrity right individual self-determination fundamental human right life autonomous person body competent decisions knowledge preferences value goods matter undermine live fullest someone extension values sacrifice informed state legal autonomy personal freedom dignity ethics morality individualism human-rights self-ownership self-governance liberty informed-consent decision-making personal-autonomy bodily-integrity self-determination-law bioethics individual-liberty personal-choice human-dignity self-will autonomy-right self-determination fundamental human right bodily autonomy personal preferences informed decision individual rights state interference life valuation human autonomy decision-making freedom personal values right to life individual competence self-sacrifice human principles right to body living fully personal goods individual fulfillment state role self-determination fundamental human right autonomy bodily integrity personal preferences informed decision state interference individual rights self-sacrifice human dignity personal values freedom of choice bodily autonomy human principles individual competence decision-making life fulfillment external imposition personal goods valuation self-determination fundamental-human-right bodily-autonomy personal-preferences informed-decision state-interference individual-freedom right-to-life self-sacrifice human-autonomy decision-making-rights life-fulfillment value-judgment personal-values state-authority human-rights individual-agency personal-choices autonomy-respect self-governance self-determination fundamental rights human autonomy personal freedom bodily integrity informed decision-making individual values state interference personal sacrifice moral autonomy human dignity legal rights individual rights personal agency self-governance human rights ethical self-determination bodily rights personal choice self-ownership human principles autonomy ethics personal preferences intrinsic values life fulfillment self-realization state role individual sovereignty moral agency human worth personal integrity self-directed life individual empowerment self-determination theory personal authority human capabilities life choices personal responsibility moral respect self-determination human rights autonomy informed decision personal values bodily integrity individual freedom state interference personal sacrifice moral autonomy
test-international-epvhwhranet-con03a	Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 referendums public relations politics voter behavior government confidence economic management law and order public scandals EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry negotiations media distortion biased coverage voter grievances EU future referendums PR politics ballot government confidence economy law and order public scandals voter influence EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage voter grievances EU future referendums public relations politics ballot issues government confidence economy law and order public scandals voter dissatisfaction national government EU future French vote Dutch vote EU Constitution EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage grievances current government EU enlargement threat opportunity referendums public relations politics voter behavior government confidence economic management law and order public scandals French vote Dutch vote EU Constitution EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkish entry media distortion biased coverage voter grievances EU future referendums public relations politics voter behavior government confidence economic management law and order public scandals EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion voter grievances House of Lords European Union Committee referendums PR politics ballot paper government confidence economy law and order public scandals voter decision EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage grievances current government EU future referendums public relations politics voter behavior government confidence economic management law and order public scandals EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers job market Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage voter grievances EU future PR politics referendum voter psychology government confidence economic management law and order public scandals EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage voter grievances EU future referendums public relations politics voter behavior government confidence economic management law and order public scandals EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry negotiations media influence biased coverage voter grievances EU future PR politics government confidence economy law and order public scandals EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage voter grievances current government EU future
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro02a	Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors minors protection youth safeguarding child safety offensive material restriction content regulation freedom of speech limitations government responsibility age-appropriate content parental controls internet safety legal restrictions youth rights public morality content filtering age verification child welfare legislative measures community standards digital safety Protection of Minors Child Safety Online Safety Age Restrictions Content Regulation Government Responsibility Freedom of Speech Obscene Materials Offensive Content Minor Protection Laws Internet Safety for Kids Parental Controls Digital Age of Majority Child Protection Policies Youth Online Protection protection minors under age majority exposure obscene offensive damaging materials freedom speech government responsibility restriction regulation child safety parental control age-appropriate content digital safety youth protection online regulation content filtering Protection of Minors Child Safety Age-Restricted Content Freedom of Speech Government Responsibility Content Regulation Minor Protection Laws Online Safety Obscene Material Offensive Content Potentially Damaging Materials Age of Majority Legal Restrictions Parental Controls Digital Wellbeing Youth Protection Content Filtering Public Policy Ethical Standards Community Guidelines protection minors age majority exposure obscene offensive damaging materials freedom speech government responsibility restriction regulation protection of minors obscenity offensive content harmful materials age of majority freedom of speech government responsibility content regulation child safety online protection youth exposure legal restrictions parental controls digital age dangers public policy youth rights content filtering age-appropriate content internet safety protection minors age majority exposure obscene offensive damaging materials freedom speech government regulation restriction agreement safety youth censorship legislation child rights policy online content internet laws safeguard privacy digital environment supervision parental control community standards ethics values education awareness prevention support mental health development well-being advocacy activism societal norms cultural diversity inclusivity equity justice empowerment vulnerability risk harm prevention intervention recovery resources services protection minors age majority exposure obscene offensive damaging materials freedom speech government responsibility restriction regulation protection minors age majority exposure obscene offensive damaging materials freedom speech government regulation restriction agreement safety legislation child welfare privacy internet content control policies digital environment education awareness supervision parental guidance community standards ethics rights advocacy support prevention harm legal measures enforcement protection laws juvenile security mental health development societal norms monitoring technology tools filters safeguards online safety platforms media protecting youth cyber environment protection minors age majority obscene offensive materials freedom speech government regulation restriction public health safety content filtering laws policies child welfare online safety censorship parental control digital environment youth safeguarding cyber security ethics rights balance legal frameworks awareness education community standards accountability enforcement advocacy support services prevention intervention resources tools technology internet governance privacy data protection societal norms values cultural impact developmental psychology
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro02a	The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 House of Lords conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation revision British population House of Lords reform political representation social benefit Ben Smith House of Commons Library ethnic minorities in politics government and public life House of Lords Conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation revision British population political representation House of Lords reform social representation equitable decision-making Ben Smith House of Commons Library House of Lords conservative majority traditional provenance Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation British population political reform social representation economic representation Ben Smith House of Commons Library ethnic minorities in politics government public life House of Lords conservative majority in-built bias political representation social elite economic elite diversity female peers ethnic minorities legislation British population reform political equality social representation economic representation legislative power revising laws benefit society political fairness demographic representation institutional reform peer appointments democratic legitimacy parliamentary system British politics political diversity inclusion representation governance public life political elite conservative peers liberal peers labour peers political opinions social attitudes economic backgrounds political influence legislative process political skew public representation governance reform political representation reform political House of Lords Conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity female peers ethnic minorities legislation British population reform representation society political equality democratic legitimacy Smith Ben House of Commons Library ethnic minorities in politics government public life House of Lords conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation revision British population representation political reform social representation economic representation legislative power demographic skew political elites social reform economic reform political diversity ethnic diversity gender diversity legislative impact democratic representation public life political participation minority representation government reform House of Commons political studies social studies economic studies legislative studies British politics British society political institutions government institutions public policy political representation democratic principles social justice economic justice House of Lords conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation British population reform representation society House of Lords conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation British population reform representation society political elite demographic imbalance parliamentary reform legislative impact social representation economic representation gender representation ethnic representation democratic deficit political reform institutional change constitutional reform political diversity social equity economic equity gender equity ethnic equity legislative process political representation social inclusion economic inclusion gender inclusion ethnic inclusion democratic representation political accountability social justice economic justice gender justice ethnic justice political equality House of Lords Conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislative power British population political reform social representation demographic skew parliamentary democracy minority representation political inequality legislative revision social justice political equality House of Lords conservative majority traditional provenance Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation revision British population political reform social representation economic representation Ben Smith House of Commons Library
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con03a	Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asia new ideas attitudes academic ethic critical thinking English academic lingua franca student studies academic approaches cultural interaction educational philosophy universities exchange ideas impose ideas academic freedom cultural interaction Confucian approach Socratic approach academic traditions Asian students critical thinking academic lingua franca university ethics intellectual traditions academic-state relationship cultural arrogance educational approaches academic exchange intercultural education academic integration universities exchange ideas impose ideas academic openness intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academic-state relationship Western institutions Asian presence academic exchange new ideas academic ethics critical thinking academic lingua franca student approaches academic traditions cultural interaction economic interaction academic integration academic arrogance academic diversity academic dialogue educational philosophy higher education global education intercultural communication academic freedom academic collaboration academic innovation academic resistance academic assimilation academic influence academic impact academic exchange programs academic partnerships academic globalization academic pluralism academic relativism university exchange idea imposition academic openness Confucian Socratic clash intellectual integration academic-state relationship western academic presence new idea acceptance academic tradition response critical thinking approach academic lingua franca Asian-European interaction educational attitude academic arrogance idea exchange direction university ethics academic tradition difference Paton Michael Analytic teaching philosophical praxis academic debate cultural academic influence academic freedom intellectual diversity university role knowledge integration academic dialogue educational philosophy academic innovation intercultural education global academic trends academic adaptability critical pedagogy educational policy university universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asian presence new ideas academic attitudes student studies critical thinking English academic lingua franca university exchange idea imposition intellectual openness academic integration Confucian-Socratic dialogue academia-state relationship cultural interaction educational traditions critical thinking academic lingua franca intellectual arrogance student approaches academic responses cross-cultural education academic freedom intellectual exchange academic innovation cultural integration academic dialogue intellectual diversity universities idea exchange intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asia new ideas critical thinking academic lingua franca student approaches cultural interaction education philosophy academic freedom intellectual openness cross-cultural education academic diversity universities exchange ideas impose ideas academic openness Confucian approach Socratic approach intellectual traditions academic-state relationship Western institutions Asian presence new ideas academic ethic critical thinking academic lingua franca student approaches cultural interaction educational traditions academic arrogance intellectual integration academic diversity universities idea exchange impose ideas academic openness Confucian approach Socratic approach intellectual traditions cultural integration academia-state relationship Western institutions Asian presence academic ethics new ideas critical thinking academic lingua franca student approaches cultural clashes Paton Michael Analytic teaching philosophical praxis universities idea exchange intellectual traditions Confucian approach Socratic approach academia-state relationship Western institutions Asian presence academic lingua franca critical thinking student approaches cultural integration academic openness intellectual arrogance educational traditions
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro02a	Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 women economic development Africa political power sub-Saharan Africa fastest growing economies natural resource exploitation Rwanda parliamentarians economy growth poverty rate leadership roles genocide Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP reforms men conflict war feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker peace violence decline women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians economic growth poverty reduction leadership roles genocide Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP conflict discord peace Stephen Pinker feminisation of politics decline in violence women economic development Africa equality political power sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate economic growth 1994 genocide leadership roles Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP reforms men conflict war discord feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker peace violence decline women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa fastest growing economies natural resource exploitation Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate socio-economic development genocide leadership roles Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP growth reforms men war conflict discord long-term thinking peace feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker decline in conflict credit reconstruction UNESCO The Economist The Better Angels of Our Nature Women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty reduction socio-economic growth genocide leadership Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP growth conflict war Stephen Pinker peace violence decline women economic development Africa equality political power benefits economy sub-Saharan Africa natural resources influence Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate economic growth genocide leadership roles Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf reforms GDP men conflict war household family long-term thinking feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker decline in conflict peace outsize credit women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate genocide leadership Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP conflict men war Stephen Pinker feminisation of politics peace credit women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate economic growth genocide leadership Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP reforms men conflict war peace feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker violence decline women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate genocide leadership Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP conflict peace feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker violence decline women economic development Africa political power sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate genocide leadership Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP reforms men conflict war feminisation politics Stephen Pinker peace reconstruction UNESCO The Economist The Better Angels of Our Nature
test-education-egtuscpih-con03a	Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants education quality student interaction professor engagement educational experience remote learning digital classrooms virtual education learner engagement academic feedback peer interaction synchronous communication asynchronous learning online education challenges student-professor relationship educational technology higher education distance learning learning outcomes pedagogical methods online teaching student support virtual classrooms online discussion forums educational interaction communication barriers academic performance student motivation learning environment educational resources instructor presence collaborative learning online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures questions discussions personal feedback teaching assistants computers engagement education quality online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants quality of education engagement remote learning interaction academic communication online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants computers education quality online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures live class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants quality of education engagement student interaction virtual learning academic communication online courses undermine live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures live class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants computers education quality engagement student interaction professor availability online courses live communication professors students impairment Coursera email pre-recorded lectures questions live discussions personal feedback engagement teaching assistants computers education quality online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures questions live discussions personal feedback teaching assistants computers quality of education engagement interaction virtual learning academic discussion student interaction professor availability educational experience online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants computers education quality online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants educational quality interaction engagement virtual learning student-professor relationship peer interaction feedback educational experience communication barriers
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro02a	Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 profit margins small Tunisia tourism sector European middle class income visitors package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel included holiday resorts average per-capita spending 2012 Egypt Greece economic growth tourism crisis security issues Tunisia tourism profit margins low-income European visitors package holidays sea-side resorts per-capita spending economic growth systematic flaw tourism industry Tunisia tourism crisis security issues Al Monitor Achy L. Tunisia tourism profit margins low per-capita spending European visitors middle class package holidays seaside resorts economic growth industry targets systematic flaw tourism crisis security issues international comparison Egypt Greece profit margins Tunisia tourism sector European visitors middle class package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel economic growth tourism crisis security issues small profit margins Tunisia tourism European middle class package holidays seaside resorts low per-capita spending food and drink travel costs economic growth low-profit niche tourism crisis security issues comparative spending Egypt Greece profit margins small Tunisia tourism sector European middle class package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel included 2012 $385 Egypt $890 Greece $1000 economic growth systematic flaw low-profit niche tourism industry security issues Al Monitor profit margins Tunisia tourism sector European visitors middle class package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel economic growth tourism crisis security issues Al Monitor Achy L. Tunisia tourism profit margins European visitors package holidays seaside resorts low per-capita spending economic growth tourism crisis security issues Egypt Greece middle-class income travelers food drink travel inclusivity economic impact industry targets systemic flaw Tunisia tourism sector small profit margins European visitors middle class income package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food and drink travel inclusion economic growth tourism crisis security issues systematic flaw economic impact tourist spending comparison with Egypt comparison with Greece industry targets visitor demographics tourism industry analysis profit margins improvement tourism sector challenges Tunisian economy tourism revenue visitor expenditure tourism market trends tourism sector development tourism policy tourism management destination marketing tourism sustainability visitor experience tourism product diversification tourism competitiveness market segmentation tourism investment profit margins Tunisia tourism sector European visitors middle class package holidays seaside resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel economic growth tourism crisis security issues Al Monitor
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con04a	"The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , death individual implications suicide euthanasia religious secular sanctity life impact survivors relatives emotional support administer injection choice views law protection doctors procedure campaigners Hippocratic oath duties harm deadly voluntary principle rejection terminally ill care protection assisted BBC Ella Pickover Independent Sokol Rowan Williams Vincent Nichols Jonathan Sacks euthanasia assisted suicide impact on survivors religious concerns secular reasons sanctity of life Hippocratic oath doctors' rejection emotional support legal protection voluntary principle terminally ill care and protection moral duty medical ethics death individual implications suicide euthanasia secular sanctity of life survivors relatives emotional support administration injection legal protection doctors Hippocratic oath harm voluntary principle terminally ill care protection assisted suicide religious concerns agreement rejection BBC News The Independent The Telegraph Archbishop of Canterbury Archbishop of Westminster Chief Rabbi death implications suicide impact euthanasia concerns religious objections secular reasons sanctity of life survivors' emotional support legal protection doctors' involvement Hippocratic Oath voluntary principle terminally ill care assisted suicide rejection ethical duties medical profession death individual implications others suicide euthanasia religious secular sanctity of life impact survivors relatives emotional support legal position doctors Hippocratic Oath harm voluntary principle terminally ill care protection assisted suicide rejection duty impact on survivors emotional support legal protection doctors' refusal Hippocratic Oath voluntary principle religious concerns secular reasons sanctity of life euthanasia assisted suicide 终端疾病患者 宗教领袖反对 医生职责 不伤害原则 suicide euthanasia impact survivors emotional support legal considerations religious concerns secular reasons sanctity of life relatives voluntary principle Hippocratic Oath doctors medical ethics patient care assisted suicide terminal illness social responsibility moral objections death individual implications others suicide euthanasia religious secular sanctity of life impact survivors relatives emotional support legal protection doctors Hippocratic oath voluntary principle terminally ill assisted suicide care protection death individual implications suicide euthanasia religious secular sanctity of life survivors relatives emotional support legal protection doctors Hippocratic Oath voluntariness rejection assisted suicide care protection suicide euthanasia religious concerns secular reasons sanctity of life impact on survivors relatives emotional support legal considerations doctors' involvement Hippocratic Oath medical ethics voluntary principle terminally ill assisted suicide care protection"
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro05a	Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies secular focus non-religious state British society separation of religion and state National Secular Society religious expression suppression public equality religious dress state unity school policies government office regulations religious symbols secular identity equality Sharia courts UK law one law for all Western societies secular values state sponsorship of religion British society National Secular Society religious expression public places citizen equality religious dress state unity school policies government offices religious symbols secular identity equality Sharia courts legal systems religious neutrality public institutions cultural integration religious freedom state-religion separation secularism state-religion separation religious symbols public expression of religion equality Western society National Secular Society religious dress unity institutional neutrality Sharia courts legal uniformity Western societies secular focus state-religion separation British society National Secular Society religious expression public places citizen equality religious dress unity state institutions schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality Sharia courts One Law for all Western societies secular values state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression public places citizen equality religious dress unity state institutions schools government offices religious symbols detrimental secular identity equality Sharia courts UK law secular values state separation religious neutrality public expression equality Western society dress codes institutional identity religious symbols unity National Secular Society Sharia courts legal uniformity citizen equality religious identification public institutions schools government offices secular identity detrimental impact Western societies secular values state-religion separation British society National Secular Society religious expression suppression public places citizen equality religious dress state unity institutional ethos schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality Sharia courts UK laws Western societies secular values state sponsorship religion British society National Secular Society religious expression public places citizen equality religious dress state unity institutional ethos schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality Sharia courts legal reform Western societies secular values state sponsorship of religion British society National Secular Society religious expression in public equality citizen unity religious dress institutional ethos schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality-focused society one law for all Sharia courts secularism religious symbols state-religion separation equality public expression unity Western society National Secular Society Sharia courts religious attire schools government offices citizen equality religious identity secular values religious sponsorship state authority religious suppression institutional integrity
test-economy-thsptr-con03a	The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: progressive taxation state power taxation power wealth redistribution tyranny of majority flat tax regressive tax tax burden state growth tax socialism cato institute james dorn tax policy fiscal policy economic inequality public services tax fairness government control economic freedom citizen awareness rational demands political economy progressive taxation state power power to tax wealth redistribution tyranny of majority flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden state growth realistic preferences rational demands tax socialism economic policy fiscal policy income inequality government control tax systems public finance economic freedom tax reform progressive taxation power to tax state power wealth redistribution tyranny of the majority flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden state growth rational demands tax socialism Cato Institute progressive taxation state power power to tax power to destroy wealth redistribution tyranny of the majority flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden state growth rational demands tax socialism Cato Institute progressive taxation state power power to tax power to destroy wealth redistribution tyranny of the majority regressive consumption tax flat tax tax burden tax socialism Cato Institute James Dorn tax policy economic efficiency political economy fiscal policy public finance wealth inequality government intervention economic freedom tax fairness social welfare economic growth tax system public spending state growth tax incidence tax perception rational demands realistic preferences economic incentives fiscal responsibility economic philosophy conservative economics libertarian principles economic theory tax reform government accountability economic justice fiscal democracy progressive taxation state power power to tax wealth redistribution tyranny of the majority flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden government growth rational demands tax socialism Cato Institute progressive taxation state power taxation authority economic control wealth redistribution tyranny of majority flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden state growth public awareness fiscal responsibility rational demands tax socialism economic policy Cato Institute James Dorn progressive taxation state power tyranny of majority flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden wealth redistribution tax policy economic fairness fiscal responsibility government growth tax socialism economic policy public finance tax reform social equity wealth inequality political economy tax efficacy public services funding progressive taxation state power taxation power wealth distribution majority tyranny tax burden flat tax regressive tax consumption tax tax socialism public demand state growth economic policy tax system wealth redistribution fiscal policy tax equity political economy public finance economic inequality progressive taxation state power power to tax destroy wealth economic thrall state ends tyranny of majority less wealthy services onerous taxes flat tax regressive consumption tax state growth costs realistic preferences rational demands tax socialism Cato Institute James Dorn
test-economy-bepighbdb-con04a	Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships stability power retention repression popularity future sustainability dictatorship collapse democracy stable legal framework justice government accountability free elections social unrest prevention economic freedoms human rights private property rights productivity innovation Acemolgu and Robinson Why Nations Fail inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic institutions economic development Huntington democratization twentieth century democratic rule political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships retention of power repression social unrest economic freedoms human rights private property rights inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems economic institutions Why Nations Fail Acemolgu Robinson Huntington The third wave democratization democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships stability dictator retention of power repression popularity future sustainability collapses of dictatorships democracy stable legal framework access to justice government accountability free and fair elections social unrest violence economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity innovation Acemolgu and Robinson Why Nations Fail inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic institutions economic development democratization Huntington The third wave democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships instability power retention repression dictatorship sustainability democracy long-term stability stable legal framework access to justice government accountability free and fair elections social unrest prevention violence reduction economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity encouragement innovation promotion inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights protection economic development preconditions economic institutions creation economic growth likelihood Huntington democratization Acemolgu Robinson Why Nations Fail democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships stability power retention repression popularity future sustainability dictatorship collapse democracy stable legal framework justice access government accountability free elections social unrest prevention economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity innovation Acemolgu Robinson Why Nations Fail inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic institutions economic development Huntington The third wave democratization democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships stability of dictatorships power retention repression popularity of dictators uncertainty in dictatorships collapse of dictatorships democratic stability stable legal framework rule of law access to justice government accountability free and fair elections social unrest prevention economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity innovation inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic development economic institutions Acemolgu Robinson Why Nations Fail Origins of Power Prosperity Poverty Huntington The Third Wave democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships dictatorship instability power retention repression social unrest violence economic freedoms human rights private property rights productivity innovation inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic institutions economic development Why Nations Fail Acemolgu Robinson Huntington The Third Wave democratization late twentieth century University of Oklahoma Press Profile Books democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships instability power retention repression inevitability dictatorship sustainability democracy stability legal framework access to justice government accountability free elections social unrest prevention economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity innovation Acemoglu and Robinson Why Nations Fail inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic development economic institutions economic growth likelihood Huntington The Third Wave democratization late twentieth century democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships stability power retention repression popularity future sustainability messy collapses long-term stability stable legal framework justice access government accountability free elections social unrest prevention violence reduction economic freedoms human rights private property rights productivity innovation Acemolgu Robinson Why Nations Fail inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic institutions economic development Huntington The Third Wave democratization democracy rule of law political stability economic growth dictatorship inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems economic development private property rights human rights free elections social unrest economic freedoms productivity innovation Acemolgu Robinson Why Nations Fail Huntington The Third Wave democratization
test-international-ehbfe-pro01a	"A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ federal Europe citizens member states EU nationalism conflict twentieth century ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition vetoes prosperity Britain carbon tax European Commission Energy Taxation Directive shared history culture common good regional differences federal Europe EU member states European Union nationalism conflict resolution ever-closer union national governments policy-making EU vetoes carbon tax British government European Commission Energy Taxation Directive shared history regional differences common good federal Europe citizens member states EU nationalism conflict twentieth century ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition vetoes prosperity Britain carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive shared history culture common good regional differences federal Europe benefit citizens member states EU success taming nationalism twentieth century conflict ever-closer union national governments competitive policymaking abusing vetoes damaging prosperity Britain veto carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive shared history cultural accommodation common good federal Europe EU success nationalism conflict resolution ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition vetoes prosperity Britain carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive shared history culture common good regional differences federal Europe citizens benefit EU success taming nationalism twentieth century conflict ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition abusing vetoes potential prosperity Britain veto carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive shared history regional differences common good federal Europe citizens member states EU success nationalism conflict twentieth century ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition vetoes prosperity Britain carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive shared history culture common good regional differences federal Europe EU success nationalism reduction ever-closer union national governments policy-making Europe prosperity carbon tax veto shared history cultural differences common good regional accommodation federal Europe citizens benefits EU success nationalism reduction twentieth century conflict ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition veto abuse potential prosperity Britain veto carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive shared history regional differences common good federalism European Union nationalism conflict resolution ever-closer union national governments policy-making competitive policy carbon tax Britain veto Energy Taxation Directive shared history cultural diversity common good regional differences"
test-science-dssghsdmd-con01a	Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction national missile defense destabilizing world security nuclear weapons stability military conflict Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer anti-ballistic missile missile shield second-strike defensive missiles offensive missiles world relations security MAD nuclear deterrence anti-ballistic missile missile defense systems global security nuclear stability military conflict nuclear weapons world peace deterrence theory strategic stability nuclear war international relations security studies defense technology second-strike capability Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer Cold War arms race missile technology conflict prevention disarmament nuclear policy geopolitical stability Mutually Assured Destruction national missile defense nuclear weapons stability military conflict Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer nuclear deterrence anti-ballistic missile missile shield second-strike technological dissemination world security destabilization nuclear war defensive missiles offensive missiles international relations arms race strategic stability nuclear proliferation security dilemma defense technology strategic defense initiative global security nuclear policy military strategy peace studies international security defense systems missile defense systems nuclear doctrine strategic equilibrium arms control military technology security studies nuclear deterrence theory international Mutually Assured Destruction national missile defense nuclear weapons world security nuclear deterrence military conflict nuclear arsenal missile shield second-strike defensive missiles offensive missiles world relations stability Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer MAD doctrine anti-ballistic missile nuclear warfare arms race international security strategic stability deterrence theory defense technology nuclear peace interstate conflict security dilemma technological diffusion missile defense systems impact nuclear strategy global security architecture nuclear posture regional security arms control strategic balance military doctrine nuclear non-proliferation Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear weapons stability military conflict cost of war nuclear deterrent world security national missile defense systems anti-ballistic missile second-strike capability missile shield technological dissemination defensive missiles offensive missiles war likelihood state equality intimidation invasion Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer Mutually Assured Destruction national missile defense systems world security nuclear weapons stability military conflict Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer deterrence anti-ballistic missile second-strike missile shield offensive missiles defensive missiles destabilization world relations security Mutually Assured Destruction MAD nuclear weapons stability world security national missile defense anti-ballistic missile second-strike missile shield deterrence arms race conflict peace Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer disarmament international relations nuclear strategy missile technology defense systems destabilization war aggression global security nuclear deterrence defensive missiles offensive missiles security dilemma technological dissemination strategic stability arms control nuclear doctrine military conflict nuclear balance security architecture international stability military strategy nuclear policy missile defense impact nuclear disarmament Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear weapons world security national missile defense systems destabilization Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer nuclear deterrence anti-ballistic missile missile shield second-strike capability technological dissemination offensive missiles defensive missiles conflict escalation global relations security dynamics weapon penetration state equality military conflict war likelihood peace stability defensive technology international relations arms race strategic defense nuclear policy global peace military strategy defense systems nuclear arsenal international security war prevention conflict resolution strategic stability missile technology nuclear doctrine mutual destruction Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear weapons world security national missile defense destabilization strategic balance deterrence second-strike capability nuclear conflict missile shield technological dissemination arms race peace Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer nuclear deterrence missile defense systems Mutually Assured Destruction MAD nuclear stability anti-ballistic missile second-strike capability world security nuclear conflict defensive missile technology arms race nuclear equality strategic stability deterrence theory security dilemma military strategy nuclear weapons international relations offense-defense balance Mearsheimer Waltz Jervis
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro04a	"Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. democracy governance political self-determination human rights humanitarian obligation political autonomy voting rights government accountability abusive governments civil liberties democratic regimes political freedom individual worth state intervention democratic promotion international relations political philosophy democracy export human dignity democracy government political self-determination human rights autonomy obligation humanitarian intervention abusive governments political freedom voting rights democratic regimes democracy promotion state sovereignty international relations political ethics civic duty democracy export human dignity political participation democratic values statecraft governance democratic transition civil liberties political representation democratic solidarity global democracy human rights advocacy political justice democracy advocacy democratic support international democracy democracy assistance democratic governance political empowerment democratic accountability political equality democracy building democratic institutions human rights protection political rights democratic principles democracy democracy best form of government obligation bring democracy political self-determination individual rights political autonomy human rights humanitarian obligation democratic regimes abusive governments voting rights self-governance freedom Stanley Fish New York Times democracy promotion international intervention human rights violations moral duty democracy best form of government obligation bring democracy political self-determination individual rights political autonomy check abusive governments human rights humanitarian obligation intervene rights abuse Stanley Fish Why Democracy democracy government political self-determination human rights humanitarian obligation political autonomy voting abusive governments democracy promotion human dignity freedom democracy export international intervention democratic values state sovereignty political rights democratic governance governance quality civil liberties political participation democracy best form of government political self-determination individual rights political autonomy human rights humanitarian obligation democratic regimes abusive governments voting rights government accountability political freedom democracy promotion international intervention democratic values political representation citizen sovereignty governance state legitimacy democratic transition human dignity political participation democratic oversight government abuse democratic principles democratic legitimacy political equality civic engagement democratic accountability state sovereignty democratic assistance political empowerment democratic norms government responsiveness democratic institutionalization political inclusion democracy advocacy democratic education participatory governance democratic culture political mobilization democracy best form of government obligation spread democracy political self-determination individual rights vote political autonomy check abusive governments human rights humanitarian obligation intervene rights abuse Stanley Fish Why Democracy New York Times Democracy human rights political self-determination individual freedom humanitarian obligation government accountability political autonomy democratic expansion international intervention human rights violations democratic values state sovereignty democratic governance political participation civic engagement democratic promotion global democracy democratic peace governance reform political representation democracy government obligation political self-determination human rights political autonomy humanitarian intervention democratic regimes individual freedom abusive governments voting rights Stanley Fish New York Times democracy best form of government obligation spread democracy political self-determination right to vote individual freedom political autonomy human rights abusive governments humanitarian obligation intervention Stanley Fish"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro03a	Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. hip hop free speech state intervention adult access community standards public control content diversity commercial dominance gangsta rap mainstream success artist authenticity exaggerated personas Ice Cube music regulation pornography media consumption violence in rap music genres record labels market failure music classification business practices Death Row Records Low Life Records Machete Music artist opportunities music expression public engagement musician perspectives hip hop free speech state intervention adult access community standards public control genre diversity commercial dominance gangsta rap mainstream success authentic experiences Ice Cube pornography media fantasies violent content market forces gangsta rap fans record labels conscious rap violence glorification market failure musical expression classification business practices Death Row Records Low Life Records Machete Music popular disengagement alternative voices free speech state intervention adult content community environments public control genre diversity commercial dominance mainstream success gangsta rap authentic experiences exaggerated personas pornography comparison media fantasies hip hop regulation gangsta rap dominance market failure conscious rappers musical expression classification benefits violent lyrics dubious business practices popular disengagement alternative voices hip hop opportunities hip hop free speech state intervention adult access community standards public control genre diversity commercial dominance violent rap mainstream success gangsta rap lyrical authenticity artist personas market fantasies pornography media regulation consumer behavior music labels conscious rap market failure musical expression classification business practices popular disengagement artistic opportunity hip hop free speech state intervention adult content community public control genre diversity commercial dominance gangsta rap mainstream success authenticity artist personas violent content censorship pornography media fantasy gangsta rap fanbase record labels conscious rap market failure musical expression classification Death Row Records Machete Music business practices popular disengagement artistic opportunities hip hop free speech state intervention adult content community standards public control genre diversity commercial dominance violent rap mainstream success gangsta rap authenticity exaggerated personas Ice Cube media fantasies violent content market dynamics pornography public profile poor regulation music labels conscious rappers market failure musical expression classification industry practices Death Row Records Low Life Records Machete Music popular disengagement musician opportunities hip hop free speech state intervention adult access community public control diversity commercial dominance gangsta rap mainstream success authenticity exaggeration personas pornography media fantasies violence censorship classification music industry labels conscious rap market failure artistic expression business practices disengagement musicians opportunities hip hop free speech state intervention adult content community public control genre diversity commercial dominance violent rap mainstream success gangsta rap artist authenticity Ice Cube pornography media market gangsta rap fans conscious rappers market failure classification musical expression business practices Death Row Records Low Life Records Machete Music popular disengagement musician opportunities hip hop free speech state intervention adult content community standards public control genre diversity commercial dominance violent rap mainstream success gangsta rap authenticity exaggeration invented personas Ice Cube pornography human fantasies violent content censorship market failure conscious rap classification music industry Death Row Records Low Life Records Machete Music business practices popular disengagement musical expression artist rights free speech state intervention adult content community standards public control genre diversity commercial dominance mainstream success gangsta rap authenticity exaggeration invented personas pornography media fantasy violence cynicism market profile poor regulation consumer dominance label practices conscious rap market failure musical expression classification business practices popular disengagement artistic perspective
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con01a	Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Olympics host city economic impact large countries small countries capital cities IOC bidding process economic divides house prices regeneration London 2012 Barcelona Sydney economic benefits training camps geographical development sports events urban development infrastructure improvements Olympics hosting city economic benefits large countries small countries capital cities Olympic bids London 2012 economic impact house prices Barcelona Sydney geographical economic divides regeneration East London IOC Birmingham Manchester Spain Australia Olympics host city economic impact large countries United States China benefits concentration smaller countries capital cities IOC United Kingdom London Birmingham Manchester economic regeneration East London house prices Barcelona Sydney geographical economic divides Olympic host city economic benefits concentrated development capital city preference London 2012 economic impact urban regeneration house price increase geographical economic divides IOC bidding process Birmingham 1992 Manchester 1996 Manchester 2000 East London regeneration Spain Olympic impact Australia Olympic impact Barcelona Olympics Sydney Olympics economic entrenchment Intangible Business Reuters analysis Olympic Games impact urban development economic concentration host city selection IOC criteria failed bids economic regeneration housing market Olympic legacy local economy global cities Olympic Olympics hosting city large countries United States China benefits economic impact capital cities bid London Birmingham Manchester IOC regeneration East London house prices Barcelona Sydney Spain Australia geographical economic divides Olympics host city economic benefits large countries United States China smaller countries event impact training camp capital cities London failed bids Birmingham Manchester IOC growth development economic impact London 2012 East London regeneration house prices Barcelona Sydney Spain Australia geographical economic divides Olympics host city benefits large countries United States China smaller countries event training camp capital cities Birmingham 1992 Manchester 1996 2000 IOC United Kingdom London economic impact London 2012 regeneration East London house prices Barcelona Sydney Spain Australia geographical economic divides Grobel Intangible Business Ormsby Reuters economic concentration development growth bid failures host selection urban regeneration urban development housing market economic benefits event hosting Olympics host city economic benefits large countries United States China smaller countries event location training camp capital cities Birmingham 1992 Manchester 1996 2000 IOC United Kingdom London economic impact London 2012 regeneration East London house prices Barcelona Sydney Spain Australia geographical economic divides Olympic benefits host city concentration large countries small countries capital cities IOC preferences UK bids London 2012 economic impact East London regeneration house prices Barcelona Sydney geographical economic divides Olympic benefits host city concentration economic impact large countries small countries capital city bids geographic economic divides house price increases Olympic regeneration IOC preferences unsuccessful bids local development economic entrenchment economic dispersal regional inequality
test-international-epvhwhranet-con04a	Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments current system reform treaties EU benefits nation's interest media bias anti-Europe campaigners low turnout European parliament elections elected representatives informed decision public understanding voter apathy political representation democratic participation electoral engagement European Union policies citizen engagement political awareness media influence electoral behavior democratic legitimacy European governance institutional reforms public opinion political accountability representative democracy impactful legislation voter education political reform civic engagement European integration legislative complexity voter turnout political efficacy electoral systems democratic deficit public voters EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments understanding system reform treaties benefits harm EU nation's interest media bias anti-Europe campaigners low turnout European Parliament elections elected representatives impact informed decision citizens swayed The Economist elections 2009 eu4journalists voters EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments current system benefits harm EU nation's interest media bias anti-Europe campaigners low turnout European parliament elections elected representatives informed decision people's interest The Economist Elections 2009 eu4journalists voter apathy EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments understanding of current system reform benefits national interest media bias anti-EU campaigners low election turnout European Parliament elections informed decision-making elected representatives EU4journalists The Economist voters EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties understanding system reform treaties benefits harm EU nation's interest media bias anti-Europe campaigners low turnout European Parliament elections elected representatives impact informed decision citizens 'An unloved Parliament' The Economist 'Elections 2009' eu4journalists EU reforms legal jargon detailed knowledge EU Treaties amendments current system reform treaties benefits harm EU interest nation's interest lack of understanding media bias anti-Europe campaigners low turnout European Parliament elections elected representatives informed decision people's interest national interest voter apathy political engagement democratic participation civic education electoral reforms governance public opinion political influence media impact European Union institutional changes treaty amendments public understanding citizen engagement representative democracy direct democracy voter education political literacy electoral behavior political representation democratic accountability voters EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments understanding system reform treaties benefits harm EU nation's interest media bias anti-Europe campaigners low turnout European Parliament elections elected representatives impact informed decision people nation's interest The Economist unloved Parliament elections 2009 eu4journalists voters EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments current system reform treaties benefit harm EU interest national interest understanding media bias anti-Europe campaigners low turnout European Parliament elections elected representatives informed decision people's interest unloved Parliament The Economist elections 2009 eu4journalists EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments current system reform treaties media bias anti-Europe campaigners low turnout European Parliament elections elected representatives informed decision nation's interest citizens' understanding political engagement democratic participation European Union voter apathy electoral participation institutional knowledge EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments current system reform treaties EU benefits nation's interest media bias anti-Europe campaigns European Parliament elections turnout elected representatives informed decision citizens understanding impact of treaties The Economist eu4journalists 2009 elections
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro03a	It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech curtailment times of war propaganda spying national interest states World War II United States Office of Censorship Hanyok Robert J. Secrets of Victory American Press Radio Studies in Intelligence national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech war propaganda spying national interest states World War II United States Office of Censorship censorship intelligence studies media regulation wartime measures civil liberties historical context legal restrictions public information enemy propaganda spy activities government control press censorship radio censorship Robert J. Hanyok Secrets of Victory national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech wartime curtailment propaganda spying national interest historical precedents World War II United States Office of Censorship media censorship radio censorship press censorship intelligence studies Hanyok Robert J. Secrets of Victory national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech times of war propaganda spying national interest states World War II United States Office of Censorship government department censorship American press radio Secrets of Victory Robert J. Hanyok Studies in Intelligence national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech wartime restrictions propaganda spying national interest states World War II United States Office of Censorship Hanyok Robert J. Secrets of Victory American Press radio censorship national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech wartime curtailment propaganda prevention spying prevention national interest state precedent World War II United States Office of Censorship press censorship radio censorship Studies in Intelligence Hanyok Robert J. Secrets of Victory national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech curtailment times of war prevent propaganda spying undermine national interest states second world war United States Office of Censorship government department wartime censorship Hanyok Robert J. Secrets of Victory American Press radio World War II Studies in Intelligence national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal threats freedom of speech wartime curtailment propaganda prevention spying prevention national interest state actions World War II United States Office of Censorship media censorship radio censorship intelligence studies Hanyok Robert J. Secrets of Victory American press radio regulation historical context legal precedents civil liberties constitutional law wartime measures public information propaganda control enemy influence democratic values security measures surveillance legal restrictions speech regulation national defense wartime governance executive powers legislative support judicial review international national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech times of war prevent propaganda spying undermine national interest states World War II United States Office of Censorship Hanyok Robert J Secrets of Victory American Press Radio Studies in Intelligence national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech wartime curtailment propaganda prevention spying prevention national interest historical context World War II United States Office of Censorship government departments media censorship radio censorship press censorship intelligence studies Robert J. Hanyok Secrets of Victory
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro01a	The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 House of Lords out of touch electorate 19th century Abraham Lincoln democracy Government of the people by the people for the people peers noble birth right Church of England representation British people democracy-building political reform aristocracy religious influence modern governance House of Lords out of touch electorate 19th century Abraham Lincoln democracy government of the people by the people for the people noble birth right Church of England representation British people democratic principles aristocracy constitutional reform modern governance historical perspectives political representation democratic legitimacy public opinion religious institutions political institutions governance structures political science UK politics parliamentary system legislative bodies hereditary peers appointed peers democratic reforms political participation civic engagement representation in government democratic values political equality citizen representation political accountability political systems governance House of Lords out of touch electorate Abraham Lincoln democracy government of the people by the people for the people peers noble birth Church of England representation British people constitutional reform hereditary peers appointed peers democratic legitimacy House of Lords out of touch electorate 19th century Abraham Lincoln democracy Government of the people by the people for the people noble birth right Church of England representation British people democratic principles peerage aristocracy religious influence political legitimacy modern governance electoral reform democratic participation House of Lords electorate out of touch Abraham Lincoln democracy government of the people by the people for the people peers noble birth right Church of England representation British people democratic legitimacy hereditary peers appointed members political reform modern democracy elective principles parliamentary system constitutional monarchy civic engagement political participation governance public opinion religious influence state and church secular governance political representation democratic accountability legislative process British politics constitutional debate political tradition reform movement citizen participation democratic values institutional change political structure representation gap democratic deficit House of Lords out of touch electorate 19th century Abraham Lincoln democracy Government of the people by the people for the people peers noble birth right Church of England representation people of Britain democracy-building.info definition of democracy House of Lords out of touch electorate 19th century Abraham Lincoln democracy government of the people by the people for the people peers noble birth right Church of England ignored represent people of Britain House of Lords out of touch electorate Abraham Lincoln democracy government of the people by the people for the people noble birth right Church of England representation British people political reform hereditary peers appointed peers democratic legitimacy modern governance parliamentary system national representation public opinion institutional change political engagement church-state relations constitutional monarchy political accountability civic participation legislative reform democratic values social representation political diversity electoral reform democratic evolution political tradition contemporary democracy governance structures political heritage democratic institutions public trust political inclusivity reform movement House of Lords out of touch electorate 19th century Abraham Lincoln democracy Government of the people by the people for the people peers noble birth right Church of England representation people of Britain democratic reform hereditary peers religious representation political legitimacy modern democracy governance constitutional monarchy parliamentary system citizen participation public opinion electoral system political representation legislative process democratic principles social contract political engagement civic duty political accountability governance structures political institutions democratic values national identity political culture historical context political evolution democratic governance democracy representation hereditary peers Church of England Abraham Lincoln government accountability public opinion political reform parliamentary system citizen engagement
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro04a	We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid quality of life measure quality of life terminally ill survival prospect suffering medication functional organ euthanasia society organ donation humanist perspective nursing care organ donation euthanasia maximize organs transplantation ethical considerations medical ethics end-of-life decisions organ transplantation donor organs recipient patients life sacrifice bioethics healthcare policy medical practice patient autonomy informed consent moral philosophy public health organ availability medical resources end-of-life care palliative care life expectancy medical intervention compassionate care ethical dilemmas Terminal illness patient dignity preserve quality of life measure terminally ill survival prospect suffering medication functional organ euthanasia society organ donation humanist perspective nursing care maximize transplantation bioethics alternatives donation euthanasia 最大化 器官数量 生活质量 伦理学 捐赠安乐死 替代方案 移植 人类视角 护理 终末期疾病 生存前景 功能性器官 安乐死 社会 测量 生活质量 保存 quality of life measurement terminal illness organ donation euthanasia survival prognosis suffering medication rational decision societal benefit organ transplantation humanist perspective nursing care ethical considerations maximizing organ quality donation euthanasia bioethics life sacrifice multiple recipients informed consent healthcare policy palliative care medical ethics end-of-life decisions donor awareness organ viability altruism terminal care patient rights moral philosophy healthcare resources organ procurement donor-recipient matching life extension organ distribution transplant outcomes clinical guidelines physician-patient relationship palliative options quality of life measure quality of life terminally ill survival prospect functional organ rational decision euthanasia societal benefit organ donation life sacrifice maximizing lives organ transplantation humanist perspective nursing care ethical considerations organ donation euthanasia maximizing organ quality bioethics quality of life measure terminally ill survival prospect suffering medication functional organ euthanasia society organ donation sacrifice save lives humanist perspective nursing care maximize organs transplantation bioethics organ donation euthanasia quality of life measure quality of life terminally ill survival prospect functional organ euthanasia societal benefit organ donation life sacrifice maximize organs transplantation ethics bioethics organ donation euthanasia nursing care humanist perspective Dominc Wilkinson Julian Savalescu Monforte-Royo M.V. Roqué Bioethics journal Nursing Philosophy quality of life terminal illness survival prospect suffering medication functional organ euthanasia organ donation rational decision societal benefit life sacrifice multiple recipients organ transplantation humanist perspective nursing care bioethics maximizing organs transplantation quality quality of life terminally ill organ donation euthanasia survival prospect societal benefit organ transplantation ethical considerations maximizing organ utility donor awareness humanist perspective bioethics nursing care organ donation euthanasia transplantation quality altruistic sacrifice end-of-life decisions medical ethics donor-recipient relationship quality of life relative measurement terminal illness survival prospects suffering medication functional organs euthanasia societal rationality organ donation life sacrifice multiple recipients ethical considerations organ transplantation bioethics humanist perspective nursing care organ donation euthanasia maximizing organ quality ethical alternatives end-of-life decisions medical ethics donor awareness recipient benefit life and death scenarios terminal care palliative care healthcare resources ethical dilemmas moral philosophy medical practice donor consent recipient selection organ availability transplantation success quality-adjusted life years health economics societal euthanasia organ donation quality of life terminal illness survival prospects medical ethics humanist perspective nursing care maximizing organ quality transplantation bioethics voluntary sacrifice societal benefit rational decision-making end-of-life choices palliative care donor awareness life-saving procedures ethical considerations patient rights health care policy
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro01a	A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. UN Standing Army American military hegemony military states bullying blackmail military duress protracted conflict multinational force American military intervention Vietnam U.N. standing army Vietnamese people State Department diplomatic solutions political crises peace maintenance UN Standing Army military hegemony American military power United Nations military impartial international forces powerful military states military bullying military blackmail state defense protracted conflict multinational force US military intervention Vietnam intervention UN response Vietnamese wishes diplomatic solutions state department political crises peace maintenance international peacekeeping UN Standing Army American military hegemony international peacekeeping military intervention diplomatic solutions United Nations multi-national force state sovereignty conflict prevention peace maintenance UN Standing Army American military hegemony powerful military states bully and blackmail military force states under military duress protracted conflict multi-national force U.S. intervention Vietnam Vietnamese people State Department diplomatic solutions political crises peace maintenance impartial United Nations strong and effective military rival global security international law preventive diplomacy collective security non-intervention sovereignty humanitarian intervention world peace diplomatic negotiations military deterrence international cooperation United Nations Charter Chapter VII peacekeeping operations regional stability arms control disarmament conflict resolution human rights international UN Standing Army American military hegemony strong UN forces impartial international army military balance powerful states military bullying U.S. military power diplomatic solutions Vietnam intervention U.N. military presence peace maintenance international peacekeeping military intervention prevention state department investment political crisis diplomacy international security global military equilibrium non-violent conflict resolution UN military role UN Standing Army military hegemony American military United Nations strong impartial army powerful military states military bullying military blackmail protection of states military duress protracted conflict multinational force American military intervention Vietnam population wishes UN military rival US State Department diplomatic solutions political crises peace maintenance UN Standing Army American military hegemony strong impartial UN forces military state bullying prevention of military intervention Vietnam example diplomatic solutions State Department investment peace maintenance multi-national military force political crises military duress protracted conflict respected well-trained force international aid military rival United Nations effectiveness global peacekeeping diplomatic resolutions military intervention prevention international military balance US military restraint UN military support global security international relations peace enforcement UN military power preventive diplomacy military intervention alternatives UN military intervention US military dominance international military presence UN peacekeeping forces diplomatic UN Standing Army American military hegemony impartial international force military bullying diplomatic solutions Vietnam intervention multi-national military peace maintenance state department investment political crises United Nations effectiveness UN Standing Army American military hegemony balanced military power international peacekeeping diplomatic solutions United Nations effectiveness multinational military force preventing military intervention United States military policy international security peace maintenance global diplomacy military deterrence state sovereignty non-intervention multilateralism conflict resolution global governance international law humanitarian intervention state department investment peaceful conflict resolution United Nations legitimacy military threats geopolitical stability international relations global security architecture UN Standing Army American military hegemony powerful military states military bullying military blackmail multi-national force military intervention Vietnamese people diplomatic solutions political crises peace maintenance protracted conflict State Department United Nations military duress effective army impartial army strong army respected force well-trained force military rivalry US military risk international aid peacekeeping humanitarian intervention global security international relations conflict resolution military intervention prevention United States military UN military capabilities international law state sovereignty global stability peace enforcement military deterrent diplomatic negotiation international cooperation strategic balance
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro04a	Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. nuclear deterrence strategic stability international relations cold war arms race disarmament global peace war prevention bilateral tensions regional security missile defense weapon proliferation security studies political science international security military doctrine peace studies conflict resolution nuclear strategy defense policy nuclear deterrence strategic stability mutually assured destruction nuclear peace nuclear rivalry india-pakistan conflict proliferation arms race nuclear disarmament international security waltz nizamani strategic studies peace studies security studies international relations military strategy nuclear policy defense policy geopolitical stability war prevention weapons of mass destruction nuclear arsenal regional security bilateral relations disarmament negotiations nuclear ethics security dilemmas nuclear diplomacy international law conflict resolution non-proliferation treaty military doctrine strategic balance international peace global security military conflict nuclear Nuclear deterrence strategic stability mutually assured destruction MAD nuclear Non-Proliferation India-Pakistan conflict nuclear arms race peace through strength international security conflict resolution nuclear proliferation Waltz theory Nizamani analysis nuclear doctrine strategic studies cold war dynamics peace studies military strategy nuclear disarmament global security international relations security studies defense policy nuclear weapons effects conflict prevention nuclear peace deterrence theory strategic balance nuclear weapons impact international conflict management arms control disarmament nuclear powers military conflict conflict de-escalation nuclear weapons international conflicts force compromise stability mutually assured destruction MAD military conflict nuclear deterrence cost of war defuse conflicts reduce war likelihood India-Pakistan conflict nuclear acquisition dialogue peaceful world state relations nuclear powers Kenneth Waltz Haider K. Nizamani nuclear proliferation security studies strategic stability arms control deterrence theory international relations conflict resolution non-proliferation strategic studies political science war prevention security dilemmas power balance global security military strategy nuclear policy international peace security architecture Nuclear deterrence MAD Mutually Assured Destruction India-Pakistan conflict Kenneth Waltz Haider K. Nizamani nuclear proliferation nuclear stability conflict resolution peace through deterrence strategic stability nuclear arms race international relations security studies war prevention non-aggression diplomacy nuclear policy arms control disarmament global security military strategy nuclear doctrine state behavior crisis management regional stability bilateral relations security dilemma power balance strategic culture nuclear ethics international law political science security studies peace studies conflict studies defense studies strategic Nuclear weapons international conflicts mutual assured destruction MAD military conflict defuse stability open war cost of fighting India Pakistan nuclear deterrence peace Kenneth Waltz Haider K. Nizamani nuclear proliferation strategic studies political rhetoric nuclear weapons policy Nuclear weapons international conflicts compromise stability Mutually Assured Destruction MAD military conflict destruction defuse conflicts outbreak of war India Pakistan wars dialogue nuclear powers peaceful world Kenneth Waltz Haider K. Nizamani nuclear proliferation strategic studies rhetoric nuclear deterrence nuclear deterrent mutually assured destruction MAD peace through strength conflict de-escalation strategic stability nuclear stalemate India-Pakistan nuclear dynamics nuclear non-aggression war prevention deterrence theory nuclear proliferation benefits international security nuclear peace Waltz nuclear spread theory strategic balance nuclear weaponry and diplomacy Haider Nizamani nuclear politics nuclear arsenal stability nuclear weapons and international relations deterrence in South Asia nuclear warfare prevention nuclear arms control peace Indo-Pakistan nuclear crisis management nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction MAD international conflict resolution military conflict reduction India-Pakistan relations nuclear weapons and peace Kenneth Waltz Haider K. Nizamani strategic stability nuclear proliferation nuclear arms race security studies international relations disarmament non-proliferation nuclear doctrine Cold War dynamics regional security conflict prevention dialogue and diplomacy power balance global security war prevention nuclear capabilities state behavior security dilemma nuclear umbrella strategic studies peace studies arms control nuclear policy international politics nuclear strategy geopolitical stability military strategy nuclear deterrence strategic stability arms race military conflict prevention bilateral relations security studies international relations peace through strength Cold War dynamics diplomatic negotiations war avoidance geopolitical tension nuclear proliferation conflict resolution state security non-aggression policies regional stability military strategy offensive capabilities defensive mechanisms nuclear policy peacekeeping international peace strategic alliances security dilemmas risk assessment political stability mutual disarmament nuclear ethics humanitarian impact global security architecture nuclear threats power balance arms control international law treaty compliance non-proliferation efforts disarmament initiatives
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con01a	Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, universal standards labour business development developing countries economic development priorities circumstances temporary standards level playing field high labour standards employment undeveloped countries cheap labour economic growth factories China comparative advantage government imposed standards multinational firms Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress competition labour standards employment costs jobs Southeast Asia labour markets trade expansion labour scarcity China's labour revolution Universal standards labour business development developing countries economic growth priorities developed countries circumstances temporary push back standards level playing field economic development precondition labour standards employment flexible labour factories comparative advantage cheap labour multinational firms government imposed Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress competition China labour markets employment costs trade expansion labour scarcity China's Uneven Labor Revolution Eli Bildner Rajah Rasiah Cai Fang Dewen Wang Development Research Series Research Center on Development and International Relations The Atlantic economic development labor standards developing countries race for development employment growth cheap labor flexible labor multinational firms labor markets China Malaysia labor standards impact trade expansion labor scarcity employment conditions government imposed standards economic growth factory relocation comparative advantage labor unions job competition labor revolution preconditions for labor standards level playing field underdeveloped economies prioritization of development high labor standards western labor standards factory costs economic precondition trade competition labor market dynamics employment creation industrial growth workforce regulation development priorities labor conditions trade activities economic strategies Universal standards labour and business race for development developing countries economic development prioritisation circumstances temporarily push back standards level playing field necessary precondition employment economic growth cheap labour comparative advantage factories multinational firms government imposed Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress competition labour standards employment costs China trade expansion labour scarcity labour markets competitive impact Southeast Asia labour revolution uneven Universal standards labour business development developing countries economic development prioritisation circumstances temporary push back standards level playing field necessary precondition high labour standards employment undeveloped countries cheap labour flexible labour factories economic growth China comparative advantage government imposed working conditions Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress competition labour standards cheap employment trade expansion labour scarcity competitive impact Southeast Asia labour markets uneven labor revolution The Atlantic Eli Bildner Cai Fang Dewen Wang Rajah Rasiah Economic development labour standards developing countries race for development employment growth flexible labor multinational firms factory relocation cost of running factories government imposed standards Malaysia Chinese labor market trade expansion labor scarcity competition labor markets Southeast Asia labor revolution Atlantic Eli Bildner Rajah Rasiah Cai Fang Dewen Wang Universal standards labour business development developing countries economic growth priorities developed countries temporary push back standards level playing field precondition employment cheap labour factories China comparative advantage Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress competition labour standards employment costs multinational firms trade expansion labour scarcity job relocation uneven labor revolution economic precondition flexible labour trade impact Southeast Asia labour markets competitive impact universal standards labour business development developing countries economic growth prioritisation circumstances temporary measures level playing field precondition employment cheap labour flexible labour factories multinational firms cost government imposed standards Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress competition labour standards employment costs China trade expansion labour scarcity competitive impact Southeast Asia labour markets uneven labour revolution economic development labor standards developing countries race for development employment growth cheap labor flexible labor multinational firms factory relocation government imposed standards trade expansion labor scarcity competitive impact labor markets China Malaysia labor unions job migration cost of running factories trade competition labor revolution economic growth precondition for labor standards level playing field prioritization of development comparative advantage economic precondition employment creation labor conditions workforce regulations international trade global economy industrial development labor force market dynamics economic policies development priorities labor rights business standards economic strategies trade economic development labor standards developing countries race for development employment cheap labor flexible labor multinational firms comparative advantage government-imposed standards factory relocation labor markets competition trades union economic growth preconditions for labor standards level playing field undeveloped countries employment creation China's development Southeast Asia's labor markets Malaysia's economic challenges labor scarcity trade expansion job relocation labor revolution economic precondition prioritization of development temporary pushback of standards factory costs economic priorities labor flexibility employment standards economic circumstances development priorities international labor standards economic
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con02a	‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws mutual benefit negotiation academic-political interaction university state dynamics faculty opinions student fees academic political views institutional autonomy supermarket analogy legal compliance cultural adaptation Western student experience academic criticism state influence university funding mutual dependency institutional integrity academic responsibility societal role of universities university autonomy state-university relationship academic freedom political influence economic stability service provision funding student fees faculty opinions institutional rights corporate analogy legal compliance mutual benefit negotiation international education cultural sensitivity policy adaptation academic governance state policies academic responsibilities town and gown state-university relationship academic freedom political and economic stability service providers workforce training faculty opinions institutional rights local laws academic-political interaction university autonomy state benefits academic negotiation international student experience cultural adaptation institutional responsibilities academic-political balance university-stakeholder dynamics academic governance state-university collaboration academic-community relations political influence in academia university-state cooperation academic independence institutional autonomy academic-community tension higher education policy state-university partnership academic rights institutional benefits academic-political engagement university-community relations political neutrality in academia institutional separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws mutual benefits negotiation Western student experience academic and political views university state political views academic freedom service providers economic stability student experience legal framework institutional rights workforce training faculty opinions higher education government policies commercial analogy academic autonomy public institutions societal roles mutual benefits regulatory compliance international students cultural norms policy debate academic governance stakeholder relations educational policy societal impact public-private partnership institutional responsibilities academic integrity political neutrality corporate analogy public service institutional identity academic community societal contribution governance models institutional independence public good academic leadership policy implications state-university relationship academic mission university state political views academic freedom service providers funding student fees faculty opinions institutional rights local laws negotiation workforce training political and economic stability criticism of government supermarket analogy legal compliance academic-political relationship Western student experience cannabis laws Asian nations Tesco analogy economic investment mutual benefit separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability universities as service providers faculty political views institutional rights university-state negotiation local law adherence academic freedom corporate analogy service exchange workforce training university funding student fees academic-political interaction institutional autonomy legal compliance academic-community relations state-university partnership mutual benefit academic governance state intervention academic responsibility economic dependency institutional rights justification corporate rights comparison legal jurisdiction academic-community tension political neutrality institutional role state-university conflict academic engagement political involvement institutional identity academic-community impact Separation of town and gown state-university relations political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws negotiation Western student experience academic-political interface university-state dynamics faculty opinions student rights institutional autonomy corporate analogy legal compliance mutual benefit academic-political influence criticism of state methods academic-political engagement institutional roles societal contribution educational institutions governance academic-community relations town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers workforce training faculty opinions institutional rights local laws negotiation Western student experience academic autonomy state-university relationship mutual benefits academic freedom state regulations university funding student fees academic-political interplay institutional responsibilities public-private partnership academic governance state intervention educational policy academic-community relations university-state dynamics academic privileges state oversight academic responsibilities institutional autonomy public universities state-funded education academic-community collaboration academic-administrative tensions university-state cooperation academic-community dialogue higher education governance state-university relationship academic freedom political rights institutional autonomy economic stability service provision workforce training funding student fees faculty influence supermarket analogy legal compliance negotiation cultural context Western student experience cannabis laws Asian nations academic-political balance institutional rights public opinion Tesco analogy economic investment mutual benefit
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro03a	Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Tunisia tourism overseas competition Morocco Spain Turkey prices package tours air transportation Jasmine revolution Ben Ali Mediterranean Far East North America Australasia tourism crisis security issues overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism market competition policy price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey package tours air transportation Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali African Manager Al Monitor security issues Far East North America Australasia overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism market competition illogical policy price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali Far East North America Australasia African Manager Al Monitor security issues overseas competition Tunisia tourism international tourism market illogical policy price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey better air transportation Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali Far East North America Australasia African Manager Al Monitor tourism crisis security issues Tunisia tourism overseas competition international tourism market competition policy prices undercut Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation package tours Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali African Manager Al Monitor tourism crisis security issues Far East North America Australasia overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism market competition illogical policy price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey package tours air transportation Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali tourism crisis security issues African Manager Al Monitor overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism market competition policy undercut prices Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation links Jasmine revolution Ben Ali tourists Mediterranean Far East North America Australasia African Manager Al Monitor tourism crisis security issues Tunisia tourism overseas competition international tourism market competitiveness policy price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation Jasmine revolution Ben Ali tourist numbers Far East North America Australasia tourism industry security issues economic impact travel destinations Mediterranean policy implications industry challenges overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism market competition policy price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation links Jasmine revolution Ben Ali tourist numbers Far East North America Australasia African Manager Al Monitor tourism crisis security issues Tunisia tourism overseas competition international market illogical policy prices undercut Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation Jasmine revolution Ben Ali tourists African Manager Al Monitor Far East North America Australasia
test-education-egtuscpih-con04a	Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). online learning university community campus life extracurricular activities student societies sports clubs debating societies political groups philosophical clubs interest groups social development networking opportunities student connections personal growth social impact political activism student protests historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration personal development social connections career networking student activism historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising societal impact virtual learning limitations online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports clubs debating societies political groups philosophical discussions social connections personal development career networking historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising student engagement virtual learning limitations campus culture community building lifelong friendships professional growth civic participation social impact educational experience digital divide remote learning challenges traditional university benefits student well-being mental health social skills leadership opportunities cultural exchange diversity inclusivity campus traditions alumni networks academic community institutional identity student support systems online courses university life societal impact student engagement extracurricular activities social development networking opportunities political activism historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising virtual learning limitations community building holistic education student well-being social skills career preparation societal roles educational experience campus life online learning challenges personal growth social networks cultural participation student organizations debate clubs sports teams interest groups social capital student activism educational technology 远程学习 校园文化 社会互动 学生活动 社团组织 政治参与 历史学生 online courses university life student societies sports activities debating clubs political groups philosophical discussions interest groups talent exploration social connections career networking personal development social impact student activism historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising virtual learning limitations campus experience extracurricular activities community building social skills online education in-person interaction student well-being academic environment social engagement campus culture learning beyond the classroom student contribution to society online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration personal development social connections career networking historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising social development community engagement online learning limitations campus experience student life deprivation societal impact student activism educational experience university environment virtual learning drawbacks online courses university society student life extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups social connections personal development career opportunities historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising social actors online learning limitations virtual vs. in-person interaction campus experience community building networking opportunities academic environment mental health social skills cultural exchange student activism civic engagement educational impact societal impact student well-being virtual societies online communities hybrid learning models educational technology higher education trends student engagement campus culture online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration personal development social connections career networking historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising political activism social impact student experience online learning limitations community engagement campus culture in-person interaction educational environment social skills leadership development university traditions student well-being mental health social life academic life balance virtual alternatives hybrid models remote learning societal roles educational philosophy institutional values student identity campus online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration social connections career development online learning limitations student development societal impact student activism historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities social development networking talent exploration online learning limitations student engagement political activism historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising societal impact educational experience community building virtual learning challenges student life enrichment campus culture
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro01a	Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women backbone Africa agriculture GDP labor force potential profit innovation salaries land rights loans investment Food and Agriculture Organisation FAO resource access yields agricultural output hunger reduction economy growth female workers wasted potential resource efficiency women agriculture Africa economy labor force GDP inequality land rights loans investment productivity Food and Agriculture Organisation yields hunger resources growth small savings groups rural women gender equality food security women agriculture Africa labor force GDP economy potential innovation salaries land rights loans investment productivity Food and Agriculture Organisation access to resources yields agricultural output hunger recognition economic growth rural women gender equality food security Women agriculture Africa economic backbone labor force GDP potential innovation salaries land ownership loans investment productivity rights asset Food and Agriculture Organisation yields farm productivity agricultural output hunger reduction resources economic growth female workers gender equality food security Women agriculture Africa economic backbone GDP labor force gender inequality land ownership financial loans investment productivity food security FAO rural women gender equality economic potential salary disparity innovation sustainable development hunger reduction women agriculture Africa backbone GDP labor force economic potential inequality land rights loans investment productivity gender gap salaries Food and Agriculture Organisation resource access yields agricultural output hunger reduction economic growth worker recognition rural women savings groups role of women gender equality food security Women agriculture Africa backbone GDP labor force potential innovation salaries land ownership loans investment productivity Food and Agriculture Organisation FAO resource access yields economic growth gender equality food security hungry people rural women savings groups gender gap economic impact development inequality empowerment asset rights Women agriculture Africa GDP labor force economic potential land rights loans productivity Food and Agriculture Organisation gender equality food security yields farming investment rural women small savings groups economic growth wages innovation hunger reduction resource utilization ownership development underrepresentation workforce economic impact policy reform empowerment social change sustainable development gender gap rural development financial inclusion property rights agricultural output economic equity farming communities female entrepreneurs agricultural productivity resource access women's rights agricultural sector economic contribution gender disparities agricultural innovation economic women agriculture Africa labor force GDP economic backbone profit inequality innovation barriers lower salaries land ownership loan access investment limitations productivity increase food security gender equality resource access economic growth rural women small savings groups female workers potential realization women agriculture Africa backbone economy labor GDP potential profit innovation salaries land rights loans investment productivity food security gender equality rural women economic growth FAO Oppong-Ansah Mucavele
test-international-ehbfe-pro02a	A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. federal Europe cultural diversity member states individual citizens powerful state local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability international power economic power military power political power 450 million increased opportunities smaller state political process local traditions economic situations tyranny prevention willing obedience parliamentary democracy EU political institutions citizen connection social connections cultural connections sporting connections Federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture sovereignty political structures federal Europe cultural diversity member states advantageous citizens powerful state cultural respect local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability decision-making international economic power military power political power large state benefits smaller state benefits political process connection local traditions economic situations tyranny prevention law obedience parliamentary democracy European level EU political institutions social connections cultural connections sporting connections federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture threat conflict resolution sovereignty issues new political structures federal Europe cultural diversity member states individual citizens powerful state cultural respect local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability decision-making international power economic power military power political power opportunities work study checks and balances tyranny law obedience parliamentary democracy EU institutions political connection social connection cultural connection sporting connection federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture conflict resolution sovereignty political structures federal Europe cultural diversity member states individual citizens powerful state local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability international power economic power military power political power large state small state political process local traditions economic situations tyranny prevention law obedience parliamentary democracy European level political institutions international organization social connections cultural connections sporting connections single market regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture conflict resolution sovereignty issues new political structures federal Europe cultural diversity member states advantageous individual citizens powerful state local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability international economic power military power political power opportunities work study parliamentary democracy European level political institutions member state international organisation political connection social connections cultural connections sporting connections Federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture long-running conflicts sovereignty political structures federal Europe cultural diversity member states powerful state local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability international power economic power military power political power opportunities connection political process local cultural traditions responsiveness checks and balances tyranny willing obedience parliamentary democracy European level political institutions member state international organisation gap citizen political connection social connections cultural connections sporting connections single market Federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture conflicts sovereignty political structures federal Europe cultural diversity member states advantageous citizens powerful state cultural respect local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability decision-making international power economic power military power political power large state opportunities work study smaller state political process local traditions responsiveness economic situations physical situations checks balances tyranny willing obedience laws parliamentary democracy European level political institutions member state international organisation challenge connection citizen social connections cultural connections sporting connections single market Federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Cors Cultural diversity Federal Europe Subsidiarity International power Local traditions Economic benefits Military strength Political accountability Regional identities Parliamentary democracy Social connections Conflict resolution National states Dominant culture Sovereignty issues Citizen engagement Political institutions Economic opportunities Study opportunities Work opportunities Checks and balances Tyranny prevention European Union Single market Member states International organization Federalism Local responsiveness Political process Cultural respect Economic situations Physical situations Powerful state Smaller state advantages Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy federal Europe cultural diversity member states individual citizens powerful state local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability international economic power military power political power large state cheaply increased opportunities smaller state political process local cultural traditions economic situations physical situations checks and balances tyranny willing obedience parliamentary democracy European level EU political institutions international organisation gap between EU and citizen political connection social connections cultural connections sporting connections single market federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture federal Europe cultural diversity member states individual citizens powerful state cultural respect local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability decision-making international power economic power military power political power large state reduced costs increased opportunities work study local traditions regional identities political process connection to political process tyranny prevention willing obedience to laws parliamentary democracy European level political institutions social connections cultural connections sporting connections gap between EU and citizens federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro03a	Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. parents' choice educational values children's priorities legitimate values state's role individual child needs teaching styles parental knowledge school selection state provision non-mainstream education private sector educational innovation parental choice educational values individual priorities passing values state intervention personal values ideal life diverse teaching styles child individuality parental knowledge central government school selection non-mainstream education private sector educational innovation parental choice educational values individual priorities state regulation child development teaching methods educational innovation private sector non-mainstream education government intervention personalized learning parental rights child-centered education diverse schooling options educational freedom expanding parental freedom diverse educational values prioritizing parental choice individualized learning approaches government vs. parental knowledge tailored education non-mainstream schooling private sector education innovation state educational provision educational diversity parents' freedom values priorities legitimacy state intervention individual values ideal life children's individuality teaching styles parental knowledge central government school choice state provision non-mainstream learning private sector educational innovation personalized education parental choice educational values individual priorities government oversight child-rearing educational innovation non-mainstream learning private sector education teaching methods child development state-provided education parental rights educational freedom individualized learning school selection government vs parents educational diversity learning styles pedagogical approaches educational policy parents' freedom values priorities educational choice state intervention individual differences teaching styles parental knowledge non-mainstream education private sector educational innovation child development schooling options government policy learning styles parental choice diverse values individualized education state intervention child-centered learning educational freedom private education non-mainstream learning teaching styles government role parental knowledge educational innovation school selection personalized education diverse priorities child development educational policy parental rights learning styles educational diversity increasing parental choice diverse parental values passing values to children state role in education individual child needs parental knowledge of children non-mainstream education private sector innovation educational diversity tailored learning styles government education provision parental influence in education parental choice education values individual priorities child development educational freedom non-mainstream learning private sector innovation state provision teaching styles personalized education
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro04a	UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK EU disentangled foreign policy Ukraine migration buffer Brexit productive issues channel member affairs crises entangled stop opposite end policy issues UK EU disentangle foreign policy productivity Ukraine migration Brexit channel buffer non-member crises Europe international relations political independence sovereignty UK EU disentangled foreign policy productive issues Ukraine migration channel buffer UK disentanglement EU affairs leaving EU foreign policy issues productive issues EU foreign policy crises Ukraine crisis migration crisis UK membership migration control channel border EU buffer UK-EU relations UK EU disentangled foreign policy issues productive Ukraine migration buffer channel member crises entangled Brexit international relations European affairs policy focus geopolitical separation trade diplomacy UK EU disentangled foreign policy productive issues Ukraine migration buffer channel member affairs crises stopped opposite end politics international relations Brexit sovereignty control borders UK EU disentanglement foreign policy productive issues Ukraine migration non-member buffer channel crises EU affairs detachment policy issues international relations Brexit sovereignty control European Union Britain external affairs regional challenges geopolitical separation independence strategic interests European policy migrant flow border control Russian conflict Eastern Europe Western Europe political alignment economic impact diplomatic relations security concerns continental priorities national priorities European integration solidarity isolation partnership trade cooperation alliance diplomatic strategy geopolitical stability international community global involvement UK EU disentangled foreign policy productivity Ukraine migration channel buffer Brexit international relations European affairs policy issues membership benefits non-member advantages UK EU disentangled foreign policy Ukraine migration channel buffer Brexit productive issues entanglement member state policy crises European Union Britain international relations exit implications geopolitical impact UK EU affairs leaving EU foreign policy productivity Ukraine migration channel buffer disentanglement policy issues member state European Union international relations Brexit political disengagement regional crisis border control geopolitical impact
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro03a	Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation communities credit inequality oppressed recognition stereotypes reparations education curriculum accuracy black history African American local national global state led minorities international UN Declaration Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians compensation communities credit inequality oppressed recognition stereotypes reparations community benefit education curriculum black history African American figures state led reform minorities international level UN Declaration Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians compensation communities credit inequality oppression recognition stereotypes reparations education funding curriculum accuracy black history African American figures state led reform minorities international level UN Declaration Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians compensation communities credit inequality oppressed recognition reverse stereotypes reparations benefit community education struggles repressed fund efforts US Government Education State Boards robust curriculum accuracy black history African American figures local national global state led protect minorities Professor Matthew Rimmer Queensland University of Technology UN Declaration Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang complaints Indigenous Australians Compensation communities credit inequality oppressed recognition stereotypes reparations education curriculum black history African American figures state led minorities international level UN Declaration Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians Compensation communities credit inequality oppressed recognition reverse stereotypes reparations benefit education struggles repressed community fund efforts US Government Education State Boards curriculum accuracy black history African American figures local national global state led protect minorities Professor Matthew Rimmer Queensland University of Technology UN Declaration Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang complaints confusion Indigenous Australians compensation communities credit inequality oppression recognition stereotypes reparations education curriculum black history African American figures state-led reform minorities international level UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property cultural appropriation Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians Arielle Humphries Marbre Stahly-Butts Centre for Popular Democracy Queensland University of Technology Matthew Rimmer compensation communities credit inequality oppressed recognition stereotypes reparations education curriculum black history African American figures state-led reform minority protection UN Declaration Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians Compensation Communities Credit Inequality Oppression Recognition Stereotypes Reparations Education Curriculum Accuracy African American Figures History State Minorities International UN Declaration Indigenous Peoples Intellectual Property Chanel Boomerang Indigenous Australians Compensation Recognition Inequality Reparations Education Curriculum Black History State-led Reform Indigenous Intellectual Property UN Declaration Rights of Indigenous Peoples Chanel Boomerang Indigenous Australians Policy Equity Social Justice Cultural Appropriation Economic Justice Community Development Legal Rights Historical Accuracy Representation Global Impact Local Impact Education Reform Policy Implementation Intellectual Property Rights Minority Protection Human Rights Institutional Change Societal Transformation Community Empowerment Public Policy Cultural Heritage Economic Empowerment Social Change Education Policy Government Responsibility Cultural Respect Ethical Business
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con01a	Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma inflation unemployment poverty supplies healthcare food exit euro economic impact social impact political impact Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment supplies poverty euro exit economic consequences social impact international relations financial stability Greece default austerity crisis banking sector ECB liquidity bankruptcy savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment import costs shortages poverty government failure Viewpoints BBC News Carsten Brzeski Open Europe Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Michael Arghyrou Greece default crisis austerity banks bankruptcy ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation living costs unemployment poverty imports shortages government failure basic needs euro exit economic chaos financial instability economic sanctions political unrest international aid social welfare bailout economic recovery sustainable solutions international relations European Union financial markets investor confidence economic policy fiscal responsibility economic reforms public spending debt restructuring economic forecasts economic impact social impact humanitarian crisis Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment poverty basic needs euro exit Brzeski Ruparel Persson Arghyrou BBC News Open Europe Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment poverty essential goods government failure economic collapse euro exit short-term options European Central Bank currency devaluation imported goods living costs financial stability economic recovery policy options international aid social impact political instability Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment imports poverty government failure euro exit short-term options economic impact social consequences Greece default austerity crisis Greek banks ECB bankruptcy savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment poverty supplies healthcare food economy euro exit financial crisis public debt liquidity international creditors economic policy social impact political instability economic sanctions capital flight investment trade public services welfare debt restructuring economic recovery European Union Eurozone financial markets economic reforms policy makers global economy currency fiscal policy monetary policy economic indicators economic forecast financial regulation economic research economic analysis financial Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment supplies poverty euro exit default chaos Greece crisis austerity suffering least bad option Greek banking sector collapse bankruptcy ECB liquidity savings credit unemployment devaluation Drachma inflation living costs shortage oil medicine foodstuffs poor basic needs exit euro short-term options Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Michael Arghyrou Carsten Brzeski BBC News Open Europe
test-economy-beghwbh-pro02a	The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, Hyperloop cost construction pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost California high speed rail project cost SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Mary Slosson Reuters Hyperloop cost construction cheap build pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost passenger vehicle version California high speed rail project comparison SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Mary Slosson Reuters Hyperloop cheap cost-effective construction pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost California high speed rail project cost comparison transportation infrastructure SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Slosson Mary Reuters July 2012 August 2013 Hyperloop cost comparison high-speed rail construction costs Elon Musk SpaceX California transportation infrastructure Hyperloop Alpha pod costs tube costs pylon construction station costs vehicle accommodation project estimates public transit technological innovation economic feasibility future transportation rail project government spending infrastructure development transportation technology cost-effectiveness travel efficiency Hyperloop cost cheap construction pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost passenger vehicle California high speed rail project comparison SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Mary Slosson Reuters Hyperloop cost construction pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost passenger vehicle comparison California high speed rail project estimate SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Mary Slosson Reuters Hyperloop cost-effective construction pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost passenger vehicle California high speed rail project comparison SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Mary Slosson Reuters Hyperloop cost construction cheap pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost passenger version vehicle version California high speed rail comparison SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Mary Slosson Reuters infrastructure transportation technology innovation budget project estimation finance economics public works travel speed efficiency future development rail train Hyperloop system Hyperloop technology transportation costs alternative transport high-speed transportation cost-effective infrastructure projects government spending economic impact project financing cost analysis budgeting Hyperloop cost comparison high-speed rail construction costs California Elon Musk SpaceX transportation technology infrastructure pylons pressurised tube pods stations vehicle version passenger version project estimates budget transportation innovation future transit cost efficiency Hyperloop cost cheap construction pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost passenger vehicle California high speed rail project comparison SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Mary Slosson Reuters
test-economy-egppphbcb-con03a	Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis economic slowdown profit falls real estate investment inflated property prices credit lending housing loans financial crash economic stagnation overconsumption human needs profit-driven investment Marxist theory economic crisis causes credit crunch effects capitalist system instability socialist economy stability socialism capitalism free market credit bubbles financial crisis economic crisis real estate investment overconsumption profit-driven human needs economic stagnation credit crunch loans house prices bubble economy Marxist theory Michael Roberts In Defence of Marxism economic sectors slowdown inflation investment credit property values affordability payments economic survival non-existent money socialist system capitalist system crisis causation profit motivation human needs focus macroeconomics economic bubbles financial instability economic theory economic models economic policy financial regulation market economies planned economies economic socialism capitalism free market credit bubbles financial crisis economic crisis profit slowdown real estate investment housing bubble inflated property prices subprime loans credit crunch economic stagnation overconsumption human needs Marxist economics profit-driven economy financial instability economic security socialist economy capitalist system investment bubbles economic theory financial markets economic models economic policy financial regulation economic inequality economic growth macroeconomics microeconomics economic cycles recession depression financial sector banking system credit system economic stability risk management economic planning government intervention socialism capitalism free market credit bubbles financial crisis economic slowdown profit falls real estate investment property prices loans credit house values bubble economy financial collapse non-existent money overconsumption human needs profit-driven investments Marxist analysis economic stagnation Michael Roberts credit crunch financial sector economic sectors capitalist system socialist system economic security crisis triggers bubble burst economic theory financial instability economic models market failures systemic risks economic planning financial regulation economic bubbles speculative investments economic downturn financial recovery economic policies socialism vs socialism capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis capitalist system economic sectors profits real estate investment property prices loans credit financial crash economy stagnation overconsumption human needs Marxist analysis economic theory financial instability economic models market failures economic security investment bubbles housing market economic crises profit-driven economy credit expansion economic slowdown housing bubble financial systems economic planning socialist economy market economies financial regulation economic policy real estate bubble financial markets economic growth bubble economy economic stability credit markets financial sector economic theory socialism security capitalism free market credit bubbles financial crisis economic crisis profit falls real estate inflated investment property prices loans credit economic slowdown overconsumption human needs marxism credit crunch economic sectors stagnation profit-driven investment market bubbles financial instability socialist economy profit-focused capitalism economic bubbles investment bubbles financial sector economic theory marxist economics economic policy market failures property market economic downturn financial market economic cycles financial regulation debt recession economic planning socialist planning market economy economic theory Socialism Capitalism Free Market Credit Bubbles Financial Crisis Economic Slowdown Profit Falls Real Estate Bubble Inflated Investment Property Price Increase Loans Credit Housing Market Mortgage Default Economic Stagnation Overconsumption Human Needs Profit Motive Marxist Analysis Credit Crunch Economic Crisis Investment Fabrication Bubble Economy Financial Instability Economic Theory Market Fluctuations Socialism vs Capitalism Economic Security Systemic Risk Crisis Causation Property Market Housing Bubble Economic Models Financial System Economic Policy Macroeconomics Financial Socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis economic slowdown profit falls real estate investment inflation property prices loans credit financial instability overconsumption human needs economic crisis economic stagnation Marxist theory credit crunch economic sectors profit-driven system non-existent money socialist economy capitalist system failures inherent capitalist crises economic bubbles financial sector economic theory economic models economic policy economic planning economic security economic resilience economic stability economic inefficiency economic equity economic justice economic regulation market failures market dynamics market economics financial socialism capitalism free market credit bubbles financial crisis economic crisis profitability real estate housing market loans mortgage credit crunch overconsumption human needs profit motive economic stagnation Marxist economics credit expansion financial instability economic bubbles socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis economic crisis profit slowdown real estate inflation credit system housing market loan defaults economic stagnation overconsumption human needs marxism michael roberts credit crunch investment bubbles financial instability economic theories market failures socialist economy capitalist economy economic policy financial regulation credit expansion asset bubbles economic bubbles financial markets economic cycles housing bubble credit risk economic models financial crisis causes economic analysis macroeconomics financial management economic security systemic risks economic crashes economic growth
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con02a	The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, Neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas abandoned theory interdependence theories international relations economic realm high politics empty chair crisis Eurocentric nature pluralist political environment partial theory integration European integration supplanting theories Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen re-appraisal new dynamism EC European Political Theories Neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas abandoned theory interdependence theories international relations economic realm high politics empty chair crisis Eurocentric nature complex web of actors pluralist political environment partial theory integration European political theories Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen Paul Rosamond Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Theory abandonment Interdependence theories International relations Economic realm High politics Empty chair crisis Eurocentric Integration Pluralist political environment Partial theory Supplementary theories European integration Complex web of actors Interest pursuit Post-abandonment relevance Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen Neo-functionalism reappraisal New dynamism of the EC European Political Theories Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandoned Theory Interdependence Theories Economic Success High Politics Failure Empty Chair Crisis Eurocentric Nature Pluralist Political Environment Partial Theory Supplemented Theories European Integration Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen Paul Rosamond Millennium Journal European Political Theories Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandoned Theory Mid-1970s General Interdependence Theories International Relations Economic Realm High Politics Empty Chair Crisis Eurocentric Nature Complex Web of Actors Pluralist Political Environment Partial Theory Supplanting Theories Relevance Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen New Dynamism EC European Political Theories Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandoned Theory Interdependence Theories International Relations Economic Realm High Politics Empty Chair Crisis Eurocentric Integration Process Complex Web of Actors Pluralist Political Environment Partial Theory Supplanting Theories New Dynamism of the EC Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen European Political Theories Reappraisal Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandoned theory Interdependence theories Economic success High politics fiasco Empty chair crisis Eurocentric Integration process Pluralist political environment Partial theory Supplemented theories Reappraisal New dynamism EC European political theories Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Theory abandonment Interdependence theories Economic success High politics fiasco Empty chair crisis Eurocentric nature Complex web of actors Pluralist political environment Partial theory Supplementary theories European integration International relations Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen Reappraisal New dynamism EC European Political Theories Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandoned Theory Tranholm-Mikkelsen Mid-1970s General Interdependence Theories International Relations Economic Success High Politics Fiasco Empty Chair Crisis Eurocentric Nature Rosamond Pluralist Political Environment Partial Theory Supplanting Theories EC Dynamism European Political Theories Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandoned theory Tranholm-Mikkelsen Interdependence theories International relations Economic success High politics Eurocentric Complex web Actors Pluralist political environment Partial theory Supplanting theories Integration process European integration Empty chair crisis Reappraisal EC dynamics Political theories Neo-functionalism limitations
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con03a	Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, economic growth development developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid ratification Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China international labour standards World Bank ILO national interest donor whims labour standards educated labour force infant industry promotion historical perspective development theory twenty-first century development economic growth developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid ratify higher standards Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China international labour standards World Bank ILO free trade national interest labour standards educated labour force infant industry promotion historical perspective development theory twenty-first century Ha-Joon Chang development economic growth developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid ratify pressure Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China developmental policies international labour standards World Bank ILO national interest donor whims economic success labour standards infant industry promotion historical perspective Chang Ha-Joon development economic growth developing nations sovereign rights self-determination international standards aid Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan China national interest labour standards World Bank ILO infant industry promotion historical perspective twenty-first century development economic growth developing nation sovereignty self-determination international standards aid Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan China developmental policies international labour standards World Bank ILO national interest labour standards education infant industry promotion historical perspective development economic growth developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China international labour standards World Bank ILO national interest labour standards infant industry promotion historical perspective Chang Ha-Joon development economic growth developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan China developmental policies success story national interest donor whims World Bank ILO labour standards educated labour force Ha-Joon Chang infant industry promotion historical perspective development economic growth developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid ratification Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China international labour standards World Bank ILO national interest donor whims labour standards educated labour force infant industry promotion historical perspective development theory development economic growth developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid ratify higher standards Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan China international labour standards World Bank ILO national interest donor whims labour standards educated labour force infant industry promotion historical perspective economic growth development developing nation sovereign decision international standards self-determination aid international pressure Asian tigers developmental policies national interest labour standards free trade World Bank ILO Ha-Joon Chang infant industry historical perspective
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro01a	CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP costly unfair industries European Union budget subsidies workforce GDP economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive slimmed down jobs CAP costly unfair European Union budget subsidies industry workforce GDP economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive jobs The Economist Milking the budget Europe’s farm follies CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU budget agricultural subsidies economic growth GDP workforce industry support farmer income European Union coal industry iron industry subsidies uncompetitive industries job preservation economic policies fiscal allocation agricultural sector economic impact budget efficiency CAP European Union budget subsidies agriculture workforce GDP economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron industry uncompetitive slimmed down jobs Charlemagne The Economist farm follies costly unfair potential industries slugglish growth privileges milking the budget CAP costly unfair European Union budget subsidies industry workforce GDP economic growth potential industries farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive jobs Charlemagne The Economist farm follies CAP costly unfair industries European Union budget subsidies workforce GDP economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive jobs Charlemagne The Economist Europe's farm follies Milking the budget CAP European Union budget subsidies agriculture GDP workforce economic growth farmer income coal iron industry uncompetitive job savings budget allocation policy effectiveness economic potential sector comparison agricultural support economic policy fiscal management industrial subsidies budget priorities economic impact EU spending farm subsidies economic efficiency European farmers pre-tax income economic competitiveness industry support budget distribution job creation economic development resource allocation financial support economic privilege sectoral comparison budget optimization economic benefit policy analysis economic reform budget utilization industrial support policies agricultural sector CAP costly unfair European Union budget subsidies industry workforce GDP economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive subsidies degree jobs CAP costly unfair European Union budget subsidies industry workforce GDP economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive jobs milk budget farm follies CAP European Union budget subsidies agriculture GDP workforce economic growth farm subsidies coal and iron industry uncompetitive industries financial allocation economic policy farm income pre-tax income EU budget distribution industrial support economic efficiency subsidy reform
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro02a	Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. hate speech enforcement laws complexity censorship written word Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials legal standards cultural changes taboos society stability prosecution defamatory propagation lies social isolation vulnerable minorities violence prejudice gangsta rap hip hop legal responses violent lyrics African-American Latin-American communities social division criminality trust cohesion defamatory image minority communities authenticity classification liberal democracies racial hatred religious hatred hate speech enforcement laws censorship Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials legal standards cultural changes taboos stable society individual consent violence prejudice vulnerability defaming lies half-truths social isolation gangsta rap legal response hip hop harms African-American Latin-American neighborhoods social division criminality trust cohesion defamatory authenticity liberal democracies racial hatred religious hatred adjudication speech hip hop music identical harms hate speech enforcement laws censorship obscenity liberty publication standards taboos stable society prosecutions harm intrusion vulnerable minorities violence prejudice defamatory lies half-truths social isolation gangsta rap legal responses hip hop taboos breaking expression racial hatred social division criminality trust cohesion minority communities authenticity classification liberal democracies adjudication identical harms hate speech law enforcement censorship written word obscenity trials legal standards cultural changes social stability taboos individual consent violence prejudice defamatory practices half-truths social isolation gangsta rap hip hop racial hatred community trust legal responses violent lyrics social division criminality community cohesion defamation minority communities authenticity classification adjudication free speech racial hatred religious hatred hate speech enforcement laws censorship written word Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials liberalisation publication standards standards taboos stable society hate speech prosecution intrusion consent harmful recreate atmosphere vulnerable minorities violence prejudice gangsta rap legal responses songs lyrics race riots defamatory lies half-truths social isolation hip hop harms African-American Latin-American neighbourhoods social division criminality trust cohesion defamation classification liberal democracies racial hatred religious hatred identical harms hate speech law enforcement censorship legal standards societal taboos societal stability harmful speech defamatory content social isolation racial hatred hip hop gangsta rap violence minority communities lawlessness criminality trust cohesion authenticity free speech legal adjudication Timothy Garton Ash Jeremy Waldron hate speech enforcement laws censorship Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials prosecution print standards taboos stability society intrusion non-consent Jeremy Waldron Timothy Garton Ash race riots vulnerable minorities violence prejudice defamation lies social isolation gangsta rap legal responses hip hop harm african-american latin-american neighborhoods violence lawlessness social division criminality trust cohesion defamatory authenticity liberal democracies racial hatred religious hatred content assessment censorship hate speech enforcement laws complexity censorship written word England Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials prosecution print legal standards taboos societal stability harmful speech intrusion individual consent race riots defamatory social isolation gangsta rap legal response publication songs violent lyrics African-American Latin-American neighbourhoods social division community cohesion criminality fear authenticity classification liberal democracies racial hatred religious hatred identical harms hate speech enforcement laws censorship written word Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials publication standards legal and cultural changes taboos stable society prosecution harmful intrude unconsented race riots vulnerable minorities violence prejudice gangsta rap legal responses hip hop harms defamatory social isolation African-American Latin-American neighbourhoods social division criminality fear trust cohesion violence poverty nihilism liberal democracies racial religious hatred adjudicate speech identical harms hate speech enforcement laws complexity difficulty censorship written word Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials liberalisation publication standards state prosecution taboos stable society power intrusion consent minorities violence prejudice defamatory social isolation gangsta rap legal responses hip hop harms African-American Latin-American neighbourhoods social division fear criminality trust cohesion defamatory images authenticity liberal democracies adjudication racial religious hatred identical harms
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con01a	Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders daily use social networks health effects Laura Donnelly The Telegraph The Economist BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization anxiety depression psychological disorders social networking behavior change negative impact health children study poll statistics daily use social media mental health emotional well-being Facebook life satisfaction teenagers online socialization envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social networks health children study statistics BBC News The Economist The Telegraph American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socializing negative impact behavior change anxiety depression psychological disorders social networks daily use health effects The Economist The Telegraph BBC News American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socializing behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social networking sites health children daily use social media Laura Donnelly The Telegraph The Economist BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socializing behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social networks daily use health effects children social media Laura Donnelly The Telegraph BBC News American Psychological Association Larry Rose Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization mental health anxiety depression psychological disorders social networking sites behavior change negative impact study findings Laura Donnelly The Telegraph The Economist BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization detrimental teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social networks health children Laura Donnelly The Telegraph BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association The Economist Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization social networking sites behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social media mental health peer comparison achievements photographs comments user experience daily use health effects study findings poll results media reports psychological research social impacts technology effects youth wellness digital wellness Facebook life satisfaction teenagers online socialization envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social networks daily use health effects children social media mental health studies research Poll statistics BBC News The Economist The Telegraph American Psychological Association Larry Rose Laura Donnelly
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con03a	Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. profiling terrorism Muslims ethnic groups prejudice plane security box-cutter duty free flammable alcohol air marshals institutionalised prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation ineffectual exacerbate profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter air marshals institutionalised discrimination radicalisation young people ineffectual strategies terrorist propaganda profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter air marshals institutionalised prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation young people ineffective policing security measures flight safety profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims marginalised ethnic groups plane security box-cutter duty free flammable alcohol air marshals armed police institutionalised prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation ineffectual security measures exacerbation profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter duty free air marshals institutionalised bias radicalisation young people ineffectual exacerbate profiling exacerbates terrorism reinforces perception Muslims marginalised ethnic groups prejudice plane held up box-cutter broken glass bottle duty free flammable alcohol increased air marshals armed plainclothes police officers travel secretly flights desperate tactics ineffectual institutionalising assumption adds legitimacy terrorist propaganda radicalise curious confused young people ineffectual exacerbate situation terrorism profiling prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter duty free air marshals institutionalised prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation young people ineffectual tactics exacerbation profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims marginalised ethnic groups plane security box-cutter duty free flammable alcohol air marshals armed police institutionalised bias terrorist propaganda radicalisation young people ineffectual tactics exacerbation security measures public perception counter-terrorism strategies terrorism profiling prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter air marshals institutionalised prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation ineffectual tactics profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter air marshals institutionalised prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation young people ineffectual exacerbate
test-international-aghwrem-con03a	Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news Myanmar military junta civilian government re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections pro-democracy supporters sanctions political influence constitutional process nominal change international political arena Burma re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice legitimate democratic elections pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence international political arena Burma sanctions pro-democracy movement Myanmar politics re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news Ma Thanegi re-engagement reform movement military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections international pressure domestic pressure pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions Ma Thanegi BBC news re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions Ma Thanegi BBC news March 2002 re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con02a	There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation-specific problems diverse global economy donors development people out of subsistence farming individualised standards implementing better raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards diverse global economy development donors significant improvement one size fits all individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific problems no to low labour standards significant improvement subsistence farming alternative one size fits all diverse global economy donors development benefits individualised standards implementing better raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions developing economies subsistence farming labour standards situation specific problems no to low labour standards significant improvement subsistence farming one size fits all diverse global economy donors helping development bring people out of subsistence farming individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific problems no to low labour standards significant improvement subsistence farming diverse global economy donors development bring people out of subsistence farming individualised standards implementing better raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions developing economies subsistence farming labour standards specific problems low labour standards significant improvement subsistence farming alternative diverse global economy donors development bring people out of subsistence farming individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific diverse global economy donors development subsistence farming individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment workforce legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific problems no to low labour standards significant improvement subsistence farming one size fits all diverse global economy donors benefits development bring people out of subsistence farming individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific problems no to low labour standards significant improvement diverse global economy donors development subsistence farming individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions developing economies subsistence farming labour standards situation specific problems low labour standards significant improvement subsistence farming one size fits all diverse global economy donors development bring people out of subsistence farming
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con01a	In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, official language English Hispanic immigrants historical context American politics German immigrants World War I linguistic groups Spanish speakers alienation assimilation bullying discrimination English Only Movement Mass. English Plus English official language Hispanic immigrants American body politic threatened elements First World War German immigrants resentment non-English linguistic group lobbying groups National Language legislation Hispanic population alienation assimilation government arguments stigmatization Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English language proficiency English official language Hispanic immigrants American politics German immigrants First World War National Language lobbying groups Hispanic population assimilation Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Only Movement official language Hispanic immigrants American body politic threatened First World War German immigrants present movement non-English linguistic group lobbying groups National Language Hispanic population alienation assimilation stigmatizes Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Plus English official language Hispanic immigrants American body politic German immigrants First World War National Language legislation Hispanic population assimilation Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Only Movement English official language Hispanic immigrants American body politic threatened First World War German immigrants resentment non-English linguistic group National Language lobbying legislative targets Hispanic alienation assimilation stigmatization Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Only Movement Official language English Hispanic immigrants American body politic German immigrants First World War linguistic group National Language legislation Hispanic population assimilation Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Only Movement FAQ File Mass. English Plus English official language Hispanic immigrants American politics German immigrants First World War National Language legislation Hispanic population assimilation Spanish speakers bullying discrimination Hispanic immigrants English official language American body politic threatened elements German immigrants First World War linguistic group non-English speakers lobbying groups National Language legislation targets alienation Hispanic population assimilation stigmatization Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Only Movement Mass. English Plus English official language Hispanic immigrants American body politic German immigrants First World War linguistic group National Language legislation Hispanic population assimilation Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Only Movement
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro05a	Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, organ donation awareness campaigns donor cards media influence transplant statistics waiting lists NHS Choices Deutsche Welle voluntary donations life-saving surgeries public education health policy medical ethics donation rates Germany UK organ donation awareness campaigns donor registration transplant waiting lists public health initiatives medical ethics altruism end-of-life decisions donor card sign-ups media influence healthcare policy organ shortage transplant statistics donor consent family involvement organ donation rates international comparison health education donation advocacy legislative support organ donation awareness campaigns donor registration transplant waiting lists voluntary donations media influence public education health policy medical ethics donor card life-saving transplants organ shortage international comparisons donor consent end-of-life decisions altruism health statistics medical needs awareness increase donation rates organ donation awareness increase in donations global need for donors UK transplant statistics Germany donation statistics waiting list for transplants media influence on donations voluntary organ donation signing up as donors saving lives through donation impact of awareness campaigns organ donation cards reducing waiting times ethical aspects of donation family consent in donation public health initiatives government policies on donation organ allocation systems cross-border organ sharing shortage of organs donation after death increasing donor rates public education on organ donation media portrayal of donors emotional impact of donation stories psychological aspects of donation decision long-term effects of awareness organ donation donor awareness transplant statistics UK healthcare German healthcare donor shortage media influence end-of-life decisions voluntary donations organ availability saving lives donor registration heart-breaking stories public awareness campaigns healthcare policies medical ethics organ transplantation donor consent waiting list health advocacy organ donation awareness campaigns donor registration transplant waiting lists media influence altruistic donations public health initiatives medical ethics end-of-life decisions global health disparities organ donation awareness donors transplants waiting list NHS Germany sacrifice media heart-breaking stories donor cards voluntary donations naturally donated organs lives saved organ donation awareness campaigns media coverage donor registration transplant statistics waiting lists public education altruism healthcare policy informed consent organ donation awareness transplant waiting list UK Germany media impact donor cards life-saving sacrifice healthcare statistics transplant rates public education medical ethics donor registration DonateLife grim statistics organ shortage altruism health policy organ donation awareness transplant waiting list NHS Germany voluntary donations donor cards media impact life-saving sacrifice relatives healthcare statistics medical ethics public health campaigns organ procurement donor registration donation rates global organ shortage health policy
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro03a	Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. China Taiwan population recognition São Tomé East Asia democratic path PRC humanity imbalance peace states justice African country will 1.3 billion 23 million Taiwan PRC China São Tomé African country population recognition democratic path peace East Asia 1.3 billion 23 million justice international relations state recognition global population imbalance humanity China Taiwan PRC population recognition São Tomé democratic path East Asia peace imbalance humanity justice states transfer recognition small country African country 1.3 billion 23 million should not ignore will of 1.3billion small African country one sixth world population recognise 23million imbalance population democratic path greater population states recognised Taiwan transfer recognition PRC Taiwan return China São Tomé peace East Asia democratic path population imbalance small countries Taiwan recognition PRC São Tomé East Asia peace 1.3 billion 23 million international relations political recognition democratic representation global population small nation influence Taiwan-China relations state recognition world population democratic decision-making regional stability international justice China PRC Taiwan São Tomé population recognition democratic path peace East Asia African country humanity imbalance states justice democratic path population imbalance small African country 1.3 billion São Tomé recognition transfer PRC Taiwan peace in East Asia unjust tiny country 23 million population majority international recognition China reunification China population recognition Taiwan São Tomé democracy East Asia peace PRC world's population small African country international relations diplomatic recognition humanitarian justice global imbalance state recognition returning to China democratic representation population imbalance international recognition small countries recognition transfer Taiwan PRC São Tomé East Asia peace global justice majority rule diplomatic relations Taiwan PRC China recognition São Tomé population democracy East Asia peace international relations small countries justice humanity imbalance states global politics sovereignty diplomatic relations
test-international-epvhwhranet-con01a	Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. referendum popular vote treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress majority voting significance less significant changes significant changes popular vote treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress popular voting referendum less significant treaties significant changes popular vote treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress majority voting referendum less significant treaties significant changes popular vote past treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy majority voting progress less significant treaties referendum popular vote treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress referendum less significant treaties majority voting significant changes popular vote treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress popular voting referendum less significance significant changes popular vote treaties far-reaching consequences ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy majority voting progress referendum less significance significant changes popular vote treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress popular voting referendum less significant treaties popular vote ruling parliaments treaties EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy referendums political progress democratic decision-making historical context Single Market Maastricht Treaty 1986 Act 1996 Treaty significant changes political significance majority voting democratic process European Union legislative authority public opinion political reform governance constitutional changes democratic engagement popular vote treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress referendum less significant treaties
test-international-iighbopcc-pro03a	It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, climate change global warming 2 degrees Celsius temperature limits Paris Agreement 2.7 degrees 3.5 degrees emission cuts ambitious targets binding commitments backsliding UNFCCC Nick Nuttall Joe Romm thinkprogress.org media confusion climate policies environmental agreements international climate action climate change global warming temperature targets 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius Paris Agreement climate agreements ambitious targets binding commitments backsliding UNFCCC Nick Nuttall Joe Romm thinkprogress.org media confusion climate action emissions cuts post-2030 goals climate change global warming temperature increase 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees 3.5 degrees Paris Agreement carbon emissions binding cuts ambition backsliding UNFCCC Nick Nuttall Joe Romm thinkprogress.org media confusion climate talks commitments deeper cuts 2030 targets environmental policy international agreements greenhouse gases climate action global response temperature limit climate science policy-making environmental advocacy public awareness climate negotiations COP21 climate goals carbon reduction sustainability ecological impact future projections climate climate change global warming Paris Agreement 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius temperature limits carbon emissions environmental policy international agreements UNFCCC Nick Nuttall Joe Romm thinkprogress.org binding cuts ambition level climate targets backsliding media confusion Paris climate talks climate change global warming temperature increase 2 degrees Celsius Paris Agreement commitments 2030 3.5 degrees cuts ambition UNFCCC media Paris Climate Talks Nick Nuttall Joe Romm too late half measures two degrees Celsius safe level climate agreements temperature increase commitments deeper cuts 2030 3.5 degrees rise ambitious goals binding cuts prevent backsliding UNFCCC Paris Climate Talks media confusion Nick Nuttall Joe Romm climate change global warming temperature increase 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius Paris Agreement UNFCCC climate agreements emissions reductions ambitious targets binding cuts backsliding climate policies environmental targets international climate negotiations global climate action Nick Nuttall Joe Romm thinkprogress.org UNFCCC Press Office climate change global warming Paris agreement 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius temperature rise emissions reductions climate targets UNFCCC media confusion climate ambition binding cuts backsliding climate commitments post-2030 actions international climate policy climate change global warming temperature rise 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius Paris Agreement UNFCCC binding cuts ambition commitments backsliding media confusion Nick Nuttall Joe Romm climate change global warming Paris Agreement 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius temperature rise carbon emissions ambitious targets binding cuts backsliding UNFCCC thinkprogress.org Nick Nuttall Joe Romm
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro04a	Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust denial hate speech pornography causality physical acts rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism Jewish conspiracy anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Holocaust denial speech acts causality pornography hate speech political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate conspiracy theories Jewish conspiracy Nazi propaganda Holocaust revisionism free speech ethical implications historical revisionism denialism extremist ideologies social impact legal perspectives moral responsibility hate groups white supremacy propaganda misinformation denial genocide war crimes human rights violations historical accuracy critical thinking media literacy public discourse truth Holocaust denial speech acts physical acts pornography hate speech political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism Jewish conspiracy anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Holocaust denial speech acts physical acts pornography hate speech political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism Jewish conspiracy anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Holocaust denial hate speech causation pornography rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Holocaust denial hate speech causal links pornography hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism Jewish conspiracy anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Holocaust denial speech acts causality pornography hate speech political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Holocaust denial hate speech causality pornography rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Holocaust denial hate speech causal link physical acts pornography hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism Jewish conspiracy anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Holocaust denial hate speech pornography political polemic causality rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Jewish conspiracy Nazi atrocities free speech ethical implications historical revisionism
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro03a	Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons international power agenda-setting United Nations Security Council nuclear proliferation global fairness military capacity non-proliferation treaties crisis bargaining nuclear balance state sovereignty international relations security studies defense policy world order post-World War II historical context international forums military defense state interactions international clout permanent membership nuclear club smaller nations nuclear arms crisis management international security balance of power nuclear deterrence state equality global governance disarmament geopolitical influence international justice power dynamics strategic studies nuclear ethics international law security nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers World War II nuclear proliferation non-proliferation agreements international clout military capacity global fairness crisis bargaining nuclear balance Betts Fearon international order state interactions conventional militaries self-defense world stage international playing field equal treatment congress of nations nuclear weapons international influence agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers global imbalance military capacity international relations post-World War II non-proliferation fairness crisis bargaining nuclear balance defense capabilities world order equal treatment international stage global security state interactions nuclear club small nations historical context international forums 永久会员国 核扩散 国际公平 危机信号 核威慑 军事平衡 国际事务 全球治理 核裁军 国际法 世界舞台 国家权利 国防 国际竞争 核武器开发 国际秩序 nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers post-World War II non-proliferation agreements world order fairness military capacity crisis bargaining nuclear balance international clout defense capabilities equal treatment nuclear club global security international relations state interactions historical context nuclear proliferation disarmament international forums permanent membership military dominance state sovereignty global power dynamics nuclear deterrence international justice conventional militaries 中小型国家 historical anachronism nuclear rights international norms power imbalance global governance international law nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers World War II military capacity international clout world order post-World War II era non-proliferation agreements nuclear club fairness international playing field crisis bargaining nuclear balance nuclear blackmail conventional militaries inferior status global equality Nuclear weapons state power international stage United Nations Security Council nuclear powers World War II international clout military capacity world order historical anachronism post-war era non-proliferation agreements nuclear club international fairness equal treatment crisis bargaining nuclear balance nuclear blackmail defense capabilities global inequality international relations security studies nuclear policy state rights nuclear disarmament global security international justice nuclear proliferation state interactions military deterrence international forums agenda-setting global politics nuclear ethics international law diplomatic relations strategic stability Nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers World War II non-proliferation agreements global fairness military capacity international clout defense capabilities state interactions world order historical anachronism crisis bargaining nuclear balance Betts Fearon equality international relations disarmament proliferation state sovereignty security studies Nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power permanent membership United Nations Security Council nuclear powers World War II non-proliferation agreements fairness military capacity international clout crisis bargaining nuclear balance signaling balance of power inferior status world order historical anachronism equal treatment crisis bargaining model nuclear blackmail nuclear balance defense capabilities global equity arms control nuclear proliferation international forums state interactions international order post-war era military defense non-proliferation nuclear club global security international relations state sovereignty military strength nuclear weapons international agenda-setting UN Security Council nuclear proliferation global power dynamics military capacity international clout world order post-World War II non-proliferation agreements nuclear disarmament international fairness defensive capability crisis bargaining nuclear balance state sovereignty global security international relations nuclear deterrence strategic stability nuclear weapons international power agenda-setting United Nations Security Council nuclear proliferation post-World War II non-proliferation agreements global equity military capacity state interactions international clout nuclear club crisis bargaining nuclear balance disarmament security studies international relations global politics military strategies defense policies
test-economy-bepighbdb-con03a	Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime economic development economic policy China free market government form dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 economic miracle Franco isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI economic growth international economy market openness political regime economic development China economic policies free market government forms South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spain Franco economic miracle isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI economic growth political systems market policies dictatorship democracy political regime economic development economic policy China free market government form dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain economic miracle Franco economic isolation EU membership World Bank GNI data political regime development impact economic policy China free market government form dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy economic takeoff democratization GNI per capita Spain economic growth 1950-2000 1960s economic miracle Franco regime international economy isolationist policies EU membership economic growth political systems free market economic policy China South Korea Spain autocracy democracy GNI per capita EU membership Franco regime 1960s economic miracle isolationist policies international economy World Bank data development impact political regime influence economic takeoff market policies dictatorship government forms economic success growth dividends economic openness civil war economic miracles post-authoritarian growth development economics governance impact policy effects international trade economic reforms economic miracles historical economic analysis political economy cross-country comparison economic development models economic political regime development impact economic policy China free market government form dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 period 1960s economic miracle Franco regime isolationist policies EU membership economic growth World Bank GNI data Political regime economic development economic policy China free market government form dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 Franco isolationist policy EU membership World Bank GNI data political regime economic development China economic policies free market government forms dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 period 1960s economic miracle Francisco Franco international economy isolationist policies EU membership economic growth political regime economic development China's economic policies free market policy government forms South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spanish economic growth Franco regime 1960s economic miracle isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI per capita data economic policy development free market political system dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spain Franco 1960s economic miracle EU membership World Bank GNI economic growth political regime impact on development international economy isolationist policies free market policy form of government economic success economic miracles political changes economic factors governance economic liberalization international trade economic performance political stability economic reforms economic indicators global economy policy effectiveness institutional quality political transition economic theory historical context economic
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con02a	Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. moral absolute right to use social move healthy thirty year olds emergency rooms suicide right to die equality universal right arbitrary line poverty grief addiction cancer cure slippery slope legislation court cases moral absolute social move healthy thirty year olds emergency rooms suicide right to die universal right arbitrary line slippery slope court cases legislation ethics euthanasia assisted suicide mental health societal norms legal boundaries medical ethics human rights moral absolutes right to use standardized practice social changes suicide rights ethical dilemmas medical assistance equality in death universal right to die slippery slope legal inconsistencies legislative intentions court challenges moral reasoning societal rejection arbitrary boundaries ethical arguments health crises terminal illness compassionate care legal progression moral relativism life value human rights public policy bioethics legislative ethics judicial interpretation moral philosophy end-of-life decisions quality of life personal autonomy societal norms medical ethics legal ethics suicide prevention healthcare law moral psychology public health moral absolutes right to use standardized practices social movements healthy adults emergency rooms suicide prevention relationship breakups job loss suicide rights medical assistance painless procedures equality in death universal access arbitrary lines societal rejection slippery slope legislative intentions court challenges moral absolutes right to use standardized practices social movements healthy adults emergency rooms suicide societal norms equality medical procedures painless death teen suicide addiction poverty grief slippery slope legislation court cases universal rights arbitrary lines moral absolutes right to use social movement healthy individuals emergency rooms suicide social equality medically assisted suicide painless procedure equality of approach universal right to die societal rejection arbitrary line slippery slope court cases initial legislation gradual descent legislators' intentions moral absolutes right to use standardization social movement healthy adults emergency rooms suicide relationships job loss proposition suicide rights incapability procedural surety medical painlessness equality universal right to die societal rejection arbitrary lines poverty grief addiction cure for cancer consistency universal ban universal acceptance legislative intentions court cases slippery slope moral absolute right to use standardised social move healthy thirty year olds emergency rooms end life broken up sacked suicide incapable perform act medically painless equality universal right to die arbitrary line poverty grief addiction cancer cure consistent argument universal ban universal acceptance slippery slope legislators court cases moral absolute right to use social move healthy thirty year olds emergency rooms suicide equality of approach right to die universal right arbitrary line gradual descent initial legislation court cases moral absolute right to use standardisation social move healthy thirty year olds emergency rooms suicide right to die equality arbitrary line contradictions universal ban universal acceptance slippery slope court cases legislators
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro02a	Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, cultural appropriation stolen intellectual property global intellectual property laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo tribe names designs culture compensation systematic inequalities justice reparations monetary case studies retail store Urban Outfitters cease and desist legal notice products recall damages community outrage cultural property theft legal opportunity democracy equal before law recognition misuse cultural practices historic meaning traditions theories global culture cultural appropriation stolen intellectual property global intellectual property laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs cultural property minority communities Native American Navajo tribe names designs culture compensation systematic inequalities justice reparations monetary case studies Urban Outfitters cease and desist court products community copyrighted opportunity democracy equal before the law cultural practices historic meaning long standing traditions global culture cultural appropriation intellectual property global intellectual property laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo tribe names designs culture stolen misused compensation systematic inequalities justice reparations case studies Urban Outfitters cease and desist monetary reparations damage community copyrighted exploited democracy equal before the law cultural practices historic meaning importance long standing traditions global culture trademark infringement cultural appropriation intellectual property global laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo tribe names designs culture stolen misuse compensation systematic inequalities justice reparations monetary case studies retail Urban Outfitters cease and desist court products underwear dresses hipflasks outrage community legal copyright opportunity democracy recognition cultural practices historic meaning importance traditions theories global culture Shane Schutte 6 famous copyright cases Stephanie Siek trademark infringement Maisha J Cultural appropriation intellectual property copyright patent cultural property minority communities Native American Navajo trademark compensation reparations systematic inequalities democracy legal recognition cultural practices global culture trademark infringement retail Urban Outfitters consent misuse community tradition historic meaning Shane Schutte Stephanie Siek Maisha J. Johnson realbusiness CNN everydayfeminism cultural appropriation stolen intellectual property global intellectual property laws minority communities Navajo tribe cultural property reparations monetary compensation cultural property theft copyright trademark infringement cultural practices democracy legal recognition misused culture systematic inequalities justice Urban Outfitters legal cases cultural respect global culture long-standing traditions cultural harm intellectual property template widened remit cultural symbols community outrage legal lawsuits cultural misuse cultural theft legal protection cultural recognition cultural exploitation reparative justice cultural symbols protection cultural heritage legal rights intellectual property rights cultural equity cultural appropriation stolen intellectual property global intellectual property laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo tribe names designs culture stolen misused compensation systematic inequalities justice minority cultures reparations monetary case studies Urban Outfitters cease and desist court products underwear dresses hipflasks outcome copyrighted legal opportunity democracy equal before the law recognition misuse cultural practices historic meaning importance long standing traditions theories practices global culture emerging cultural appropriation intellectual property global IP laws minority communities Native American Navajo cultural property systematic inequalities reparations copyrighted names trademark infringement democracy cultural practices recognition misuse historic meaning global culture urban outfitters lawsuit monetary compensation Shane Schutte Stephanie Siek Maisha J. Johnson everydayfeminism realbusiness CNN cultural appropriation stolen intellectual property copyright patenting medicines creative designs global intellectual property laws minority communities Native American Navajo tribe names designs culture stolen misused compensation systematic inequalities reparations monetary case studies Urban Outfitters cease and desist court recall products cultural property theft copyright legal protection democracy equal before the law recognition misuse cultural practices historic meaning importance global culture Shane Schutte copyright cases Stephanie Siek trademark infringement Maisha J. Johnson harm of cultural appropriation Cultural appropriation stolen intellectual property global intellectual property laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo tribe names designs culture stolen misused compensation embedded systematic inequalities justice reparations monetary case studies Urban Outfitters cease and desist legal action recall misusing names symbols property cultures democracy equal before the law sue recognition misuse cultural practices historic meaning importance global culture emerging
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con03a	Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. community radio democracy media Rwanda BBC World Service democratic renewal national radio station social change Sedra Mark Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion social media Globe and Mail Presidential Palace atrocity tyranny revolutions of 1989 democratic progress media influence political change communication platforms information dissemination public engagement civic participation media control government influence technological impact social transformation media ethics broadcast media community empowerment democratic virtues media ownership media diversity media bias information warfare propaganda public service broadcasting community broadcasting alternative community radio democratic renewal media neutrality Rwanda BBC World Service 1989 revolutions social change democratic progress media control presidential palace Sedra Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion social media community radio democracy media bias Rwanda BBC World Service democratic renewal languages social change radio control presidential power media and democracy social media Sedra revolution community radio democratic platform media virtues radio atrocity Rwanda example BBC World Service media and democracy language and democracy 1989 revolutions national radio station presidential palace media social change democratic progress Mark Sedra Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion social media age community radio democratic Rwanda BBC World Service democratic renewal national radio station social change democratic progress Sedra Revolution 2.0 age of social media Globe and Mail community radio democratic renewal media influence Rwanda genocide BBC World Service national radio station social change democratic progress Revolution 2.0 Mark Sedra media and democracy radio and atrocity radio and democracy media control presidential palace media types social media and democracy media virtues media neutrality media and social change community radio democracy media tyranny Rwanda BBC World Service democratic renewal languages revolutions 1989 national radio station social change democratic progress Mark Sedra Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion social media community radio democracy Rwanda BBC World Service media democratic renewal social change Mark Sedra Revolution 2.0 The Globe and Mail 2011 atrocity tyranny national radio station Presidential Palace community radio democratic progress community radio democracy media Rwanda BBC World Service democratic renewal social change Revolution 2.0 media control presidential palace social media democratic progress community radio democratic renewal media democracy Rwanda BBC World Service national radio station social change democratic progress Sedra Mark Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion social media atrocity tyranny presidential palace media influence languages 1989 revolutions
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con01a	Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities Western education political elite learning opportunities UNESCO development moral case for engagement trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities Western education social group just reasonable development UNESCO education moral case for engagement CATO Institute Sirico Robert A. trade human rights wealth choice living standards academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities Western education political elite learning opportunities social group moral case engagement UNESCO education development human rights trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education moral case engagement UNESCO development human rights education trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities social group Western education moral case for engagement UNESCO education human rights development contact dissemination values trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education moral case engagement development UNESCO education critical starting point human rights development trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities Western education wealthy political elite learning opportunities social group education development human rights UNESCO trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation change elite universities Western education social group justice moral case engagement UNESCO development education trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education moral case engagement UNESCO development education disseminating values economic benefits political influence cultural exchange incremental change international relations academic institutions global impact intellectual growth societal improvement ethical considerations trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities wider social group Western education just reasonable UNESCO development education
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro02a	The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, health leader state media interest administration Kissinger illness Beijing Nixon visit press rumors John Atta Mills presidential staff communication hospital Ghana airport jog media Modern Ghana Committee for Social Advocacy death public health political leaders media scrutiny government transparency health secrecy political rumors presidential health John Atta Mills Ghana politics Kissinger Nixon Beijing visit health deception public interest political health issues leadership health state leader health health misinformation political communication health concealment presidential staff media relations health rumors political transparency public trust health privacy political ethics health diplomacy health leader state media interest administration Kissinger illness Beijing Nixon visit press rumors John Atta Mills Ghana presidential staff communication hospital US death jog airport media Modern Ghana Committee for Social Advocacy John Evans Atta Mills health of leader state leader's health media interest administration secrecy Kissinger illness Nixon visit John Atta Mills health secrecy presidential staff communication team public rumors hospital visit Ghana airport health demonstration Modern Ghana Committee for Social Advocacy John Evans Atta Mills health reports public deception political health issues health leader state media interest administration Kissinger Nixon Beijing press rumors John Atta Mills Ghana hospital presidential staff communication Modern Ghana Committee for Social Advocacy health leader state media interest administration strategy press attention rumors John Atta Mills presidential staff communication health secrecy hospital Ghana jogging airport media demonstration health reports death rumors Committee for Social Advocacy Modern Ghana health leader state media interest administration Kissinger illness Beijing Nixon visit press attention John Atta Mills Ghana presidential staff communication lies hospital US airport jog media Healthy Committee for Social Advocacy death Modern Ghana leader health public interest media attention political transparency health secrecy political rumors presidential health John Atta Mills health deception public right to know political communication media manipulation Kissinger Nixon Beijing visit health privacy Ghana presidential staff health reports public deception political leadership health issues political ethics committee for social advocacy death rumors hospitalization public health concerns political health coverage media/journalism political strategy health disclosure political trust public scrutiny government transparency health and politics healthrelated political scandals political accountability health-related political issues public health leader state media interest administration Kissinger illness Beijing Nixon press rumors John Atta Mills presidential staff communication lies health reports US hospital Ghana airport jogging Committee for Social Advocacy death Modern Ghana health leader state media interest administration Kissinger Beijing Nixon press rumors John Atta Mills Ghana presidential staff communication hospital US airport jog media Modern Ghana Committee for Social Advocacy
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con05a	Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, privacy fear morally right justifiable married couple private video sexual orientation secret state intelligence agency invasion of privacy Phillipson Gavin Q&A BBC Religion right to privacy privacy personal information moral right justification married couple private video sexual orientation state surveillance email privacy intelligence agency invasion of privacy Phillipson Gavin Q&A right to privacy BBC Religion Loss of Privacy Personal Data Moral Justification Private Communication Marital Privacy Sexual Orientation Email Privacy State Surveillance Intelligence Agency Invasion of Privacy Right to Privacy BBC Religion Gavin Phillipson Loss of Privacy Fear and Privacy Moral Right to Privacy Privacy in Marital Relationships Sexual Orientation Privacy State Surveillance Email Privacy Invasion of Privacy Intelligence Agency Surveillance Right to Privacy Gavin Phillipson BBC Religion Privacy Fear Morality Justification Married couple Sexual orientation State surveillance Intelligence agency Invasion of privacy BBC Religion Gavin Phillipson loss of privacy personal information moral justification private communication state surveillance invasion of privacy sexual orientation marital privacy email privacy intelligence agencies BBC Religion Gavin Phillipson right to privacy Q&A 2013 Loss of Privacy Personal Data Moral Justification Confidential Information Sexual Privacy Marital Privacy Email Privacy Intelligence Agencies Government Surveillance Right to Privacy Phillipson Gavin BBC Religion Loss of Privacy Personal Data Moral Justification Privacy Rights Marital Privacy Sexual Orientation Confidentiality Email Privacy Intelligence Agency Invasive Surveillance Right to Privacy Personal Liberty Data Protection Ethical Considerations Phillipson Gavin BBC Religion Privacy Invasion Digital Privacy Surveillance Ethics Individual Rights privacy personal information security surveillance intimate activities sexual orientation confidentiality state intrusion intelligence agencies digital communication emails moral justification individual rights public interest privacy laws Phillipson Gavin BBC Religion right to privacy ethical considerations data protection privacy fear moral right justifiable married couple private video sexual orientation state interference email privacy invasion of privacy intelligence agency information privacy Phillipson Gavin Q&A BBC Religion
test-education-egtuscpih-con05a	Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. university rite of passage independent life students leaving home financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication skills online courses homebound learning adult skills real life preparedness traditional universities rite of passage independent life students leaving move out parents' home different countries skills independent adults financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication problems online courses not leaving home practice real life equipped traditional universities rite of passage independent life leaving home financial management cooking skills crime awareness networking communication skills online courses independent adult real life preparation traditional universities rite of passage independent life students leaving home financial management cooking skills crime awareness networking communication skills online courses homebound learning real-life preparedness life skills development independent adulthood traditional universities rite of passage independent life move out parents' home countries skills independent adults financial management cooking crime-aware networking communication problems online courses less equipped real life traditional universities rite of passage independent life leaving home financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication skills online courses real life preparation independent living skills student development remote learning impact traditional universities rite of passage independent life students leaving home financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication skills online courses homebound learning real-life preparedness adult skills practice traditional universities rite of passage independent life students leaving home financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication skills online courses homebound learning real-life preparedness skill acquisition adult responsibilities educational transition virtual learning impact residential college experience personal growth self-sufficiency campus living traditional universities rite of passage independent life students leaving university move out parents' home countries learning skills independent adults financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication problems online courses not leaving homes practicing skills real life equipped for real life rite of passage independent life traditional universities online courses financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication problems adult skills student development real life preparation
test-economy-thsptr-con04a	Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive tax systems complexity inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax industry specialists tax filing tax audits cost IRS time wastage tax loopholes wealth manipulation flat taxes regressive taxes simplicity transparency economic impact government accountability tax policy reform public finance legislative complexity administrative burden compliance costs tax incentives economic efficiency fiscal policy tax codes tax rebate wealth inequality tax fairness societal impact legal manipulation tax equity economic growth public services government spending fiscal management tax administration tax simplification tax avoidance techniques Progressive systems complexity inefficiency implementation evasion avoidance modern progressive tax tax industry specialists tax filing tax collection verification systems efficiency loss time wastage tax returns tax codes loopholes wealth manipulation flat tax regressive consumption tax tax understanding time consumption tax manipulation progressive tax systems tax complexity tax inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax filing tax officials tax collection tax verification time wasting tax loopholes tax manipulation flat tax regressive consumption tax tax simplicity tax fairness government accountability budget assessment tax performance tax industry specialist firms tax audits tax rebates wealthy taxpayers tax obligations tax codes less scrupulous taxpayers tax benefits Progressive tax systems complexity inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax filing tax specialists tax auditing cost of tax administration time wastage tax loopholes wealth manipulation flat tax regressive consumption tax tax simplicity tax manipulation tax compliance economic inefficiencies tax policy income inequality tax reform government accountability budget assessment tax performance news analysis financial journalism progressive tax inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance bureaucracy tax collection time consumption complex tax codes tax loopholes wealthy manipulation flat tax regressive consumption tax simplicity transparency economic burden IRS tax reform fiscal policy public finance tax administration Progressive tax system complexity inefficiency evasion avoidance tax specialists tax auditing time waste tax filing loophole exploitation wealth inequality flat tax regressive consumption tax tax simplicity tax manipulation government accountability budget assessment IRS tax returns receipts management tax rebates wealth evasion tax codes tax incentives economic efficiency tax policy tax compliance tax administration costs tax system reform tax burden tax equity tax transparency tax fairness tax legislation tax regulations tax enforcement tax avoidance strategies tax planning tax compliance costs tax audit processes tax collection Progressive tax systems complexity inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax filing tax specialists tax audits IRS tax collection time waste tax loopholes wealth manipulation flat tax consumption tax tax simplification tax manipulation rebate maximization tax compliance tax regulation costs Progressive systems complex inefficient tax evasion tax avoidance tax industry specialists tax filing tax audit officials cost time waste receipts efficiency loss wealth manipulation loopholes unfair taxation flat tax regressive tax consumption tax simplicity time-saving manipulation difficulty progressive tax complexity inefficiency evasion avoidance tax industries officials cost time loss receipts rebate maximization wealthy exploitation loopholes flat tax regressive consumption tax simplicity manipulation James White Martin Wolk IRS budget performance 2008 2007 2006 U.S. Government Accountability Office MSNBC Progressive tax system complexity inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax filing tax collection verification systems tax receipts time waste tax loopholes tax manipulation wealthy evasion flat tax regressive consumption tax tax simplification tax Understandability tax manipulation difficulty
test-international-ehbfe-pro03a	A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. federal Europe stronger international actor promote interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe negotiating partner trading partner economy size population global wealth aid to poor countries euro international financial markets negotiation power US China France Germany Poland federal Europe international actor citizen interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations liberal traditions political culture global balance USA unified Europe major economy population size world’s biggest trader global wealth aid donor euro currency financial markets negotiation power US China European countries effective messaging federal Europe international actor citizens' interests world influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe negotiating partner trading partner global economy population size largest trader global wealth aid to poor countries euro international finance US dollar France Germany Poland US China European unity global message federal Europe stronger international actor promote citizen interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe important trading partner biggest economy global wealth population size international aid largest trader euro currency effective negotiation US China France Germany Poland federal Europe international actor promote interests citizens world influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organisations treaty organisations liberal traditions political culture global balance USA unified Europe negotiating partner trading partner biggest economy population 450 million global wealth aid poor countries euro international financial markets France Germany Poland US China Europe message effectiveness federal Europe stronger international actor promote citizens' interests influence in UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations liberal traditions political culture partner to USA global balance unified Europe important trading partner biggest economies 450 million population world’s biggest trader global wealth aid to poor countries euro currency negotiate with US China Europe as one country federal Europe stronger international actor promote citizens' interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe major negotiating partner trading partner largest economy global wealth population size foreign aid largest trader euro currency international financial markets France Germany Poland negotiation power global message US China federal Europe stronger international actor promote interests citizens world influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organisations treaty organisations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA important negotiating partner trading partner biggest economy global wealth population 450 million United States Russia world’s biggest trader aid to poor countries euro international financial markets France Germany Poland negotiate US China Europe as one country effective message federal Europe stronger international actor promote citizens' interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global partnership balance to USA unified Europe important trading partner biggest economies global wealth population aid to poor countries euro currency international financial markets negotiate with giants US China Europe as one country effective message federal Europe international actor citizens' interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe negotiating partner trading partner world economy population size global wealth aid to poor countries euro currency US dollar international financial markets France Germany Poland US China effective negotiation
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro02a	Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. education quality state schools private schools high quality service parental choice school management accountability job security educational reform public education standards quality state managed education state schools private schools high quality service parents children incentivises high level management school failure job security reputation education quality state schools private schools high quality service parent choices school management job security performance accountability education reform school competition state managed education quality improvement high quality service parent choice school competition management accountability educational standards public school reform incentive structures school leadership academic performance educational outcomes parent satisfaction school reputation job security educational management performance metrics student retention educational policy school improvement strategies state managed education high quality service parent choice school competition management accountability educational standards public school improvement teacher performance student outcomes educational reform school leadership private school comparison educational policy school governance academic achievement parental involvement educational quality school success management effectiveness education system state managed education state schools private schools high quality service parents children high level management school failure job security reputational risk education quality state schools private schools high quality service parent choice school management accountability job security performance incentives educational reform public education school competition teaching standards student outcomes educational leadership policy improvement community trust educational excellence teacher motivation resource allocation state managed education quality improvement state schools private schools high quality service parent choice school performance high level management accountability job security educational standards school competition public education reform teacher quality curriculum enhancement student outcomes educational equity policy changes school leadership educational resources funding improvements parental satisfaction educational achievement school reputation management incentives educational excellence school improvement strategies teacher training student engagement academic success school governance community involvement educational technology extracurricular activities school environment policy evaluation educational research educational innovation education quality state schools private schools high quality service parents children high level management school failure job security professional record state managed education high quality service private schools parental choice school management accountability educational outcomes public education reform teacher performance student achievement
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con02a	Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economy recovery austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision borrowing taxpayers structural reform long-term solutions short-term relief financial supervision euro crisis sovereign debt economic policy fiscal management government expenditure public finance fiscal austerity economic reform international financial institutions European financial stability economic governance recovery programs financial assistance economic adjustment institutional reform governance issues fiscal consolidation economic challenges financial stability economic sustainability financial crisis management economic Greece default Eurozone crisis public sector corruption tax evasion exports economy recovery underlying issues inefficiencies taxpayers borrowing austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis single currency The Guardian May 2012 Greece Eurozone default economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery underlying issues austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis single currency financial supervision economic reform public sector reform economic governance debt crisis financial stability economic policies tax compliance governance improvement structural reform economic sanctions international lenders financial aid fiscal discipline economic oversight policy reform economic adjustment financial support macroeconomic stability debt sustainability budgetary control financial management economic Greece default Eurozone public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery underlying problems crisis borrowing access taxpayers austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis single currency Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery borrowing taxpayers austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Eurozone crisis currency exit Barrell Ray The Guardian May 2012 Greece default Eurozone economic recovery public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission borrowing taxpayer burden structural reform job cuts fiscal supervision economic crisis single currency financial supervision economic analysis Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery borrowing taxpayers public sector reform austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Eurozone crisis currency Barrell Ray The Guardian 2012 Greece default Eurozone public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision crisis financial problems economic reform borrowing access taxpayer burden job cuts Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision borrowing taxpayers structural reforms long-term solutions temporary hardship Greece default Eurozone crisis inefficient public sector corruption tax evasion exports economy recovery underlying problems leaving Eurozone borrowing taxpayers public sector inefficiencies IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision austerity measures job cuts future problems
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con04a	"There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. labour standards western countries uneven implementation minimum wage legal requirements leave regulations consumer behavior product pricing labour exploitation sweatshops retail industry Primark worker rights international labour standards demand-driven standards consumer responsibility corporate responsibility economic factors regulatory enforcement labour market global labour standards ethical consumption worker protection minimum standards labour laws labour conditions consumer choice economic pressures retail practices sweatshop labour illegal workers labour rights low-cost production labour policies consumer awareness labour reform retail supply chain worker exploitation labour ethics consumer impact labour uneven implementation labour standards western countries high levels labour regulations Germany minimum wage USA legal requirement minimum leave demand cheapest products labour standards worldwide consumer’s wallet aid chequebook British clothing retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers labour exploitation lasting change western firms high labour standards cheapest product consumer behavior global labour practices economic pressures regulatory compliance international trade corporate responsibility worker rights ethical consumption supply chain management garment industry low-cost production developed nations wage laws employment conditions working hours workers' benefits fair labour standards western countries Germany USA minimum wage leave requirements consumer behavior product pricing sweatshops British retailers Primark illegal workers labour exploitation economic demand global labour standards corporate responsibility consumer choice aid effectiveness policy implementation regulatory compliance uneven implementation labour standards western countries high levels labour regulations Germany minimum wage USA minimum leave demand cheapest products consumer’s wallet aid chequebook British clothing retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers exploitation lasting change western firms high labour standards consumer choice cheapest product global labour standards labour standards western countries Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements consumer demand cheapest products labour standards enforcement consumer responsibility Primark sweatshops illegal workers exploitation British retailers high labour standards lasting change aid effectiveness price competition ethical consumption uneven implementation labour standards western countries high levels labour regulations Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements demand cheapest products labour standards worldwide consumer's wallet aid chequebook British clothing retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers exploitation lasting change western firms high labour standards consumers cheapest product labour standards western countries uneven implementation high levels labour regulations Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements consumer demand cheapest products labour standards worldwide consumer influence aid British clothing retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers exploitation lasting change western firms high labour standards consumer choice price prioritization labour standards western countries Germany minimum wage USA leave policies consumer behavior product pricing sweatshops British retailers Primark labour exploitation economic demand regulatory compliance consumer activism corporate responsibility international labour laws worker rights global supply chains fair trade practices labour standards western countries Germany USA minimum wage leave regulations consumer demand cheap products labour exploitation sweatshops Primark UK consumer responsibility high labour standards retail industry economic pressures global labour practices legal requirements contractual obligations worker rights wage laws employment conditions international labour standards corporate social responsibility labour standards western countries implementation minimum wage labour regulations consumer demand cheapest products labour standards improvement consumer responsibility corporate responsibility Primark sweatshops illegal workers exploitation lasting change high labour standards aid chequebook consumer wallet British clothing retailers"
test-economy-egppphbcb-con02a	Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation sustainability ecological balance profitability expansion pollutants habitats organisms resources exchangeability self-determination community meaningful existence labor power crises accumulation global warming regulation ecological crisis socialism sustainability capitalism ecological balance profitability expansion ecosystems destabilizing pollutants habitat fragmentation resource squandering exchangeability self-determination community meaningful existence labor power global warming ecological crisis accumulation limits sustainable living ecological balance profitability expansion ecosystem destabilization habitat fragmentation resource squandering nature commodification self-determination community meaningful existence labor exploitation economic crises ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits socialism sustainable living capitalism ecological balance profitability expansion pollutants habitats organisms resources self-determination community meaningful existence labor power global warming ecological crisis accumulation regulation crises sustainability ecological balance profitability ecosystem destabilization habitat fragmentation resource squandering exchangeability accumulation self-determination community meaningful existence labor power global warming crises regulation ecological crisis accumulation limits sustainable living ecological balance profitability expansion destabilizing pollutants habitat fragmentation resource squandering exchangeability accumulation of capital self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits sustainable living ecological balance profitability expansion ecosystem destabilization habitat fragmentation resource wastage nature commodification self-determination community meaningful existence labor exploitation ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits Socialism sustainability ecological balance capitalism profitability environmental degradation ecosystems habitats resource depletion economic exploitation self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits capitalist regulation systemic crises sustainable living ecological balance profitability expansion ecosystem destabilization habitat fragmentation resource squandering nature commodification self-determination community meaningful existence labor commodification economic crises ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits sustainability ecological balance profitability ecosystems pollutants habitats organisms resource management self-determination community labor power ecological crisis global warming accumulation capitalist regulation socialism benefits environmental protection economic expansion social equity
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con01a	Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel territory security Arab wars aggression 1948 1967 pre-1967 borders Palestine peace Sinai Egypt Jordan West Bank Gaza Strip negotiations terrorism Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport missiles embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces annexation defensible borders national survival Israel territory security Arab wars aggression 1948 1967 pre-1967 buffer peace deals Sinai Egypt Jordan West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Authority terrorism Ehud Olmert borders Israel Defense Forces embattled democracy national survival defensible borders Israel security territory Arab aggression 1948 war 1967 war pre-1967 borders Sinai peninsula peace treaty Jordan West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Authority Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport defensible borders embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces national survival annexation defensive war legal legitimacy Israel security territory Arab wars 1948 1967 pre-1967 borders Sinai peninsula peace treaty Egypt Jordan West Bank Gaza Strip land for peace Palestinian Authority national security buffer Ehud Olmert indefensible borders embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces Arab states miscalculation national survival annexed land defensive war defensible borders Israel security territory Arab wars aggression 1948 1967 pre-1967 buffer peace Sinai Egypt West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Authority Ehud Olmert national security embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces defensive war defensible borders lasting peace Israel security territory Arab wars aggression 1948 1967 Palestinians pre-1967 Sinai Egypt Jordan West Bank Gaza Strip peace negotiations buffer national security Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces defensive war defensible borders Yaakov Amidror Israel security territory Arab world wars of aggression 1948 1967 pre-1967 borders peace deals Sinai peninsula Egypt Jordan King Hussain West Bank Gaza Strip land for peace Palestinians terrorism Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport democracy Israel Defense Forces Arab states annexation defensive war defensible borders Paul Johnson Maj.-Gen. Yaakov Amidror Israel right minimal territory security 1948 1967 Arab world wars of aggression pre-1967 territory justification Sinai peninsula Egypt peace treaty 1982 West Bank Gaza Strip land for peace 1993 Palestinian Authority 20% 40% national security buffer future wars Ehud Olmert pre-1967 borders Ben Gurion Airport shoulder-fire missiles embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces Arab states eradication unique situation Israel security territory Arab wars aggression 1948 1967 Sinai Egypt Jordan peace treaties West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Authority negotiations 1993 borders buffer Ehud Olmert democracy Israel Defense Forces miscalculation survival annexation defensible borders Israel security territory Arab wars 1948 1967 pre-1967 borders West Bank Gaza Strip peace deals Sinai peninsula land for peace negotiations national security buffer zones Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport defensive borders embattled democracy Arab states Israel Defense Forces miscalculation national survival defensible borders Amidror Yaakov Paul Johnson Thinkexist historical context legal legitimacy defensive war terms future wars aggression territorial claims international law security concerns strategic
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con03a	The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965 integration institutional balance Council of Ministers Commission spillover President de Gaulle France conflict Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting mediation sovereignty Neo-functionalism 1970s European Integration Process Neofunctionalist Intergovernmentalist Theories LSE Research Online Ludlow N. Piers Moga Teodor Lucian Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration institutional balance Council of Ministers Commission spillover effect Charles de Gaulle France Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty neo-functionalism intergovernmentalism Germany Italy mediation institutional conflict European Community presidency Bonn Rome power reassertion national governments theoretical abandonment 1970s Moga Teodor Lucian Ludlow N. Piers LSE Research Online European integration process neofunctionalist theory intergovernmentalist theory Empty Chair Crisis 1965 Charles de Gaulle French Presidency Council of Ministers Common Agricultural Policy majority voting European integration sovereignty Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism Bonn Rome institutional balance Commission mediation power shift national governments European Community spillover 1970s European Union history Moga Teodor Lucian Ludlow N. Piers Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism de Gaulle France Germany Italy mediation Presidency institutional balance power spillover Bonn Rome European Community LSE Research Online Moga Ludlow Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers Common Agricultural Policy majority voting Charles de Gaulle France Germany Italy Bonn Rome national sovereignty Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism institutional balance mediation power of national governments European Policy European Community institutional crisis European Political Cooperation European Council European Commission European Institutions intergovernmental relations European treaties European Union history European Economic Community political integration European governance European decision-making European Council Presidency European policy-making European Constitutional Law European administrative law European Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers Commission Charles de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism institutional balance of power mediation Bonn Rome European Union political integration spillover theory Empty Chair Crisis 1965 integration Council of Ministers Commission spillover President de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty neo-functionalism intergovernmentalism European integration mediation Bonn Rome national governments LSE Research Online Moga Ludlow Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers Commission spillover President de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism institutional balance mediation Bonn Rome European institutions 1970s power of national governments abandonment of Neo-functionalism 1965 Empty Chair Crisis European integration Council of Ministers Commission spillover President de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism intergovernmentalism mediation Bonn Rome LSE Research Online Teodor Lucian Moga N. Piers Ludlow Empty Chair Crisis 1965 integration institutional balance Council of Ministers President de Gaulle France Common Agricultural Policy majority voting Bonn Rome national sovereignty Neo-functionalism 1970s Teodor Lucian Moga N. Piers Ludlow European Integration Process Community institutions de-commissioning crisis LSE Research Online
test-international-aghwrem-con01a	Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. military junta democratic elections political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi constitutional amendment military control sham elections human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international relations legitimacy foreign engagement censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea Liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta democratic verdict 1990 election NLD constitution military reservation parliamentary seats governmental posts political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham election violence intimidation democratic activists international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy human rights standards international relations censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea Liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta illegitimacy democratic verdict NLD constitution reserved seats political prisoners sham elections violence intimidation democratic activists consolidate power safety valve human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international criticism political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy human rights standards international relations censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes civilian government Myanmar military junta democratic verdict NLD constitution political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham election violence intimidation democratic activists consolidate power safety valve false democracy international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy human rights standards international relations censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea Liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta democratic verdict 1990 NLD constitution military seats governmental posts political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi election process sham violence intimidation democratic activists consolidation of power safety valve false democratic process human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international relations political engagement economic engagement legitimacy censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea Liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta illegitimate rule democratic verdict NLD constitution military reservation governmental posts political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham elections violence intimidation democratic activists consolidation of power safety valve false legitimacy international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech political engagement economic engagement human rights standards international relations censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta 1990 election NLD constitution political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham election violence intimidation democratic activists consolidate power international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy Syria Iraq North Korea censure isolation human rights international relations Liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta 1990 election NLD constitution 25% military seats political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham elections violence intimidation human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international criticism political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy Syria Iraq North Korea human rights standards international relations censure isolation moral obligation illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta 1990 democratic verdict NLD constitution political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham elections violence intimidation democratic activists power consolidation international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy international relations Syria Iraq North Korea censure isolation Moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta illegitimate rule democratic verdict NLD constitution military seats governmental posts political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham elections violence intimidation democratic activists false democratic process safety valve international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international relations Syria Iraq North Korea censure isolation engagement false legitimacy economic level political level moral standards human rights
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro01a	Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification censorship hip hop violence misogynist free expression vulnerable communities developmental opportunities authenticity gang culture materialism sexualisation identity formation music regulation age restrictions violent lyrics child protection media impact social influence music industry artistic expression community values cultural context urban areas marginalisation public persona commercialisation dissenting voices societal perspectives media portrayal political independence content assessment music distribution live performances online restrictions legal penalties maturity deviant behaviour artistic freedom social responsibility public policy cultural criticism urban youth crime Classification censorship hip hop violent music criminality free expression marginalised communities developmental opportunities authenticity gangsta motif materialism sexualisation identity formation violence regulation age restrictions media impact social responsibility youth development cultural representation musical content assessment child protection laws public policy music industry standards youth access mature content societal values music classification schemes independent review appeal processes performance restrictions online distribution deviant behaviour societal norms rap music urban youth community perception artistic expression violent lyrics marketing public personas real-life experiences Classification censorship hip hop violent music public criticism marginalised communities free expression developmental opportunities authenticity gangsta motif youthful identity materialist boasting sexualised videos political independence age restrictions child protection mature consumers deviant behaviour music distribution live performances online compliance Classification censorship hip hop public criticism violence misogyny free expression marginalised communities developmental opportunities authenticity gangsta motif materialism sexualisation identity formation age restrictions child protection content regulation independent organisation appeals process performance policies online distribution mature consumption deviant behaviour Hip hop controversy violence censorship classification social impact marginalised communities youth development free expression political debate cultural representation age restrictions media regulation public policy music industry artistic expression community perception gang culture authenticity commercialisation sexualisation materialism identity formation deviant behaviour child protection entertainment law public morality media studies sociology urban issues race relations gender studies criminology policy analysis free speech artistic value societal influence ethical considerations political independence media ratings consumer protection adult content live performances online distribution Hip hop classification censorship public criticism violence social impact free expression marginalised communities developmental opportunities authenticity gang culture materialism sexualisation identity formation age restrictions content regulation indecent material youth protection music industry artistic freedom cultural criticism urban youth commercialisation media portrayal moral responsibility gangsta rap artistic expression societal values violence portrayal vulnerable populations community representation music classification schemes legal restrictions political independence appeal process performance policies online distribution child protection laws mature consumers deviant behaviour cultural impact artistic integrity Classification censorship hip hop violence misogyny free expression marginalised communities developmental opportunities authentic representation gang culture materialism sexualised content classification schemes age restrictions mature consumers deviant behaviour media impact social responsibility cultural criticism artistic value public policy youth protection content regulation hip hop controversies music industry free speech urban culture violence in media youth development community perception music classification political independence age verification child protection public defence artistic expression media coverage social impact negative content controversial music urban youth cultural isolation Classification censorship public criticism vilification defence art forms cinema fine art pop music hip hop controversies violent music low-level criminality industry feuds criminal gangs John McWhorter media coverage positive impact negative content misogynist uncritically violent free expression vulnerable communities developmental opportunities perceptions authenticity public recognition street crime gang activities 50 Cent materialist boasting sexualised music videos nihilistic personas poverty economic opportunity geographic confinement political confinement cultural confinement dissenting voices commercialised approach classification censorship hip hop violence marginalised communities youth development free expression music regulation age restrictions content control social impact cultural portrayal public policy media influence artistic authenticity stereotypes gang culture economic opportunity political independence appeal mechanisms legal enforcement child protection laws performance policies online distribution mature consumption developmental psychology community perception authentic representation musical personas social responsibility music industry entertainment ethics urban culture stigma violence portrayal identity formation commercialisation dissenting voices public criticism artistic value positive effects negative content misogynist lyrics classification censorship hip hop violent music criminality free expression misogynist developmental opportunities authenticity gangsta materialism sexualization economic opportunity cultural confinement marketing youth identity age restrictions content categorization mature consumers child protection laws
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con03a	Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding cost security government taxpayer companies individuals local budget projects regeneration infrastructure sporting event over-budget Los Angeles 1984 taxes Paris London 2012 2004 Athens £20m £6.5bn $1.5bn $12bn £2.4bn £20 year household 50% Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding costs security government taxpayer companies individuals projects budget regeneration infrastructure sporting event over-budget Los Angeles 1984 Olympics Paris London 2012 Olympics Athens 2004 games taxes Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding costs security government taxpayer companies individuals big projects budget infrastructure regeneration sporting event over-budget local taxes 2012 2004 1984 Athens Paris London Los Angeles Hosting costs Olympic costs bidding process expenses government funding taxpayer burden security spending infrastructure investment budget overruns local taxes economic impact urban regeneration sporting events funding Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding costs security government taxpayer companies individuals budget projects infrastructure regeneration sporting event London Paris Los Angeles 1984 Olympics 2012 Olympics Athens 2004 Olympics over-budget local taxes residents urban development economic impact sports events public spending financial burden investment alternatives direct improvement waste subsidy financial planning municipal finance urban planning sports infrastructure event management financial overruns economic benefits long-term impact public policy fiscal Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding cost security government taxpayer companies individuals local tax budget infrastructure sporting event regeneration improvement subsidies over-budget Los Angeles 1984 London Paris 2012 Athens 2004 2024 $1.5bn $12bn £20m £6.5bn £2.4bn £20 year household project estimation 50% cost expenses Olympics profit bidding security government taxpayer companies individuals tax budget projects infrastructure regeneration sporting event subsidy over-budget Los Angeles 1984 Olympics London Paris 2012 Olympics Athens 2004 Olympics £20m £6.5bn $1.5bn $12bn £2.4bn £20 per year 50% increase Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding cost security government taxpayer companies individuals local budget over-budget regeneration infrastructure sporting event tax residents Los Angeles 1984 London 2012 Paris Athens 2004 £20m £6.5bn $1.5bn $12bn £2.4bn £20 50% Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding costs government taxpayer security budget over-budget infrastructure regeneration sporting event financial impact public spending urban development economic benefits event legacy Hosting costs Olympic expenses bidding process costs government funding taxpayer burden security expenditures infrastructure improvement Olympic legacy budget overruns local government financing resident tax impact sports event funding urban regeneration projects
test-law-tahglcphsld-con01a	Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm society ban safe form drug legalization purer deadly addictive illegal dangerous medicines prescription trained professionals proposition entrench modern culture legalising acceptable state duty health campaigns harmless cannabis downgraded UK drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm ban safe legalization purer deadly addictive illegal dangerous medicines prescription trained professionals culture legalising acceptable state health campaigns harmless cannabis downgraded UK drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility citizens substance harm banned safe legalization purer deadly addictive illegal medicines prescription professionals proposition entrenchment culture legalising acceptable state duty health campaigns message harmless cannabis downgraded UK drug legalization government responsibility citizen protection substance harm safe drug forms drug purity drug addictiveness illegal drugs dangerous medicines prescription restrictions drug acceptance societal message health campaigns cannabis downgrading drug harm awareness Drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm banned safe legalization purer deadly addictive illegal prescription restricted professionals proposition culture legalizing acceptable state message health campaigns misunderstood cannabis downgraded UK drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm society banned legalization purer deadly addictive illegal prescription professionals medical dangers culture legalising acceptable state message health campaigns harmless downgraded cannabis UK drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm banned safe legalization purer deadly addictive illegal dangerous medicines prescription trained professionals proposition anyone medical dangers entrenched modern culture legalising acceptable state duty health campaigns cannabis downgraded UK drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm banned safe legalization purer deadly addictive illegal medicines prescription restricted trained professionals proposition anyone anything medical dangers entrenched culture legalizing acceptable state duty message health campaigns undermined harmless cannabis downgraded UK drug legalization government responsibility public health societal harm drug safety addiction prescription medicines cultural acceptance health campaigns legal implications drug policy medicinal use substance abuse public safety legal regulation drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm banned safe form drug legalization purer deadly addictive illegal closely related dangerous medicines prescription restricted professionals proposition allowing anyone anything known medical dangers entrenched modern culture legalising appear acceptable state duty message health campaigns undermined harmless downgraded UK
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con02a	It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. cultural heritage uniquely American English as second language political statement omnipresent language economic impact cultural impact everyday life choice irrationality learning prioritization immigrant adaptation advantages of English stigmas discrimination non-English speakers time constraints learning difficulties symbolic policy stigmatization life impact learning barriers English language American culture immigrant experience language barriers economic opportunities social stigma language policy linguistic discrimination non-English speakers symbolic policies language learning cultural heritage political statements everyday life economic integration social integration linguistics multiculturalism United States immigrant communities English American cultural heritage immigrant non-English speakers stigmatize economic opportunity discrimination language barriers policy symbolism linguistic diversity integration education workforce communication social inclusion language learning immigrant experience cultural identity political statement everyday life speech community linguistic discrimination language policy social exclusion literacy multiculturalism assimilation linguistic rights public policy immigrant integration language access linguistic justice American cultural heritage English as a second language political statements through language omnipresence of English economic and cultural importance of English advantages of learning English stigmas against non-English speakers immigrant experiences with English difficulties in learning English working immigrants symbolic policies stigmatization of non-English speakers policies affecting English learning language policy impacts American cultural heritage English as a second language political statement English omnipresence economic importance cultural integration everyday usage immigrant experience learning English opportunities discrimination non-English speakers stigmatization policy impact symbolic policy practical difficulties working multiple jobs learning challenges linguistic barriers social integration language policy immigrant rights English proficiency linguistic diversity American society cultural identity language acquisition societal stigmas educational barriers immigrant communities language discrimination policy implications social exclusion linguistic assimilation American immigration language learning resources cultural stigma economic barriers social barriers English non-English speakers immigration language policy cultural heritage American political statement economy culture everyday life advantages opportunities stigmas discrimination immigrants learning English symbolic policy stigmatize lives worse time working two jobs difficult to learn American cultural heritage English as a second language United States language use political language statements English language prevalence economic importance of English cultural importance of English everyday use of English immigrant language learning advantages of learning English opportunities from English stigmas against non-English speakers discrimination against non-English speakers immigrant priorities time constraints for immigrants learning difficulties language barriers policy impacts on non-English speakers symbolic policy effects stigmatization of non-English speakers worsening life conditions language learning challenges American cultural heritage English as second language political statement language omnipresence economic impact cultural integration everyday life immigrant experience learning barriers time constraints stigmatization policy implications language discrimination educational opportunities social integration linguistic challenges symbolic policies practical difficulties language acquisition multiple jobs learning difficulties immigrant struggles language policy societal pressures non-English speakers American society language proficiency communication barriers social mobility cultural identity linguistic diversity immigrant communities language learning American values cultural stereotypes policy effects community integration language rights social inclusion American language landscape English language American cultural heritage non-native speakers political statement language omnipresence economic impact cultural integration everyday life immigrant experiences learning barriers time constraints multiple jobs language difficulty policy impact stigmatization discrimination language learning opportunities social stigma cultural heritage uniquely American English as second language political statement language omnipresence economic necessity cultural integration non-English speakers immigrant challenges stigmatization policy impact language learning barriers socioeconomic factors discrimination linguistic assimilation symbolic policy practical consequences educational opportunities social inclusion language rights
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con02a	Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. random checks terrorist acts airport security ethnic profiling deterrence international terrorism al Qaeda criminal acts safety measures government actions public safety security checks safer travel terror prevention equal likelihood security effectiveness passenger screening terrorist profiling random screening security protocols random checks terrorist acts airport security ethnic profiling deterrence factor international airports random stops terrorist attacks security checks government actions passenger screening terrorist groups al Qaeda criminal acts background checks age profiling appearance checks designated groups major airports safety measures random checks airport security terrorist threats ethnic profiling deterrence factor international terrorism al Qaeda security effectiveness passenger safety government strategies random screening security checks terrorist attacks ethnic diversity airport screening security measures terrorist groups public safety proactive security targeted profiling random checks safer terrorist awareness pre-announced stops dangerous action numerous terrorist methods equal apprehension probability ethnic profiling terrorist strategy international terrorist groups diverse backgrounds al Qaeda attack planning non-conformity to profiles deterrence major international airports effective deterrence designated group searches random checks terrorist acts airport security ethnic profiling deterrence international terrorists random stops security efficiency anti-terror measures passenger safety random checks passenger identity verification terrorist prevention advance statements airport security ethnic profiling international terrorism al Qaeda deterrence factor criminal acts airport surveillance random stops security effectiveness designated group searching terrorist recruitment background diversity equal deterrence major international airport security checks potential terrorist profile random checks terrorist acts airport security ethnic profiling deterrence factor passenger screening safety measures pre-announced searches terrorist groups international terrorism security checks public safety equal deterrence non-discriminatory checks profil-based searches terrorist recruitment ethnic diversity security effectiveness safety strategies non-targeted screening random checks terrorist acts airport security ethnic profiling deterrence factor international terrorism al Qaeda random screening targeted searches safety measures pre-announced checks equal likelihood surveillance laxity criminal deterrence security efficacy passenger safety terror recruitment diverse backgrounds non-conformity security profiles major airports international travel safety protocols threat prevention proactive measures random selection comprehensive security unbiased screening random checks terrorist groups international level ethnic groups security checks airport surveillance deterrence factor al Qaeda potential terrorist criminal acts major international airport designated group safety measures security strategies profiling terrorist recruitment public safety preemptive security equal scrutiny traveler safety random checks terrorist profiling airport security ethnic screening deterrence factor pre-announced checks equal scrutiny international terrorism random selection security effectiveness
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con01a	An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. amnesty alienate regimes discourse reform repressive force control population negatively calculated public ongoing subversion power criminal dissidents breakdown communication engagement equal footing undermine way life superiority peaceably empower democracy press freedom aggression North Korea United States incremental change long game crackdown bloggers governments engagement appeasement conservative policy Western democracies influence coax Streets blood glacial possible outcome harsher amnesty alienate regimes discourse reform repressive force population control negatively West calculated public ongoing subversion power criminal dissidents breakdown communication reticent engage equal footing undermine way life superiority talks democracy press freedom patiently coax peaceably threatening aggression North Korea United States incremental change glacial long game harsher crackdown bloggers governments engagement appeasement conservative amnesty policy regimes discourse reform repressive force population negative reaction subversion power criminal dissidents breakdown communication engagement coax peace incremental change aggression North Korea United States bloggers crackdown empowerment democracy press freedom amnesty policy alienate regimes shutdown discourse repressive regime force control population control negative reaction Western democracies calculated subversion criminal dissidents breakdown communication reticent engagement undermining sovereignty empowering dissidents patient engagement coaxing reform peaceful reform aggressive response North Korea incremental change long-term strategy harsher crackdown bloggers democratic reforms press freedom non-violent change Larison The American Conservative engagement not appeasement amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive force control population react negatively Western democracies action calculated public ongoing subversion power criminal dissidents breakdown communication reticent engage equal footing undermine life assert superiority talks empower democracy press freedom patiently coax peaceably threatening aggression North Korea United States incremental change glacial long game outcome harsher crackdown bloggers governments amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive regime force population control Western democracies calculated subversion repressive power breakdown in communication engagement equal footing undermine way of life superiority peaceable reform empowerment democracy press freedom incremental change North Korea United States aggression harsher crackdown bloggers long-term strategy short-term consequences international relations human rights diplomatic engagement non-violent change amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive regime force control population negative reaction calculated public ongoing subversion criminal dissidents breakdown communication engagement equal footing undermine way of life superiority incremental change long game change North Korea United States aggression harsher crackdown bloggers governments empowerment democracy press freedom peaceful reform patience coercion international relations diplomacy human rights political reforms authoritarian states Western democracies policy analysis non-violent strategies state sovereignty international engagement dialogue coercion vs. amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive regime force control population Western democracies calculated subversion criminal dissidents breakdown communication equal footing undermine way of life superiority empower democracy press freedom patiently engage coax peaceably threaten core aims aggression North Korea United States responses incremental change long game changes blood flow harsher crackdown bloggers governments engagement appeasement The American Conservative Larison D. amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive force control population negatively calculated public ongoing subversion power criminal dissidents breakdown communication reticent engage equal footing undermine lifestyle superiority talks democracy press freedom patiently coax peaceably threaten aggression North Korea United States incremental change long game streets harsher crackdown bloggers governments engagement appeasement amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive regime force control population negative reaction Western democracies calculated subversion criminal dissidents breakdown in communication equal footing undermine way of life superiority talks democracy press freedom patient engagement peaceable reform aggression North Korea United States incremental change long game harsher crackdown bloggers Larison engagement appeasement The American Conservative
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro02a	Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. nuclear weapons international influence agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear proliferation global fairness non-proliferation agreements military capacity state interactions international clout post-World War II order nuclear club exclusivity defensive capabilities small nations crisis bargaining nuclear balance nuclear blackmail nuclear proliferation international clout military capacity global power dynamics UN Security Council permanent membership nuclear club non-proliferation agreements post-World War II historical anachronism crisis bargaining nuclear balance nuclear blackmail international fairness defensive capabilities equal treatment world order international forums agenda-setting nuclear powers conventional militaries inferior status level playing field right to develop international stage state interactions military equality global security disarmament international relations strategic stability deterrence nuclear policy global governance nuclear ethics state sovereignty international justice nuclear weapons international clout agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers historical anachronism post-World War II non-proliferation agreements military capacity international fairness crisis bargaining nuclear balance nuclear blackmail equal treatment international playing field defensive capabilities state interactions global dominance nuclear club exclusivity Nuclear weapons international influence agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council post-World War II nuclear proliferation non-proliferation agreements military capacity global fairness defensive capabilities international equality crisis bargaining nuclear balance historical anachronism nuclear club exclusivity state interactions world order military imbalance international clout conventional militaries inferior status right to develop nuclear arms equal treatment congress of nations defensive parity global dominance state rights international forums nuclear powers state sovereignty international justice power dynamics nuclear deterrence strategic balance international security Nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers World War II nuclear proliferation non-proliferation agreements fairness military capacity international clout defense equality crisis bargaining nuclear balance international order historical anachronism state rights nuclear club conventional militaries global justice Betts Fearon Nuclear weapons international agenda-setting United Nations Security Council nuclear proliferation global military balance international fairness non-proliferation agreements crisis bargaining nuclear balance state defense capabilities world order post-World War II nuclear club exclusivity international equality arms control Betts Fearon crisis management international relations power dynamics military capacity state interactions global security nuclear deterrence international forums diplomatic influence nuclear states non-nuclear states international justice military parity security studies nuclear policy strategic studies nuclear weapons international clout military capacity UN Security Council nuclear powers post-World War II non-proliferation fairness crisis bargaining nuclear balance defense inferior status global equality international forums permanent membership historical anachronism world order bargaining model nuclear club nuclear weapons international power agenda-setting UN Security Council nuclear powers post-World War II non-proliferation military capacity global fairness crisis bargaining nuclear balance international clout state interactions nuclear club smaller nations historical anachronism level playing field equal treatment defense capabilities conventional militaries international forums world order state rights nuclear armament international stage global dominance state status security policy arms control international relations geopolitical strategy nuclear proliferation defense strategy international security state sovereignty nuclear deterrence international justice security nuclear weapons international relations agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear proliferation post-World War II non-proliferation agreements world order fairness military capacity defense crisis bargaining nuclear balance international clout permanent membership state interactions nuclear club conventional militaries global equality states' rights international playing field arms control security studies international politics strategic studies nuclear proliferation international power dynamics UN Security Council nuclear disarmament global equity military capability non-proliferation treaties nuclear deterrence international security state sovereignty crisis bargaining balance of power international law strategic stability nuclear club post-war order global governance security studies international relations power politics
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con03a	Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. individual rights women's rights reproductive rights Church doctrine pregnancy planned pregnancy unplanned pregnancy childbearing family planning socioeconomic status poverty child welfare maternal responsibility celibate men decision-making parental support Proposition child care societal values moral disputes family joy child-rearing health concerns malnutrition misery slums favellas barren wastes dysentery diarrhea sanitation Western ideals global perspectives human rights ethics autonomy personal choice religious views secular views social responsibility community support life quality child development public health women's rights reproductive rights individual rights pregnancy rights church doctrine family planning poverty child welfare societal impact unplanned pregnancy moral responsibility celibate authority parental rights ethical decision-making global perspectives childbearing choices economic pressures religious views bodily autonomy healthcare access abortion women's rights reproductive rights individual rights pregnancy family planning contraception religious doctrine Church teaching moral disagreement unplanned pregnancy socioeconomic status poverty child welfare maternal responsibility decision-making celibate clergy parental care societal impact ethical considerations reproductive rights women's rights individual rights church doctrine pregnancy rights Planned Parenthood maternal health child welfare economic hardship global disparities family planning contraception religious beliefs moral价值观 社会责任 人口控制 生育自主权 儿童抚养 社会福祉 道德争议 宗教与生育 经济压力 社会支持 女性自主 道德决策 生育选择 社会现实 生活质量 宗教立场 伦理争论 人类权利 women's rights reproductive choice Church doctrine pregnancy rights family planning child welfare economic hardship societal values parental responsibility clerical authority human rights moral autonomy birth control methods global perspectives childrearing practices ethical considerations social justice public health women's autonomy decision-making rights women's rights reproductive rights individual rights church doctrine pregnancy family planning child welfare poverty slums favellas maternal responsibility celibate men decision-making Supporters of Proposition right to choose unplanned pregnancy virtue chemical barriers physical barriers joy dysentery diarrhea malnutrition misery sanitized image planning preparation care support objective observer individual rights reproductive rights church teachings family planning pregnancy childbirth socioeconomic factors child welfare poverty maternal responsibility decision-making religious doctrine celibate men parental rights care and support moral autonomy social context health and nutrition life quality planned parenthood ethical considerations 梵文 印度哲学 女性自主权 宗教与生育 社会正义 经济因素 人权 道德争议 西方视角 发展中国家现状 儿童福祉 母婴健康 家庭与社会 公共政策 伦理学 社会学 人权法 性别研究 *cosmology* (Note women's rights reproductive rights individual rights pregnancy childbirth family planning Church doctrine moral doctrine socioeconomic factors child welfare poverty public health ethical decision-making paternalism religious authority gender roles autonomy consent healthcare access family structure societal values cultural differences international perspectives human rights dignity maternal health child development social support economic impact moral disputes ethical considerations legal frameworks reproductive health abortion contraception natural family planning population control familial responsibilities childbearing quality of life developmental outcomes parental preparedness societal responsibility decision-making right to choose church doctrine pregnancy virtue family planning contraception chemical barrier physical barrier unintended pregnancy joy blessing poverty malnutrition dysentery diarrhea miserable life slums favellas barren wastes sanitized image child care planning preparation celibate men decision-making parental responsibility support care proposition objective observer women's rights reproductive rights individual rights church doctrines pregnancy virtue family planning unintended pregnancy childbearing poverty child welfare global inequality slums favellas maternal health paternal responsibility celibate men religious authority reproductive autonomy healthcare access social responsibility child support planned parenthood moral dilemmas ethical considerations population control women's health fertility contraceptive methods natural family planning moral philosophy societal norms cultural differences human rights dignity quality of life socioeconomic status healthcare systems public policy gender equality decision-making autonomy support
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con02a	Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens technology harassment social networks bullying statistics online threats Facebook rapists gang-rape befriending trust physical integrity fundamental rights societal impact i-SAFE foundation cyberthreats mean messages rumours hurtful messages social networking sites bullying online safety predators victimization mental scars physical scars social media risks digital safety online predators online harassment cyberstalking online privacy user protection internet safety online security digital citizenship online trust Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens cyber threats social networks societal impact online predators digital safety trust victimization harassment online bullying technology misuse social media risks crime facilitation mental health physical integrity rights violation online security privacy concerns digital citizenship victim deception online relationships grooming abuse cyberstalking harassment online identity social media dangers young people online security measures bullying statistics cyberbullying prevention online protection digital wellness mental scars physical scars Facebook rapists Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens online threats digital harassment social networks societal impact victim deception cybercrime online predators mental scars physical integrity fundamental rights technology misuse bullying statistics i-SAFE foundation Facebook rapists gang rape digital safety online bullying harm to society Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying social networks mental scars physical integrity adolescents teens cyber threats online bullying harassment social media risks digital safety online predators victim deception trust manipulation cyberbullying statistics bullying prevention online safety education digital citizenship social media addiction mental health impact privacy concerns online anonymity technology misuse harmful content digital footprint online reputation management parenting in digital age safeguarding youth online cyber security reporting mechanisms online predators digital well-being mental health support online harassment internet safety Facebook consequences mental safety physical safety rape crime physical integrity social networks society cyber bullying adolescents teens bullying harassment online threats cyber threats i-SAFE foundation Facebook rapists gang-rape befriending victims trust deception moral issues digital safety online predators Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens technology harassment social networks victims trust physical integrity cyberthreats bullying statistics Facebook rapists befriending gang-rape online threats rumours hurtful messages social networking sites i-SAFE foundation Justin Davenport Times of India Bullying Statistics Facebook Dangerous Consequences Mental Safety Physical Safety Rape Crime Permanent Scars Troubled Men Naive Women Deception Physical Integrity Fundamental Rights Cyber Bullying Adolescents Teens Technology Harassment Mean Messages Threats Rumors Hurtful Messages Cyber Threats Hunt for Facebook Rapists Gang Rape Befriending Bullying Statistics i-SAFE Foundation London Evening Standard Times of India Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens technology harassment rumors cyberthreats social networks detrimental society violation physical integrity fundamental rights troubled men naive women victims trust deception permanent scars unforgivable crimes i-SAFE foundation bullying statistics online bullying threats mean messages social networking sites young people London Evening Standard Times of India Facebook consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens online harassment social networks online predators trust manipulation cyber threats bullying statistics i-SAFE foundation social media risks digital safety online crimes personal integrity societal impact rape cyber bullying Facebook mental safety physical safety social networks adolescents teens cyber threats online predators victimization digital harassment online privacy user security trust exploitation cybercrimes social media risks online safety technology misuse harassment prevention
test-international-aghwrem-con02a	The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historic precedent international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty disengagement democratic reform international legitimacy resources options international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election process international players US EU recognition historic precedent concerted international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty democratic reform disengagement resources options international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historic precedent international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty international community choice democratic reform legitimacy disengagement resources options international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election process international players US EU recognition international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty democratic reform disengagement legitimacy international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historic precedent international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty democratic reform disengagement resources options legitimacy government international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election process international players US EU recognition historic precedent international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade and investment poverty choice international community strengthening military engaging disengaging EU US ruling elite resources options democratic reform legitimacy government international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historic precedent international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty disengagement democratic reform legitimacy ruling elite resources options international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historic precedent concerted international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty democratic reform disengagement legitimacy international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historic precedent international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty disengagement democratic reform legitimacy international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historical precedent international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty engagement disengagement democratic reform international legitimacy
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro04a	Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council Tonga recognition veto membership UN São Tomé international body initiatives World Bank IMF influence Taiwan diplomatic competition Oceania Fossen Anthony Van Chinese Political Science UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council diplomatic relations international body veto power membership Pacific islands Tonga São Tomé China Taiwan World Bank IMF aid organizations diplomatic recognition Oceania international influence political leverage UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council key members international relations diplomatic challenges Tonga São Tomé UN membership veto power international initiatives World Bank IMF aid organizations China Taiwan diplomatic competition Oceania recognition policies international influence strategic diplomacy UNSC member PRC UN Security Council key member difficult to avoid Tonga recognition switch veto membership São Tomé international body cause problems international institutions World Bank IMF more influence diplomatic competition China Taiwan Oceania recognition struggle UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council Tonga São Tomé recognition UN membership veto power international body World Bank IMF Taiwan diplomatic competition Oceania UNSC member PRC United Nations Security Council key member international relations diplomacy Tonga São Tomé UN membership veto power international body World Bank IMF China Taiwan diplomatic competition Oceania recognition foreign policy international influence aid organizations UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council China Taiwan diplomacy international relations São Tomé Tonga UN membership veto power World Bank IMF aid diplomatic recognition Oceania international body influence Pacific islands strategic importance political leverage global governance international institutions regional dynamics diplomatic competition political influence international aid security council economic influence political recognition global politics diplomatic relations international politics United Nations strategic diplomacy international community global diplomacy international affairs diplomatic strategy geopolitical influence international cooperation diplomatic engagement global strategy international UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council key member international relations Tonga recognition veto UN membership São Tomé international body influence World Bank IMF aid organizations diplomatic competition China Taiwan Oceania Fossen Anthony Van The Journal of Chinese Political Science UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council Taiwan diplomatic relations international influence veto power World Bank IMF diplomatic recognition São Tomé Tonga Oceania China international institutions aid organizations international initiatives UN membership diplomatic competition strategic relations UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council key member international relations foreign policy diplomacy Taiwan China diplomatic recognition Pacific islands Tonga São Tomé UN membership veto power international bodies World Bank IMF aid organizations influence strategic interests diplomatic competition Oceania Fossen Anthony Van The Journal of Chinese Political Science
test-international-epvhwhranet-con02a	If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. EU treaties member states referendum logistics enactment representative democracy parliamentary vote constituency representatives UK legislation Iraq war lesser importance direct democracy EU governance citizen consultation political representation decision-making process European Union national referendums governance efficiency referendum EU treaties member states logistics enactment representation parliament constituency Iraq war lesser importance referendum EU treaties member states logistics European Union vote legislation parliament constituency representatives government representation UK war with Iraq lesser importance issues EU treaties referendums member states logistics enactment representation parliament constituency representatives UK legislation Iraq war lesser importance issues referendum EU treaties member states voting logistics representation parliament constituency representatives legislation war with Iraq lesser importance EU referendum member states EU treaties logistics European Union voting parliament constituency representatives UK legislation war with Iraq representative government direct democracy referendum frequency EU decision-making citizen consultation political representation legislative process European governance democratic legitimacy international agreements referendum EU treaties member states logistics European Union voting legislation parliament constituency representatives government representation Iraq war lesser importance democratic process public opinion international relations political decision-making referendum EU treaties member states logistics enactment representation parliament constituency UK legislation war with Iraq lesser importance democratic process EU governance public opinion voting rights political representation European Union decision-making citizen engagement political legitimacy national sovereignty referendum EU treaties member states logistics European Union enactment voting parliament constituency representatives government representation UK legislation war with Iraq lesser importance issues referendum EU treaties member states logistics legislation parliament constituency representatives government representation Iraq war lesser importance
test-economy-beghwbh-pro03a	The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price amortization infrastructure energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flights Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha SpaceX Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price $20 one-way infrastructure cost energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flight costs $100 flights Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha 2013 Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price $20 one-way trip infrastructure cost energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flights $100 Hyperloop low cost system cheapest intercity transport ticket price $20 one-way trip infrastructure cost energy production maintenance costs price competitive flight costs Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest ticket price $20 one-way trip passenger version $6 billion 20 years amortizing cost 7.4 million people energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive $100 flights SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price $20 one-way trip energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flights $100 Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price $20 one-way trip infrastructure energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flight costs $100 Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price $20 one-way trip infrastructure energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flights $100 SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Hyperloop low cost system intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price infrastructure cost energy production maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flights Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha SpaceX low cost cheapest intercity transport ticket price amortized cost energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flights Hyperloop Alpha SpaceX Elon Musk
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro01a	Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, compensation rights legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss opportunities potential earnings justice disadvantages actions cultural appropriation business awareness culture inferiority Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality pollution profit identity Compensation rights legal system justice harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings disadvantages cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality culture identity pollution profit Compensation Rights Legal System Justice Harm Reputation Dignity Emotional Distress Loss of Opportunities Potential Earnings Disadvantages Actions Cultural Appropriation Lost Business Awareness Inferiority Rawls Principle of Redress Egalitarian Externality Culture Identity Pollution Profit Equality Redress Gerald F. Gaus Compensatory Justice Compensation rights legal justice harm to reputation emotional distress loss of opportunities cultural appropriation business loss cultural awareness cultural identity principle of redress egalitarianism unintended harm pollution profit motive Compensation rights legal system justice harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings disadvantages actions cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality culture identity pollution profit compensation rights legal justice harm to reputation emotional distress loss of opportunities cultural appropriation business harm cultural awareness feeling of inferiority principle of redress egalitarian viewpoint externality of harm cultural identity unintentional harm pollution analogy Compensation rights wrong justice legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings disadvantages actions cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality culture identity pollution profit Gaus compensation restore equality Compensation justice legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings disadvantages cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality culture identity pollution profit Compensation rights legal system justice harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss opportunities potential earnings disadvantages actions cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality culture identity pollution profit Compensation rights legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings justice disadvantages cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality culture identity pollution profit
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con02a	"Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. radio, technology, internet, Facebook, YouTube, phone texting, digital, portable, community radio, social media, bloggers, journalists, censorship, online activities, non-democratic countries, NPR, broadcast radio, internet cafes, cell phones, information dissemination, communication methods, media evolution, technological advancement, content delivery systems,놓 นาย Note: The last character "" radio technology internet technology Facebook Youtube phone texting digital technology portable technology community radio foreign aid funds software distribution bloggers journalists censorship online activities non-democratic countries NPR CEO broadcast radio internet replacement 5-10 years extremism risks social media benefits monolithic radio model free information exchange internet cafes cell phones information dissemination communication methods technological advancement media evolution radio supplementation digital age technological redundancy Radio technology small scale radio cheap method communication Internet technology Facebook YouTube phone texting information dissemination internet cafes cell phones digital technology portable technology community radio supplement enhance monolithic radio model empower extremists foreign aid funds software bloggers journalists non-democratic countries evade censorship conceal online activities NPR CEO Internet replace broadcast radio radio yesterday's technology small scale radio cheap method getting in touch willing to listen rendered redundant internet technology Facebook Youtube disseminate ideas information phone texting internet cafes omnipresent cell phones free exchange digital technology portable technology community radio supplement enhance step backwards monolithic radio model empowering extremists foreign aid funds research distribute software bloggers journalists non democratic countries evade censorship conceal online activities NPR CEO internet replace broadcast radio 5-10 years Radio yesterday’s technology small scale radio cheap method communication Internet technology Facebook Youtube phone texting disseminate ideas information internet cafes omnipresent cell phones free exchange digital technology portable technology community radio supplement enhance process step backwards monolithic radio model empower extremists texting social media foreign aid funds research distribute software bloggers journalists non-democratic countries evade censorship conceal online activities NPR CEO Internet replace broadcast radio radio technology internet technology facebook youtube phone texting digital technology portable technology community radio foreign aid bloggers journalists censorship internet cafes cell phones free exchange information monolithic radio model empower extremists social media broadcast radio research distribute software evade censorship conceal online activities non-democratic countries internet replacing radio npr ceo 5-10 years radio technology Internet social media Facebook YouTube texting community radio information dissemination digital technology portable technology foreign aid censorship bloggers journalists non-democratic countries online activities NPR broadcast radio extremism radio yesterday's technology internet Facebook YouTube phone texting digital technology portable technology community radio supplement enhance foreign aid funds software bloggers journalists evade censorship conceal online activities NPR CEO Internet replace broadcast radio 5-10 years monolithic radio model empower extremists social media free exchange of information internet cafes omnipresent cell phones capital costs radio technology internet social media Facebook Youtube information dissemination texting cell phones community radio digital portable technology free exchange foreign aid censorship bloggers journalists non-democratic countries NPR broadcast radio extremism internet technology Facebook YouTube social media phone texting digital technology portable technology internet cafes cell phones free exchange of information community radio supplement process monolithic radio model empower extremists censorship bloggers journalists non-democratic countries evade censorship conceal online activities NPR CEO broadcast radio Internet replacement"
test-economy-bepighbdb-con02a	Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy societal objectives Myanmar junta military citizenry Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea dictatorships democracies Przeworski Limongi GDP per capita political regime EKONOMSKI PREGLED economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms development democracy society objectives Myanmar junta citizenry freedom of speech Human Development Index GDP Equatorial Guinea wealth distribution Przeworski Limongi dictatorships democracies GDP per capita growth Amartya Sen development economic growth unfreedoms democracy social objectives Myanmar Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi political regimes GDP per capita growth dictatorships democracies Development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy developed society citizenry Myanmar junta Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi GDP per capita dictatorships democracies political regime EKONOMSKI PREGLED Amartya Sen development economic growth unfreedoms democracy societal objectives Myanmar military Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi GDP per capita dictatorships democracies political regime economic realm choices reasoned agency development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms democracy society Myanmar junta Human Development Index freedom of speech Equatorial Guinea wealth distribution GDP Przeworski Limongi dictatorships democracies GDP per capita Amartya Sen development economic growth unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy societal objectives Myanmar military showing citizenry Human Development Index freedom of speech Equatorial Guinea wealth distribution GDP GDP per capita Przeworski Limongi political regime dictatorship democracy economic realm choices absolute growth distribution 1951-1990 high income developed nation Oxford University Press EKONOMSKI PREGLED M. ANTIĆ influence GDP growth rate per capita growth rate 4.4 Amartya Sen development economic growth unfreedoms democracy societal objectives Myanmar junta Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP Equatorial Guinea wealth distribution Przeworski Limongi GDP per capita dictatorships democracies political regime economic realm choices development as freedom Oxford University Press EKONOMSKI PREGLED development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms democracy society objectives Myanmar junta military citizenry freedom of speech Human Development Index GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi dictatorships democracies GDP per capita political regime EKONOMSKI PREGLED M. ANTIĆ development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy society objectives Myanmar junta citizenry Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi dictatorships democracies GDP per capita growth
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro03a	There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad female youth economic potential workforce manufacturing services entrepreneurship post-independent Africa UNESCO World Bank African women education illiteracy rates economic potential workforce participation business opportunities post-independent Africa UNESCO statistics youth literacy gender equality development empowerment Sub-Saharan Africa Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad African women education potential illiteracy rates female youth literacy economic potential workforce impact business opportunities post-independent Africa UNESCO statistics World Bank data African women potential education illiteracy Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad illiteracy rates female youth improving education economic opportunities manufacturing services sectors entrepreneurship workforce impact post-independent Africa UNESCO Institute of Statistics World Bank data African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad female youth economic potential workforce manufacturing services sectors entrepreneurship post-independent Africa UNESCO Institute of Statistics World Bank data African women potential education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad improving literacy women's education economic potential workforce manufacturing services sectors entrepreneurship post-independent Africa UNESCO Institute of Statistics youth literacy rate African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad female youth economic potential workforce manufacturing services entrepreneurship business ownership post-independent Africa UNESCO Institute of Statistics World Bank data literacy improvement gender equality development social progress empowerment economic impact human capital skills knowledge opportunities growth employment productivity African women education potential illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad female youth economic potential manufacturing services sectors entrepreneurship workforce impact post-independent Africa UNESCO Institute of Statistics World Bank data African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad economic potential workforce female youth post-independent Africa UNESCO World Bank literacy improvement manufacturing services sectors entrepreneurship Organizations African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad female youth economic potential workforce manufacturing services sectors entrepreneurship post-independent Africa UNESCO Institute of Statistics World Bank data
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro01a	The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, accountability transparency health leadership electorate distrust deception presidential candidates political accountability public health governance secrecy political ethics Mills Vanderpuye Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu accountability transparency leadership health issues public trust electoral responsibility political ethics John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye presidential candidates lying governance secrecy distrust electorate accountability transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility political deception presidential candidates health secrecy democratic oversight misinforming electorate John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye political ethics leadership integrity public health disclosure governance accountability political campaigning health misinformation democratic principles leadership accountability accountability public health transparency political deception leader's health electoral trust presidential candidates political responsibility health misinformation Mills' health controversy Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu political accountability government secrecy health disclosure electoral integrity public health information political trust health transparency presidential health political ethics leadership accountability voter deception health in politics public trust in government health and governance political integrity health and leadership electoral health issues political responsibility leader's health disclosure health and public trust political health transparency Mills accountability transparency health leadership politics democracy presidential candidate election public trust deceit Mills Vanderpuye Modern Ghana Takyi-Boadu accountability head of state government transparency leader's health distrust electorate health issues lying presidential candidate John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye political transparency Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu accountability transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility political deception John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye presidential candidates health secrecy political ethics governance democracy electorate rights Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu Mills' party political honesty public information health disclosure leadership integrity accountability transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility misinformation political ethics presidential candidates John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye health secrecy political deception governance integrity democratic principles public health disclosure leadership accountability political campaigning electoral accountability government transparency health issues in politics accountability transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility deceit in politics presidential candidates health misinformation political accountability government transparency public health disclosure political integrity democratic principles Mills' health controversy Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Charles Takyi-Boadu Modern Ghana accountability transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility political deceit health disclosure presidential candidates John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye political ethics public information Ghana politics Modern Ghana 2012 election leadership integrity health secrecy political accountability electoral integrity
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro01a	Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ vulnerable unrest tourism economy Tunisia revolution violence law order tourists decrease footfall attacks Salafists conservative Islam Sharia government travel advisories Westerners ransom revenue unreliable industry Tunisia tourism unrest economic impact political instability Salafists Sharia law travel warnings visitor decline revenue reduction African Manager BBC Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade kidnapping threat Western tourists law and order Tunisian revolution violence conservative Islam tourist destinations ransom targets Tunisia tourism unrest violence law and order Tunisian revolution visitors danger footfall decline Salafists Sharia law attacks tourist destinations government travel information Westerners ransom revenue unreliable industry African Manager BBC Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade kidnapping threat Tunisian revolution tourism decline unrest impact Salafist attacks travel advisories economic vulnerability law and order breakdown tourist safety concerns revenue reduction unreliable industry Tunisia unrest tourism economy violence law and order Tunisian revolution tourists footfall Salafists Sharia law government travel advisories Westerners ransom revenue unreliable industry African Manager BBC Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Tunisian revolution tourism decline Salafist attacks government travel advisories unrest impacts economic vulnerability tourist safety concerns revenue reduction political instability law and order breakdown Western tourists ransom targets Sharia law conservative Islam travel warnings economic reliance industry instability tourist footfall violence impact African Manager BBC Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Vulnerable unrest tourism economy violence law and order Tunisian revolution tourists dangerous footfall decline attacks Salafists Sharia law government travel information Westerners ransom decrease revenue unreliable industry Tunisia Tunisia tourism unrest economy law and order Tunisian revolution violence tourist decline Salafists Sharia law government travel advice Westerners ransom revenue reduction unreliable industry African Manager BBC Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Tunisia tourism economic impact unrest Salafists Sharia law government travel advisories visitor decline revenue reduction security concerns kidnapping threats Western tourists law and order Tunisian revolution violence conservative Islam footfall statistics travel industry risk perception economic reliance political instability Vulnerable unrest tourism economy Tunisia revolution violence law order tourists decrease footfall Salafists Sharia law attacks tourist destinations government travel information unrest Westerners ransom revenue unreliable industry
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con03a	There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . right to die elderly coercion societal pressure burden perception free will suicide risk elderly value working age burden cultural normalization moral obligation end-of-life choices societal norms euthanasia assisted dying elderly contribution social expectations psychological burden neurobiology of suicide terminal choice ethical considerations risk free choice coercion right to die elderly societal pressure cost working age societal narrative burden suicide cultural norm free will psychological impact neurobiology societal values elderly contribution taboo normalisation ethical concerns end-of-life decisions social norms economic pressure moral responsibility autonomy dignity euthanasia assisted dying palliative care quality of life mental health vulnerability informed consent social support healthcare policy bioethics human rights public discourse family dynamics social welfare aging population demographic trends policy implications ethical dile right to die elderly coercion free choice societal pressure burden working age suicide ethical concerns normalized death psychological impact neurobiology of suicide cultural norms end-of-life decisions autonomy euthanasia assisted dying elderly contributions social value cost implications moral implications elder care public health palliative care quality of life dignity in aging community support intergenerational relationships social welfare healthcare policy aging population mental health existential issues life value human rights bioethics societal values elder abuse involuntary euthanasia ethical dile right to die elderly burden societal coercion free choice right to live elderly contribution working age pressure suicide perception normalized euthanasia ethical concerns end-of-life decisions social norms psychological impact terminal illness assisted dying healthcare costs moral obligations quality of life legal implications family dynamics aging population public policy human rights societal values ethical dilemmas palliative care mental health death with dignity cultural attitudes elder care bioethics autonomy dependency healthcare resources societal acceptance moral psychology euthanasia debate burden of care existential risk free choice coercion right to die silent coercion elderly society value of older people cost to working age family pressure societal narrative burden normalised death suicide psychological burden neurobiology cultural norms working members elderly burden taboo normalisation free will right to die elderly coercion societal pressure burden perception free will suicide causes working age pressure elderly contribution social norm choice perception normalized euthanasia elderly value cost of aging taboo removal psychological burden neurobiology of suicide societal narrative family pressure individual rights ethical euthanasia moral coercion elderly suicide societal expectations end-of-life choices compassionate care public policy elder rights moral psychology bioethics palliative care death with dignity assisted dying elderly autonomy social responsibility demographic changes economic factors healthcare ethics end-of-life right to die elderly society coercion free choice burden suicide working age cost societal pressure norm perceived obligation taboo culture psychological impact neurobiology suicidal behavior elder contributions social narrative family pressure normalized dying free will illusion economic concerns moral implications public health ethics of assisted dying demographic trends ageism social welfare end-of-life decisions autonomy dignity quality of life healthcare policy moral psychology social attitudes euthanasia palliative care bioethics human rights aging population societal values mental health social right to die elderly burden coercion free choice suicide societal pressure cost of elderly care working age population perceived burden cultural norms euthanasia end-of-life decisions psychological impact neurobiology of suicide societal values elderly contribution ethical considerations moral obligations palliative care aging population social policies healthcare economics human rights dignity in dying quality of life moral philosophy bioethics public health mental health eldercare intergenerational dynamics social stigma autonomy vulnerability end-of-life support assisted dying terminal care societal narrative norm right to die elderly burden societal coercion norm creation free choice moral obligation psychological impact suicide risk elderly contribution working age pressure cultural normalization intrinsic value elderly rights ethical considerations social narratives end-of-life decisions autonomy vs. coercion public health policy demographic changes intergenerational dynamics right to die elderly coercion societal pressure burden perception suicide risk normalized euthanasia elderly contribution working-age burden moral obligation psychological impact cultural norms end-of-life choices autonomous decision-making social expectations elderly rights euthanasia debate public health concern ethical considerations suicide prevention aging population
test-economy-thsptr-con05a	The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, equality of opportunity progressive taxation flat tax social equality resentment entitlement necessary services proportionality in taxation economic competitiveness tax contributions wealth distribution tax fairness libertarian perspective flat tax example Russia tax system taxation equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat taxes social equality resentment entitlement fiscal policy economic competitiveness public services tax reform income distribution libertarian perspective proportionality in taxation Rick Perry's flat tax Russia tax system equality of opportunity progressive taxation flat tax social equality economic competitiveness resentment entitlement tax system proportionality fiscal policy public services wealth redistribution tax contribution libertarian views tax reform Rick Perry Russia tax model Nolan Chart BBC News equality of opportunity flat tax progressive tax social equality economic competitiveness tax contribution tax resentment wealth redistribution essential services tax proportionality fiscal policy libertarian perspective Russian tax system Rick Perry's flat tax plan equality of opportunity taxation progressive taxes flat taxes essential services economic competition social equality tax fairness proportionality in taxation wealth distribution resentment entitlement fiscal policy tax reform economic agents libertarian perspective Rick Perry's flat tax plan tax contributions unduly taking odious taxes necessary services system of taxation contributory fairness Russian tax system wealth redistribution tax efficiency economic growth tax morality equality of opportunity progressive taxation social equality resentment entitlement flat tax proportionality necessary services competitive free agents economic fairness tax system wealth redistribution tax policy libertarian perspective Rick Perry's flat tax plan taxation morality economic competitiveness Russian taxation model tax contribution equality of opportunity progressive taxation flat tax social equality resentment entitlement wealth redistribution necessary services competitive free agents proportionality in taxation economic fairness tax policy fiscal responsibility libertarian perspective Rick Perry's flat tax plan Russian tax system equality of opportunity progressive taxation flat tax social equality resentment entitlement essential services competitive free agents proportionality in taxation unduly taking odious taxes morality of taxation economic competitiveness fiscal policy income distribution wealth redistribution tax fairness libertarian perspective Rick Perry's flat tax plan equality of opportunity flat tax progressive tax social equality taxation system unduly taking resentment entitlement essential services proportionality in taxation competitive free agents economic contribution frugal libertarian immorality of progressive income tax Rick Perry's flat tax plan BBC News Mark Mardell equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat tax social equality resentment entitlement essential services proportionality in taxation competitive free agents economic competitiveness tax policy libertarian views Rick Perry's flat tax plan Russian tax system income distribution tax fairness public services wealth redistribution fiscal policy tax reform economic freedom social engineering tax burden tax equity economic growth government revenue individual responsibility societal benefits tax contribution tax rates fiscal responsibility economic incentives public goods economic efficiency tax system marginal tax rates tax structure economic opportunities tax laws wealth creation
test-society-asfhwapg-pro01a	Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 gene patents intellectual property patentability biotechnology genome research biomedicine patent office patent criteria patent law US law inventions genetic materials cell lines drugs cloning techniques extraction methods legal criteria patent applicants patent rights gene patent concerns public worries genetic inventions useful processes compositions of matter trade secrets artistic works literary works designs symbols names images research investments patent protection biotech patents genetic engineering molecular biology biopharmaceuticals patent scope ethical considerations gene patenting debate innovation incentives legal framework gene patents intellectual property patentable genome research biomedicine inventions US law patent applicant new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques Community Genetics Merz J. Mildred K. gene patents intellectual property patenting office genome research biomedicine inventions US law patents genetic material cloning techniques new drugs cell lines trade secrets community genetics public concern legal criteria isolation usefulness investment creations of the mind literary works artistic works symbols names images designs gene patents intellectual property patent criteria genome research biomedicine patents new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques patent law creations of the mind trade secrets US patent law community genetics patentable inventions nature isolation useful application investment in patents legal stipulations gene patent controversy gene patents intellectual property patentable patent office genome research biomedicine inventions US law patent criteria creation of mind biotechnology genetic material drug development cell lines extraction techniques cloning ethical concerns public interest proprietary rights genetic research innovation激励 gene patents intellectual property patentable inventions biomedicine genome research patent office criteria isolation useful application US law creations of the mind new and useful process new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques community genetics public concern ethical issues patent laws biotechnology industry genes intellectual property patentable patent office isolation useful application genome research investment creation of mind US law inventions literary works artistic works symbols names images designs trade secrets biomedicine new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques gene patents concerns community genetics gene patents intellectual property patentable patent office criteria genome research investment creations of the mind US law inventions literary works artistic works symbols names images designs trade secrets biomedicine new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques genetic material patent laws ethical concerns public domain genetic testing pharmaceutical industry innovation research and development bioethics patent trolls access to medicine genetic privacy human genome genetic engineering patent infringement patent expiration licensing proprietary technology gene sequencing genetic mapping personalized medicine diagnostic methods Genes intellectual property patentable patenting office isolation usefulness genome research companies invested resources creations of the mind US law inventions literary works artistic works symbols names images designs trade secrets biomedicine new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques gene patents concerns gene patents intellectual property patentable genome research biomedicine inventions legal criteria US law biotechnology pharmaceuticals cell lines cloning techniques patent applicant new drugs trade secrets artistic works industrial processes genetic engineering public health ethical concerns patent office Merz J. Mildred K. Community Genetics 2005
test-international-siacphbnt-con03a	Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology insecurity security risk internet cybersecurity key concern hacking events Africa security digital users cyber-crime costs Kenyan government South Africans users safety fraud identity theft entrepreneurs customer details business plans privacy technology insecurity security risks internet safety cybersecurity hacking Africa digital security Kenyan cyber-crime South African cyber issues digital user safety fraud protection identity theft prevention entrepreneur technology security business data privacy cybersecurity hacking Africa digital users cybercrime Kenya South Africa fraud identity theft entrepreneurs customer privacy business security technology risks internet safety security measures digital security online protection cyber attacks data protection tech safety Technology insecurity security risk internet risk cybersecurity hacking events Africa digital users cyber-crime Kenyan government Ksh.2 billion 70% South Africans user safety fraud identity theft entrepreneurs customer details business plans privacy Technology Insecurity Security Risk Internet Cybersecurity Hacking Africa Digital Users Cyber-Crime Kenya Government Cost South Africa Users Safety Fraud Identity Theft Entrepreneurs Customer Details Business Plans Privacy cybersecurity hacking Africa digital users cyber-crime Kenya South Africa technology safety fraud identity theft entrepreneurs business privacy Technology security risk internet cybersecurity hacking Africa digital users cyber-crime Kenya government costs South Africa users safety fraud identity theft entrepreneurs customer details business plans privacy technology insecurity security risks internet vulnerability cybersecurity hacking events Africa digital users cyber-crime Kenyan government costs South Africa fraud hacking identity theft user safety privacy entrepreneurs business security technology cybersecurity internet security risk hacking Africa digital users cyber-crime Kenya Ksh.2 billion South Africa fraud identity theft entrepreneurs customer details business plans privacy cybersecurity hacking digital security Africa Kenya South Africa cyber-crime fraud identity theft technology safety entrepreneurs business privacy
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro03a	Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of voters electoral mandates indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court international community respect European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 Final Report ICC democratic mandate elections Kenyatta Ruto International Criminal Court crimes against humanity European Union Kenya 2013 elections electoral mandates foreign court international community democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of the voters indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity electoral mandates foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 international community respect for electoral process political legitimacy judicial interference human rights legal proceedings African politics international law democracy governance electoral integrity political stability justice system rule of law democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of the voters indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court electoral mandates respect international community European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 Final Report democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of the voters International Criminal Court electoral mandates crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 Final Report search efficiency query expansion respect democratic process international community legal indictment political leadership African politics judicial interference sovereignty democratic mandate elections ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto International Criminal Court crimes against humanity electoral mandates foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of the voters International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of voters indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya 2013 elections international community respect for electoral mandates democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of voters indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya 2013 elections electoral mandate respect international community democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of voters indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court respect international community European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 Final Report
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro04a	Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, partial birth abortion moral standards public opinion support United States opinion polls House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise democracy legality abortion debate ethical considerations legislative history political promises public sentiment moral values legislative votes political actions ethical standards democratic process abortion legislation political support moral consensus legal measures ethical legislation public policy moral debates abortion rights pro-life pro-choice moral legislation ethical voting political vows public polling moral positions ethical voting patterns legislative action moral legislation ethical government decisions partial birth abortion moral standards public opinion support for ban legislative votes presidential veto campaign promises Gallup poll Senate vote House of Representatives vote Clinton veto Bush promise United States abortion legislation ethical considerations democratic process political promises legal accuracy partial birth abortion moral standards public opinion support for ban opinion polls Gallup House of Representatives Senate President Clinton President Bush campaign promise democratic process veto legal accuracy United States abortion legislation moral legislation political promises legislative history abortion debate ethical considerations public policy congressional votes presidential actions moral majority conservative values reproductive rights women's health medical ethics constitutional issues legislative process political opposition public health societal norms legal standards ethical debates political campaigns legislative outcomes medical procedures reproductive health legal challenges moral arguments political abortion partial-birth abortion moral standards public opinion opinion polls support for ban House of Representatives Senate President Clinton President Bush campaign promise veto democratic process legal accuracy ethical considerations legislation reproductive rights healthcare policy moral ethics political promises societal values legal debates medical procedures women's health constitutional rights judicial review legislative history abortion statistics abortion laws clinic procedures medical ethics public health healthcare legislation political controversy legal challenges constitutional law reproductive health medical practice ethics in medicine public policy legal reform healthcare reform Partial birth abortion moral standards United States opinion polls support banning House of Representatives Senate President Clinton President Bush campaign promise veto Craig Gallup abortion United States Senate Republican Policy Committee partial birth abortion moral standards United States opinion polls support House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto undemocratic President Bush campaign promise Gallup Larry E. Craig United States Senate Republican Policy Committee partial birth abortion moral standards public opinion support United States opinion polls House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise Gallup Craig United States Senate Republican Policy Committee partial birth abortion moral standards United States support opinion polls House of Representatives Senate President Clinton President Bush campaign promise Gallup United States Senate Republican Policy Committee Craig Larry E. partial birth abortion moral standards United States opinion polls support House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise Craig Gallup abortion laws democratic process legislative history public opinion ethical debate medical procedures political opposition legal accuracy partial birth abortion moral standards United States opinion polls support House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise Gallup Craig United States Senate Republican Policy Committee
test-international-ghbunhf-pro02a	UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN human rights abuses ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships developing nations UN peacekeepers sexual abuse Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China accountability international law peacekeeping missions sexual misconduct genocide prevention human rights violations global governance UN reform NGO reports international criticism UN effectiveness humanitarian intervention international justice UN member states human rights protection peacekeeping failures UN structural issues human rights advocacy international relations UN policies war crimes international community UN response human rights standards global human UN human rights abuses post-war world rights of citizens ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships women's rights developing nations UN peacekeepers war-torn countries Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China Rwanda genocide failure Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals UN membership 2011 UN human rights abuses post-war world genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships women's rights developing nations UN peacekeepers sex scandals Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China Rwanda genocide failure peacekeepers' crimes UN failures human rights abuses ethnic minorities women's rights children's rights genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships UN membership Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China UN peacekeepers sex scandals 2011 membership BBC report New York Times article UN human rights abuses post-war world citizens ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships women's rights developing nations UN peacekeepers war-torn countries Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China Rwanda genocide peacekeepers' sex scandals membership Human Rights Council UN human rights abuses post-war world ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships developing nations UN peacekeepers sex scandals Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China BBC New York Times United Nations UN human rights abuses post-war citizens ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships women's rights developing nations UN peacekeepers war-torn countries sexual abuse Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China membership accountability international law humanitarian intervention global governance peacekeeping failures sexual exploitation UN reforms human rights protection international community moral responsibility human dignity state sovereignty universal values cultural relativism impunity justice international relations security council human rights defenders marginalized groups gender equality civil UN human rights abuses post-war development genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships women's rights developing nations UN peacekeepers sexual misconduct Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China accountability international governance humanitarian failures UN human rights abuses post-war world genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships women's rights developing nations UN peacekeepers sexual abuse Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China Rwanda genocide failure peacekeepers sex scandals UN membership criticism UN human rights abuses ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships UN peacekeepers sexual abuse Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China UN failures post-war human rights international organizations peacekeeping failures human rights violations UN membership UN accountability
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con01a	The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states unified thinking UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level EU High Representative foreign policy EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU reform treaty member states UK foreign policy decisions state level political integration European Union international relations policy consolidation treaty negotiation constitutional reform public opinion political sovereignty intergovernmental cooperation High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states unified action UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level EU foreign policy High Representative EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU reform treaty UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level consolidation unison failure groundbreaking watered-down version salvage bold initiative post shadow inability member states think act High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level consolidation unison groundbreaking shadow failure inability watered-down initiative reject accept treaty constitution politics international relations EU governance diplomacy sovereignty integration decision-making consensus EUROPEAN UNION FOREIGN AFFAIRS POLICY DECISIONS STATE SOVEREIGNTY TREATY NEGOTIATIONS CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM EU foreign policy High Representative EU Constitution EU reform treaty Dutch referendum French referendum UK member states unison major foreign policy decisions state level High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level EU foreign policy High Representative EU Constitution reform treaty Dutch referendum French referendum UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level consolidation unison member states inability groundbreaking watered-down initiative rejection think act
test-international-emephsate-con03a	Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition EU membership negotiations enlargement UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence building ports airports barriers agreement Van Rompuy International Crisis Group reunification stalemate 2004 EU backed challenges member state problems progress stalled steps settlement Europe Briefing 2011 2012 Bloomberg James G. Neuger Turkey Cyprus European Union EU recognition entry negotiation enlargement UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence-building ports airports Van Rompuy International Crisis Group settlement reunification obstacles membership diplomacy bilateral relations Mediterranean geopolitics EU candidacy stalled talks peace process political barriers economic integration foreign policy international relations regional stability EU criteria accession requirements diplomatic efforts Euro-Mediterranean relations ethnic conflict security concerns political stalemate conflict resolution international mediation European integration bilateral disputes trade relations human Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition entry EU membership EU President Van Rompuy negotiations enlargement UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence-building barriers agreement ports airports reunification International Crisis Group Europe Briefing Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition entry EU membership EU President Van Rompuy negotiation challenges enlargement Greek Cypriots UN peace plan reunification confidence building barriers to agreement ports airports settlement steps International Crisis Group Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition EU membership negotiation enlargement UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence-building ports airports Van Rompuy International Crisis Group settlement reunification barriers agreement stalled challenges member state relations Turkey Cyprus European Union EU membership recognition negotiations UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence-building ports airports EU President Van Rompuy enlargement settlement International Crisis Group Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition EU membership Van Rompuy negotiations reunification UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence-building ports airports barriers agreement enlargement challenges member state diplomatic relations stalled talks settlement International Crisis Group Bloomberg James G. Neuger Turkey Cyprus European Union EU recognition EU membership EU President Van Rompuy negotiations enlargement UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence-building barriers agreement ports airports reunification island International Crisis Group Europe Briefing Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition EU membership Van Rompuy negotiations enlargement Greek Cypriots UN peace plan reunification confidence-building ports airports settlement International Crisis Group obstacles diplomatic relations stalemate entry barriers Cyprus Turkey European Union recognition Van Rompuy negotiations reunification Greek Cypriots UN peace plan confidence-building ports airports EU membership stalemate challenges enlargement settlement
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con01a	Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. collective bargaining democracy workers job firm feedback structures managers executive decision makers profit public good state issues workers' rights public interest workforce indirect benefit public benefit happiness productivity brain drain professions effect people adjustment ideas employer strikes protests disruptive prudent importance industrial relations collective bargaining democracy worker rights firm communication feedback structures public interest workforce benefits indirect benefits worker happiness productivity brain drain strikes protests industrial relations employee representation labor unions management negotiation workplace democracy economic fairness social justice occupational health job security employment law collective agreements bargaining power worker solidarity corporate governance human resources labor market employee engagement organizational behavior unionization labor disputes wage negotiation benefit packages work conditions labor standards employment terms worker protection workplace equity employee rights labor policies public sector private sector Collective bargaining democracy workforce feedback structures public interest profit indirect benefit worker happiness productivity brain drain strikes protests industrial relations employee rights labor laws management decision making public good state interests work environment job satisfaction employee retention socio-economic impact unionization bargaining power collective agreement labor disputes employee welfare corporate social responsibility workforce stability alternative dispute resolution employee representation labor market economic benefits social benefits organizational behavior human resource management employee engagement workplace democracy labor movement industrial democracy collective action worker solidarity negotiation collective bargaining democracy worker rights firm communication feedback structures public interest profit principles workforce happiness productivity brain drain strikes protests industrial relations public good state interests employment relations labor rights employee representation management dialogue bargaining processes workforce satisfaction occupational mobility economic benefits social welfare labor movements union activities employee benefits negotiation strategies labor laws employment conditions collective agreements bargaining units labor disputes workplace democracy worker empowerment labor-management cooperation collective action public sector private sector employee engagement worker protections labor market economic justice social collective bargaining democracy job roles feedback structures worker communication managerial decisions public good state interests workforce representation public interest indirect benefits workforce morale productivity enhancement brain drain prevention employee satisfaction large-scale impact strike alternatives protest awareness industrial relations labor rights collective bargaining democracy job feedback structures workers managers executive decision makers issues profit public good state workforce public interest indirect benefit happiness harder working workforce brain drain strikes protests industrial relations importance adjustment disruptive prudent allow engage express problem option single worker large number people change request rejected situation required principles affect significantly run against serve collection necessary aspect engage process employer adjustment awareness raise alternate option vast more disruption disruption collective bargaining democracy job rights worker communication feedback structures profit principles public interest workforce treatment indirect public benefit workforce happiness productivity improvement brain drain prevention group impact collective expression strike alternative protest awareness industrial relations worker rights employer negotiation collective bargaining democracy job rights firm feedback structures worker-manager communication profit principles public interest workforce representation indirect public benefit workforce happiness productivity brain drain prevention worker dissatisfaction collective action strikes protests industrial relations labor rights employer-employee negotiation social impact economic benefits organizational behavior human resource management collective bargaining democracy job feedback structures workers managers profit public good state issues workers' rights public interest workforce indirect benefit happiness productivity brain drain strikes protests industrial relations labor rights employee representation negotiation management labor unions employee engagement workplace democracy economic justice social welfare employee benefits corporate responsibility labor laws unionization worker protection collective action bargaining power labor market employment conditions worker satisfaction workplace communication organizational behavior labor disputes dispute resolution labor relations employee retention workforce development public policy collective bargaining democracy worker rights industrial relations public interest workforce satisfaction employee representation labor unions negotiation corporate governance worker protest strikes employment law human resources occupational justice economic benefits social welfare labor market worker solidarity management practices
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con02a	The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on Internet free domain government control international space public space Western democracies elected governments country-specific laws internet governance individual rights dictatorial government nanny state citizen respect self-protection extremist sites harmful content Babel Papacharissi virtual sphere BBC defence of nanny state Internet freedom government control international public space Western liberal democracies country-specific laws online information rights digital governance international jurisdiction online self-regulation extremist content harmful sites individual responsibility digital citizenship nanny state online censorship digital rights Internet regulation online content control digital policy online freedom of expression Internet governance digital sovereignty international cyberspace public domain online government authority online Western democracies electoral promises national laws international information digital freedom online extremism harmful content self-regulation nanny state digital citizenship online safety user responsibility digital ethics cyber laws international media digital communication language online virtual sphere media studies political science information policy digital rights online governance internet security digital democracy online governance models cyber sovereignty online freedom of expression digital regulation internet policy cyber ethics digital inclusivity online content regulation cyber jurisdiction Internet freedom government control international public space Western democracies country-specific laws global information individual government rights dictatorial power nanny state citizen protection extremist content harmful sites self-regulation information governance democratic principles digital rights online censorship state authority public autonomy digital citizenship Internet free domain government control international public space Western liberal democracies nation-specific laws government authority dictatorial nanny state citizen self-protection extremist sites harmful content Babel Papacharissi BBC virtual sphere communication language media society information rights online governance digital freedom individual responsibility internet freedom government control online information international public space Western liberal democracies elected governments country-specific laws internet governance individual government rights digital information internet as platform dictatorial governments nanny state citizen autonomy harmful content extremist sites self-regulation online safety digital rights internet neutrality global communication freedom of speech online jurisdiction digital citizenship internet regulation online governance public sphere virtual communication language diversity online digital democracy media society online ethics government oversight information control digital policy internet legislation online privacy user autonomy digital literacy internet Internet freedom government control international public space Western liberal democracies country-specific laws nanny state citizen autonomy extremist sites harmful content individual decision-making Babel Papacharissi virtual sphere BBC defence of nanny state Internet freedom government control international space public domain Western democracies national laws international realm information rights dictatorial government nanny state citizen autonomy extremist content harmful sites self-protection individual decision-making Babel Papacharissi BBC liberal democracies online governance internet freedom government control international public space Western democracies national laws internet governance country-specific laws international domain digital rights online censorship nanny state citizen autonomy extremist content harmful sites self-regulation online safety digital information internet policy cyber governance digital citizenship Internet governance international public space government authority Western liberal democracies national laws international freedom dictatorial government nanny state citizen autonomy self-protection extremist sites harmful content Babel communication Papacharissi virtual sphere BBC viewpoint
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro01a	"The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: patent system pharmaceutical companies perverse incentives drug patents lobbying profit maximization evergreening patent expiration monopoly prices societal progress innovation economic dynamism free flow of ideas patent abolition taxpayer burden justice research costs political influence democratic states United States patent system unjust perverse incentives large pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens drug patent regime benefit shield profits lobbyists politicians influence powerful lobbies democratic states United States special loopholes maximize profits evergreening re-patent extend patents monopoly prices research costs societal progress 放缓 innovation abolition free flow ideas economic dynamism Faunce Thomas 2004 The Awful Truth About Evergreening The Age patent system pharmaceutical companies drug patents lobbyists politicians industry lobbyists patent laws special loopholes evergreening monopoly prices research costs societal progress innovation economic dynamism free flow of ideas patent abolition drug patent regime unjust perverse incentives ordinary citizens profit maximization taxpayer justice innovation slowdown patent expiration profitable products ideas Awful Truth About Evergreening Thomas Faunce patent system pharmaceutical companies perverse incentives drug patents patent laws lobbying political influence evergreening profit maximization public harm research costs innovation slowdown economic dynamism free flow of ideas patent abolition societal progress monopoly prices taxpayer burden patent expiration compound patents drug variations justice democratic states United States Faunce Thomas The Age 2004 patent system pharmaceutical companies drug patents lobbyist influence politician corruption evergreening profit maximization taxpayer exploitation justice societal progress innovation slowdown economic dynamism free flow of ideas patent abolition patent system unjust perverse incentives large pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens drug patent regime benefit shield profits lobbyists politicians pay powerful lobbies democratic states United States special loopholes maximize profits taxpayer justice evergreening re-patent drug expiration compounds variations extend patents indefinitely monopoly prices research discovery enervating effect patents societal progress innovating stay ahead profitable products ideas free flow abolition economic dynamism patent system unjust perverse incentives large pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens drug patent regime benefit shield profits laws lobbyists politicians pay powerful lobbies democratic states United States special loopholes exploit maximize profits taxpayer justice evergreening re-patent drug expiration compounds variations extend patents monopoly prices research costs societal progress slow innovate economic dynamism abolish drug patents free flow of ideas patent system pharmaceutical companies drug patents lobbyist influence political corruption evergreening patent loopholes monopoly pricing innovation slowdown economic dynamism free flow of ideas patent abolition societal progress taxpayer burden research costs justice ethical concerns public health industry lobby democratic states United States profit maximization drug variations patent extension competitive stagnation monopolistic practices healthcare costs patent reform intellectual property drug affordability consumer rights market manipulation transparent legislation corporate welfare patent abuse patent trolls patent wars drug accessibility global health biomedical innovation patent system unjust perverse incentives large pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens drug patent regime profits lobbyists politicians powerful lobbies democratic states United States special loopholes maximize profits taxpayers justice evergreening re-patent drug expiration monopoly prices research costs societal progress innovation economic dynamism free flow of ideas abolition of drug patents patent system pharmaceutical companies perverse incentives drug patents lobbyist influence political lobbying patent laws evergreening profit maximization taxpayer burden societal progress innovation stagnation economic dynamism free flow of ideas patent abolition Faunce Thomas The Age 2004"
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro04a	Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. gun ownership suicide risk lax gun laws suicide rate means of suicide quick suicide effective suicide unsuccessful suicides human lives gun restriction state intervention depression suicide attempt firearm regulation public health mental health lethality of methods access to firearms gun control policies suicide prevention societal impact risk factors psychological autopsy intent to die method substitution impulsivity handgun prevalence legal firearm possession demographic factors firearm availability suicidal ideation emotional distress violence mortality injury self-harm intervention strategies policy measures legislative action community safety accidental death gun ownership suicide risk correlation gun laws suicide rate means of suicide quick suicide effective suicide unsuccessful suicides depression gun restriction public policy human life mental health firearm regulation gun control suicide prevention firearm regulation mental health public safety accessibility of firearms suicide methods lethal means policy intervention societal impact gun laws depressive tendencies unsuccessful suicide attempts human life value legislative measures gun ownership suicide risk correlation lax gun laws suicide rate means of suicide quick suicide effective suicide unsuccessful suicides human lives gun control public policy mental health depression suicide prevention state intervention firearm regulation societal impact life preservation legal restrictions Gun ownership suicide risk correlation gun laws suicide rate lax gun regulations depressive tendencies quick suicide effective suicide unsuccessful suicides human lives gun restriction public policy gun control suicide prevention firearm accessibility mental health public safety legislative impact gun laws suicide rates depression failed suicide attempts human life value societal responsibility means restriction effective intervention policy effectiveness gun ownership suicide risk correlation lax gun laws suicide rate depression quick suicide effective suicide unsuccessful suicides human lives state intervention gun restriction public health mental health suicide prevention gun ownership suicide risk lax gun laws suicide rate depression quick suicide effective suicide unsuccessful suicides human lives gun restriction public policy mental health firearm regulation societal impact preventive measures legislative action public safety suicide prevention gun control psychological factors statistical correlation legal framework community health life preservation regulatory measures firearms availability mental health support gun laws impact societal attitudes policy effectiveness weapon control public health initiatives behavioral health legislative reform gun-related deaths suicide methods accessibility of means mental wellness legislative strategies gun safety health policy gun control suicide prevention firearm regulations public health policy mental health intervention access to lethal means gun laws and suicide firearm availability depression and suicide societal impact of gun ownership legislative measures for suicide prevention gun control firearm regulations suicide prevention mental health public policy weapon access lethal means intentional self-harm societal impact legislative measures
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro02a	We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. duty protect individuals worst reactions art social disgust values central individual right abuse ridicule artist unrestricted harm society 曝光 unacceptable Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 historical distant trauma close family comic material positive gain restricted subjects duty protect individuals worst reactions art social disgust values central individual right abused ridiculed artist unrestricted harm society exposure disgusting modern recognises unnecessary Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 historical trauma close family comic material negative impact positive gain restricted subjects duty protection individual rights social disgust central values artistic freedom harm society unnecessary exposure Nazi imagery historical trauma family impact comic material artistic subjects duty to protect worst reactions to art social disgust central values individual rights artist restrictions harm from exposure reasonable society unnecessary harm Chapman brothers Hitler and Nazi imagery WW2 horror close family impact trauma acceptable comic material positive gain move on to other subjects duty protect individuals worst reactions art social disgust central values individual rights artist restrictions societal harm unnecessary imposition Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 trauma close family comic material positive gain restrictions subject change duty protect individuals worst reactions art social disgust central values individual rights artist restrictions harm reasonable society Nazi imagery WW2 trauma comic material negative impact positive gain subject restrictions duty protect individuals worst reactions art social disgust values central individual rights abuse ridicule artist unrestricted harm reasonable society unnecessary Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 historical mock trauma family comic material negative positive gain subjects art protection individual rights social disgust central values artistic freedom unrestricted work harm society exposure disgust modern society recognition unnecessary harm Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery World War 2 historical trauma close family comic material impact restriction positive gain subjects duty protect individuals worst reactions art social disgust values central individual abuse ridicule artist unrestricted harm society exposure disgusting modern unnecessary Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 historical distant mock impact trauma comic negative positive restricted subjects duty protect individuals worst reactions artwork social disgust central values individual rights artistic freedom harm society exposure unnecessary harms reasonable modern society Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 trauma family comic material positive gain restricted move on subjects
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro01a	Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 gun control right to bear arms DC gun laws state monopoly on violence citizen protection self-defense state oppression gun ownership symbolic representation check and balance state violence citizen harm gun ban area-specific restrictions U.S. Second Amendment local firearms regulations public safety gun rights violence prevention constitutional rights state-citizen relationship legal arms possession firearms policy urban gun laws regional gun control legislative measures gun ownership restrictions citizen security law enforcement gun regulation firearm legislation crime prevention civil rights public health societal impact legal implications policy effectiveness Second Amendment gun control District of Columbia constitutional rights public safety monopoly of violence state authority citizen protection harm prevention state oppression self-defense citizen rights gun violence urban areas legislative measures constitutional interpretation civic duty political balance legal precedent regional policies law enforcement public opinion community impact arms regulation policy reform legislative action constitutional law civic responsibility state-citizen relationship monopoly on force arms possession urban gun laws regional gun policies arms control civil rights state security citizen security firearm legislation gun ownership legal firearms firearm right to bear arms state monopoly of violence citizen protection state oppression checks and balances citizen self-defense harm prevention state harm citizen harm regional firearm ban DC gun control US constitutional rights arms restriction public safety legislative response constitutional interpretation gun ownership law enforcement Second Amendment urban gun laws violence reduction community security firearm regulation citizen rights state authority legal precedent constitutional law gun policy DC specific laws crime prevention armed revolt civil liberties armed citizenry state-citizen relationship gun control debate political consent public policy legal framework gun control right to bear arms state monopoly of violence citizen security self-protection state oppression constitutional rights harm prevention DC gun ban localized gun laws citizen's right revocation state citizen relationship violence monopoly revocation symbolic representation check and balance system citizen safety urban gun control legal precedent constitutional interpretation public safety measures firearms regulation right to bear arms DC state monopoly on violence citizen protection self-defense state oppression harm prevention gun control local ban constitutional rights Second Amendment urban areas gun violence public safety law enforcement citizen rights district policies armed citizens state-citizen relationship legal restrictions firearms regulation right to bear arms DC gun laws state monopoly on violence citizen security self-protection state oppression check and balance harm prevention gun control area-specific gun ban constitutional rights Second Amendment public safety legal limitations firearms regulation citizen rights government authority law enforcement urban gun control regional policy differences Individuals Right to Bear Arms DC State Monopoly of Violence Citizen Security US Citizens Arms State Oppression Check and Balance Monopoly on Violence Self-Protection Prevent Harm State Harm Citizen Harm Violation of Rights Ban Areas US Violation DC Ban Similar Problems Other Areas US States Gun Control Second Amendment Public Safety Legal Firearms Constitutional Rights Urban Areas Crime Rates Law Enforcement Gun Violence Civic Responsibility Democratic Values Civic Duties Armed Citizenry State Authority Individual Freedoms Collective Security Armed Individuals right bear arms DC status quo state protect security citizens monopoly violence consent symbolic representation rise state oppression check balance protect prevent harm revoke visit isolate ban extend areas problems monopoly of violence citizen security state protection right to bear arms symbolic representation state oppression check and balance self-protection harm prevention citizen harm area-specific ban significant violation DC ban U.S. gun laws gun control debate constitutional rights public safety urban gun violence legislative action state authority citizen rights legal precedent Second Amendment firearms regulation urban policy law enforcement community safety public health gun ownership armed citizenry state-citizen relationship violence prevention crime rates statutory interpretation constitutional law legal reform social contract governmental power gun control firearm legislation District of Columbia Washington DC constitutional rights Second Amendment public safety citizen protection state responsibilities violence monopoly citizen rights state oppression self-defense harm prevention regional gun laws urban gun policy local governance federal vs state authority legal precedent constitutional interpretation arms regulation law enforcement community safety crime rates armed citizens state authority civil liberties public order legalframework societal norms policy implications legislative action judicial review citizen rights balance state-citizen relationship arms possession security measures legal constraints moral arguments ethical considerations
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro02a	"Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. BBC public service broadcaster religious views church offensive content minority interest modern Britain religious worship secular society airtime level playing field ideas perspectives homophobic illiberal sexist broadcaster constraints divergent views national secular society evangelical church of england press release 2010 public service broadcaster BBC religious views minority interest airtime modern Britain church offensive content secular views religious worship divergent opinions national secular society press release evangelical wing Church of England homophobic illiberal sexist level playing field professional standards broadcast output minority groups public interest media representation free speech equal opportunity media criticism religious broadcasting secularism broadcasting ethics media diversity content regulation audience demographics public broadcasting media policy religious freedom broadcast equity media fairness minority perspectives vocal minority public service media media inclus public service broadcaster BBC church religious views airtime minority interest modern Britain secular society religious worship offensive content homophobic illiberal sexist level playing field Corporation divergent views equal representation national secular society religious opinion media responsibility broadcasting ethics public interest viewpoint diversity religious sects modern values media coverage religious broadcasting secular broadcasting media diversity representative media public service media media inclusivity media fairness media impartiality religious minorities secular minorities media balance media accountability media standards religious programming secular programming media public service broadcaster BBC religious views airtime level playing field modern Britain minority interest offensive opinions homophobic illiberal sexist National Secular Society Evangelical Wing Church of England divergent views conflicting views viewpoint representation public service broadcaster BBC church offensive views airtime level playing field ideas minority interest religious worship secular society evangelism divergent views religious opinion disproportionate coverage modern Britain homogeneous content broadcaster's role national secular society press release homogeneous output religious sects homophobic views illiberal views sexist opinions media ethics fair representation public interest broadcasting standards views church offensive public service broadcaster BBC level playing field ideas minority interest religious worship offensive opinions homophobic illiberal sexist airtime minority broadcaster's role secular society press release 但不限制于这些关键词。可以根据具体需求进一步扩展或调整。 注意，最后一个词 ""但不限于这些关键词"" 可能不适合英文语境，可以根据实际情况删除或替换。 church offensive views public service broadcaster level playing field ideas BBC portal perspectives irritation modern Britain minority interest religious worship commonly held positions mainstream churches extreme sects offensive opinions reactionary homophobic illiberal sexist airtime small minority unprofessional broadcaster constraints divergent views conflicting views output viewpoint National Secular Society press release evangelical wing Church of England public service broadcaster BBC religious views airtime level playing field modern Britain minority interest religious worship offensive opinions homophobic illiberal sexist vocal minority fair representation secular society evangelical church of england media diversity broadcasting ethics public opinion religious broadcasting secular broadcasting viewpoint diversity media responsibility content balance audience representation religious minority media equality broadcasting standards public service media content fairness media inclusivity religious content secular content broadcasting policy media plurality religious programming secular programming media impartiality audience diversity media coverage religious public service broadcaster BBC airtime religious views modern Britain minority interest offensive content secular society media responsibility divergent viewpoints broadcasting ethics religious worship homophobia illiberal opinions sexist opinions media diversity fair representation broadcast constraints public interest media accountability public service broadcaster BBC religious views airtime minority interest modern Britain secular society religious worship offensive content reactionary views homophobic illiberal sexist level playing field diverse perspectives national secular society press release evangelical church of england broadcast ethics viewer complaints equal representation media responsibility religious programming public opinion media diversity content regulation broadcasting standards media scrutiny editorial policy religious freedom secular broadcasting audience demographics media influence public service media programming balance media accountability religious sects media coverage viewpoint diversity media representation content"
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro01a	Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ child performer formal education training acting dancing specialized skill family interest legal regulations work hours UK education requirements child performers formal education training specialized skills acting dancing education hours Children's Legal Centre work hours UK regulations educational constraints family interest performance focus child performers formal education training time specialised skills acting dancing legal requirements education duration UK child performers family interest education focus work hours Children's Legal Centre child performers formal education training time specialized skills legal requirements education hours family interest acting dancing UK laws child labor educational impact performance training schooling limitations performer child formal education limitations training specialized skills family interest legal requirements UK working hours education duration child performers formal education training time specialized skills family interest legal requirements UK child performers education hours performance impact schooling limitations child performer formal education training specialized skill acting dancing UK education hours legal regulations family interest educational impact career focus child performer formal education training time specialised skills acting dancing legal requirements UK education hours Children's Legal Centre family interest educational limitations performance focus child development academic impact child performers formal education training specialised skills acting dancing UK Children's Legal Centre education hours work hours family interest educational impact child performers formal education training specialized skills acting dancing UK education hours Children's Legal Centre work hours family interest formal schooling performance arts educational requirements
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con03a	Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa infrastructure education women economy development Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank Grand Inga Dam youth literacy gender gap tertiary education primary education secondary education skilled jobs economic growth construction industry Mauritius Senegal Angola Central African Republic Ghana Sierra Leone Mozambique Mauritania The Global Gender Gap Report UNESCO Institute for Statistics Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa This House would build the Grand Inga Dam Africa infrastructure education development women economy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank economic growth Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo construction gender gap youth literacy primary education secondary education tertiary education Senegal Mauritania Mozambique UNESCO Global Gender Gap Report skilled jobs economic direction men Mauritius Africa infrastructure education women economy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo construction gender gap literacy rates youth primary education secondary education tertiary education Senegal Mauritania Mozambique Ghana highest skilled jobs economic development Global Gender Gap Report UNESCO Institute for Statistics Klaus Schwab development projects economic growth impact of infrastructure gender equality workforce skilled labor Africa infrastructure education women economy development Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo youth literacy gender gap Mauritania Mozambique Ghana primary education secondary education tertiary education skilled jobs economic future UNESCO Global Gender Gap Report construction industry men per capita growth Mauritius Spain population economic impact project development regional growth power generation education strides literacy rates economic drivers gender equality highest level education economic roles Africa infrastructure education women economic development Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank Grand Inga Dam construction gender gap literacy rates youth primary education secondary education tertiary education economic growth skilled jobs Global Gender Gap Report UNESCO Institute for Statistics Africa infrastructure education development women economy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank economic growth Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo construction industry youth literacy gender gap primary education secondary education tertiary education Senegal Mauritania Mozambique skilled jobs economic direction Global Gender Gap Report UNESCO Institute for Statistics World Economic Forum Africa infrastructure education development women economy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity generation World Bank economic growth Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo construction industry gender gap female literacy male literacy primary education secondary education tertiary education Senegal Mauritania Mozambique Ghana skilled jobs economic direction UNESCO World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report youth literacy rates Africa infrastructure education development women economy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank economic growth Grand Inga Dam construction gender gap literacy rates youth female male primary education secondary education tertiary education Senegal Mauritania Mozambique Ghana skilled jobs Global Gender Gap Report Africa infrastructure education women economy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo youth literacy gender gap construction industry economic growth primary education secondary education tertiary education skilled jobs Global Gender Gap Report UNESCO Institute for Statistics Africa infrastructure education development women economy construction Grand Inga Dam literacy rates gender gap economic growth Sub-Saharan Africa World Bank youth primary education secondary education tertiary education skilled jobs gender equality Mauritius Spain electricity generation Senegal Angola Central African Republic Sierra Leone Ghana Mauritania Mozambique World Economic Forum UNESCO Institute for Statistics
test-international-gmehwasr-con04a	Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 long conflict arms supply rebel support intervening power conflict escalation foreign policy reversal Vietnam conflict small commitment rapid escalation government decision back down troops on ground heavy weapons training equaliser Daniel Byman Foreign Policy arming rebels Syria international relations military intervention political stakes conflict dynamics regional stability diplomatic consequences strategic interests armed intervention rebel capabilities weapon supply military training policy reversal international politics conflict prevention peacekeeping humanitarian intervention military strategy armed conflict geopolitical tensions defense policy security studies international security military aid conflict escalation arms supply rebel support foreign intervention stake in conflict foreign policy reversal Vietnam conflict small commitment rapid escalation troops deployment weapon training arming rebels equaliser weapons Daniel Byman Foreign Policy Syria Syrian government international relations military intervention long conflict arms supply rebel support foreign intervention stake in conflict foreign policy reversal Vietnam conflict small commitment rapid escalation troops deployment heavy weapons rebel training equaliser arming rebels international relations military intervention conflict escalation Syrian government rebel forces strategic interests humanitarian aid political commitment armed conflict international security military support geopolitical impact regional stability long drawn out conflict providing rebels with arms drawing powers into conflict stake in conflict foreign policy reversal relations damage Vietnam conflict small commitment escalation troops on the ground heavy weapons training arming rebels consequences Syria intervention risks international relations impact conflict escalation dynamics long-term conflict arms supply intervening power stake in conflict foreign policy reversal relations damage Vietnam conflict small commitment escalation troops deployment heavy weapons rebel training equaliser arming rebels Syria Daniel Byman Foreign Policy 2013 long drawn out conflict providing rebels with arms risks of intervention stake in conflict foreign policy reversal relationships with government escalation of commitment Vietnam conflict small commitment troops on the ground training rebels heavy weapons equaliser conflict escalation arms supply stake in conflict foreign policy reversal Vietnam conflict small commitment rapid escalation troops on ground heavy weapons rebel training equaliser intervention Syria rebels government international relations military engagement policy reversal arms training conflict intervention long conflict arms supply rebel support foreign intervention stake in conflict foreign policy reversal escalation small commitment Vietnam conflict troops deployment heavy weapons training requirements arming rebels international relations conflict intervention military engagement Syrian government rebel groups political stakes arms provision conflict dynamics power involvement policy decision military escalation training support combat involvement strategic commitment international politics regional stability security policy military aid conflict resolution political consequences long-term conflict arms supply conflict escalation foreign intervention foreign policy reversal Vietnam conflict small commitment rapid escalation ground troops heavy weapons military training rebel support international relations Syria arming rebels Daniel Byman Foreign Policy long-term conflict arms supply rebel support foreign intervention military escalation Vietnam War small commitment rapid escalation ground troops weapon training foreign policy international relations Syria conflict intervention arming rebels policy reversal strategic stakes regional stability humanitarian aid peacekeeping operations
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro02a	Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, attention regime North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un attention seeking provocative action missile launch military attack world’s attention condemations threats sanctions China willingness business negotiate minor concessions aid reversible bad behaviour cycle Foreign Policy Adrian Hong attention-seeking provocation regime North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un missile launch military attack world attention condemnations sanctions China negotiations concessions aid reversible bad behavior cycle foreign policy Adrian Hong North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un attention-seeking provocative actions missile launch military attack world attention condemnation sanctions China willingness to negotiate concessions aid reversible concessions bad behaviour regime foreign policy Adrian Hong North Korea attention seeking regime Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocative actions missile launch military attack world attention condemnations threats sanctions China negotiations minor concessions aid bad behaviour reversible concessions Adrian Hong Foreign Policy attention-seeking regime North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocations missile launch military attack world attention condemnations sanctions China blockade negotiations concessions aid reversible concessions bad behavior Adrian Hong Foreign Policy North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un attention seeking provocation missile launch military attack world attention condemnations sanctions China negotiation concessions aid reversible concessions bad behaviour provocative actions international relations diplomatic strategies North Korean regime North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un attention seeking provocative actions missile launch military attack world attention condemnations sanctions China negotiations concessions aid reversible agreements bad behaviour cycle regime Foreign Policy Adrian Hong North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un attention seeking provocative actions missile launch military attack world attention condemnations threats sanctions China negotiations concessions aid reversible concessions bad behavior Foreign Policy Adrian Hong attention regime North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocative action missile launch military attack world's attention condemnations threats sanctions China willingness negotiate concessions provocation aid reversible bad behaviour Hong Adrian Free North Korea Foreign Policy attention seeking regime North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocative actions missile launch military attack world's attention condemnations threats sanctions China willingness to negotiate concessions aid reversible concessions bad behaviour Adrian Hong Foreign Policy
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro02a	Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. two-tier internet flat rate services ISP full internet access content providers bandwidth pricing end users content producers freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims two-tier Internet flat rate services ISP charges full Internet access content delay poor quality higher bandwidth end users content producers freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims Risk two-tier Internet flat rate services ISP full Internet access content delay quality issues higher bandwidth price-tag end users content producers freedom of expression censorship commercial censorship political censorship content preference points of origin BT Content Connect two-tier net claims BBC News 2011 two-tier Internet flat rate services ISP pricing content quality bandwidth costs end user concerns content producer concerns freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect BBC News two-tier net claims two-tier Internet ISP charges full Internet access content delay bandwidth pricing end user concern content producer concern freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims two-tier internet flat rate services ISP charging full internet access content delay quality degradation higher bandwidth end user concerns content producer concerns freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims two-tier Internet flat rate services ISP full Internet access content quality bandwidth pricing end users content producers freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims two-tier Internet flat rate services ISP full Internet access higher rates content delay poor quality bandwidth pricing end users content producers freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims Risk two-tier Internet flat rate services ISP full Internet access content delay poor quality bandwidth pricing end users content producers freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims two-tier internet flat rate services ISP full internet access content delivery bandwidth pricing content producers end users freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims internet neutrality
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con03a	Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants return countries sent moving developing countries aid sustainable policy fleeing conflict safety migrant problems rich countries economic migration developed country earn better prospects similar level development try developed country Rachid Algeria Europe times ship proposal problem migrants return countries sent moving developing countries aid sustainable policy fleeing conflict safety rich countries economic migration developed earn prospects similar level development try again Rachid Algeria Europe times waiting ship proposal problem economic migration developed countries conflict refugees return policies migrant aid sustainable migration migrant prospects Rachid Algeria Europe attempts migrants return countries sent moving developing countries aid policy sustainable fleeing conflict safety rich countries economic migration developed country earn better prospects home level development try developed country Rachid Algeria Europe risk death sea escape boredom proposal alter problem migrants return countries sent moving developing countries aid sustainable policy fleeing conflict safety rich countries economic migration developed country earn better prospects level development unlikely accept try again Rachid Algeria Europe examples proposal alter problem Lucy Ash BBC News 2015 migrants return countries sent moving developing countries aid sustainable policy fleeing conflict safety rich countries economic migration developed country earn better prospects level development tray again Rachid Algeria Europe risk death sea escape boredom proposal alter problem migrants return countries aid sustainable policy conflict safety economic migration developed countries prospects level development attempts Europe Algeria ship death sea boredom migrants return countries sent moving developing aid sustainable policy fleeing conflict safety rich economic migration developed earn prospects home level development try again Europe Algeria death sea boredom proposal problem Migrants return countries sent aid developing countries policy sustainable conflict safety rich countries economic migration developed earn prospects level development try Europe ship proposal problem Lucy Ash BBC News Algeria Rachid death sea boredom 2015 migrants return countries sent moving developing aid sustainable policy fleeing conflict safety rich economic migration developed earn prospects home similar lower level development alternative unlikely accept try again Rachid Algeria Europe examples proposal problem BBC News Lucy Ash 2015 risk death sea escape boredom
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con01a	Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. censorship free speech public viewpoint patronizing attitude citizens extreme material recognition flaws influence religious opinions moral judgment prejudice exposure criticism government free speech benefits internet censorship debate negativity logical criticism hidden information censorship free speech public view extremism patronising ordinary citizens religious opinions moral judgment prejudice farce government contradiction free speech limitations negativity public debate logical criticism internet censorship censorship free speech public view patronising ordinary citizens extreme material flaws influence moral judgement denouncing combat prejudice expose farce government free speech benefits contradictory hypocritical Internet banning negativity public debate logical criticism censorship free speech public worldview patronising view ordinary citizens extreme material flaws recognition religious opinion sites influence morally dubious combat prejudice expose farce automatic censorship government contradiction free speech benefits internet banning free speech limits negativity expression public debate logical criticism censorship free speech public awareness patronizing view citizen capability material exposure moral judgment prejudice combat government hypocrisy internet freedom negativity debate logical criticism hidden information censorship free speech public view government hypocrisy unrestricted information debate negativity logical criticism internet freedom moral judgment prejudice exposure censorship free speech public view patronising citizen capability extreme material flaws recognition religious opinion influence moral judgement prejudice exposure government contradiction internet freedom negativity expression public debate logical criticism censorship free speech public worldview patronising view extreme material recognition of flaws influence of material moral judgment combating prejudice exposure to farce government hypocrisy internet censorship free speech limitations public debate logical criticism censorship free speech public viewpoint patronising citizen capability extreme material recognition of flaws influence of material moral judgement combating prejudice exposure to ideas government hypocrisy free speech limitations public debate logical criticism censorship free speech public view patronising extreme material flaws religious opinions influence moral judgment prejudice exposure farce government contradiction hypocrisy internet censorship negativity public debate logical criticism
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con01a	Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. racism institutionalizing profiling minorities second class citizens wrong Britain Ireland security forces resentment Irish UK mistake approach Muslims aviation authorities state control government potential criminals provocative message profiling institutionalized racism minority rights second-class citizens ethical issues security policies racial profiling United Kingdom Irish individuals Muslim discrimination aviation security government responsibility social justice civil liberties prejudiced treatment equal rights human dignity societal impact political implications international relations profiling institutionalized racism minority groups second-class citizens moral wrong historical context British security Irish discrimination resentment western policies Muslim profiling aviation authority state control group suspicion provocative message profiling institutionalizing racism minorities second-class citizens Britain Irish security forces resentment Muslims aviation authorities government potential criminals provocative message profiling institutionalizing racism minorities second class citizens Britain innocent until proven Irish security forces resentment Irish individuals western nations mistake approach Muslims aviation authorities state control government potential criminals provocative message Institutionalizing racism reduces minorities second-class citizens profiling wrong innocent until proven Irish security forces resentment Irish individuals United Kingdom western nations mistake approach to Muslims aviation authorities government control potential criminals provocative message profiling institutionalizing racism minorities second-class citizens wrong Britain innocent until proven Irish security forces resentment Irish United Kingdom mistake approach Muslims aviation authorities state control government potential criminals provocative message profiling institutionalized racism minority discrimination second-class citizens ethical concerns historical mistakes UK security forces innocent until proven Irish Irish resentment Muslim profiling aviation security government influence provocative state message racial profiling security policies ethical implications societal impact institutional bias minority groups government responsibility institutionalizing racism second-class citizens profiling wrong innocent until proven Irish resentment Irish mistake approach Muslims aviation authorities state control government potential criminals provocative message profiling institutionalizing racism minorities second class citizens Britain Irish security forces resentment Irish individuals United Kingdom western nations Muslims aviation authorities state control government potential criminals provocative message
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con01a	Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 transparency normalization secrecy deniability government policy drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing public opinion military conflict covert action policy termination Matthew Waxman Micah Zenko Foreign Policy Council on Foreign Relations transparency normalization secrecy deniability government policy drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public reaction covert action military action support opinion Zenko Micah Council on Foreign Relations Waxman Matthew Foreign Policy transparency normalisation secrecy deniability government policy termination CIA drones Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public opinion covert action military action drone strikes support rates policy implications Matthew Waxman Micah Zenko transparency normalisation government secrecy deniability policy termination CIA drones drone strikes Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public opinion covert action military action Waxman Matthew Foreign Policy Zenko Micah Council on Foreign Relations transparency normalisation secrecy government deniability policy drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public opinion covert action military action support Americans Waxman Matthew Foreign Policy Zenko Micah Council on Foreign Relations transparency normalization secrecy government policy drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing public opinion military conflict covert action policy ending Matthew Waxman Micah Zenko Foreign Policy Council on Foreign Relations transparency normalization secrecy deniability government policy CIA drones Department of Defence targeted killing public perception military conflict covert action U.S. public opinion drone strikes Matthew Waxman Micah Zenko transparency normalisation secrecy government policy CIA drones Department of Defence targeted killing public opinion covert action military conflict policy evaluation accountability oversight ethical implications drone strikes support rates Waxman Matthew Zenko Micah Foreign Policy Council on Foreign Relations transparency normalisation secrecy government deniability policy drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public reaction covert action military action American support Waxman Zenko Council on Foreign Relations Foreign Policy transparency normalisation secrecy deniability government policy CIA drone program Department of Defence targeted killing public opinion military conflict covert action Matthew Waxman Foreign Policy Micah Zenko Council on Foreign Relations
test-economy-epiasghbf-con03a	Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality labour market education human capital labour opportunities socioeconomic backgrounds age race Atieno 2006 female participation capability women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality labour market education human capital labour opportunities socioeconomic backgrounds race age Atieno 2006 female participation workforce capability participation empowerment women feminisation of labour diversity race socioeconomic backgrounds education intersectionality empowerment inequality labour market participation human capital access to opportunities Atieno 2006 female participation labour force capability women diverse group feminisation of labour intersectionalities empowerment inequality education labour market human capital labour opportunities Atieno 2006 female participation socioeconomic backgrounds race ages empowerment degrees capability women feminisation of labour intersectionalities empowerment female participation labour market education human capital labour opportunities inequalities labour force participation capability Atieno 2006 feminisation of labour intersectionalities women empowerment labour market participation human capital education influence socioeconomic backgrounds race and gender labour opportunities workforce inequality female labour force education and empowerment diverse women groups Atieno study labour participation inequality capability of empowerment women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality education human capital labour market participation socioeconomic backgrounds race age capability Atieno 2006 women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality education human capital labour market participation socioeconomic backgrounds race age women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality education labour market human capital workforce participation socioeconomic background race age women feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality education labour market participation human capital socioeconomic background race age Atieno 2006 female participation work opportunities capability degrees of empowerment
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con04a	The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945,
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con03a	Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape.
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con03a	Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013,
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con05a	"Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005."
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro03a	"Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership”"
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro04a	Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12
test-international-siacphbnt-con02a	The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013.
test-politics-glghssi-con01a	Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House.
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro03a	Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010,
test-international-ghbunhf-pro03a	UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website.
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro02a	Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts.
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con03a	Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011
test-international-gsciidffe-pro04a	It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012,
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro01a	South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012,
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con03a	People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11.
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro03a	Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented.
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro01a	This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005.
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro03a	The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget.
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro02a	Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con02a	Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro02a	performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’
test-society-epiasghbf-con01a	The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised?
test-international-gmehwasr-con05a	"Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013"
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro01a	Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008.
test-international-gsciidffe-pro03a	It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012,
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro04a	The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009,
test-international-emephsate-con02a	Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012,
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con02a	The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states.
test-international-atiahblit-pro04a	Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013.
test-international-ghbunhf-pro04a	Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011.
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con04a	The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013,
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro01a	The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011.
test-economy-epiasghbf-con04a	Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions?
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro03a	No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users.
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con04a	The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013,
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con03a	"The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post."
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro02a	More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web.
test-politics-glghssi-con02a	The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011,
test-science-dssghsdmd-con02a	The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states.
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro01a	A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News,
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro01a	As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue.
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro01a	"Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy."
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con02a	Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics
test-health-dhpelhbass-con02a	"If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)"
test-health-dhpelhbass-con03a	Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro04a	The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society.
test-society-epiasghbf-con02a	Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013.
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con01a	Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013,
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con03a	China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000.
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con01a	The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt,
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con01a	Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011
test-international-gsciidffe-pro02a	It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro03a	The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.
test-international-gmehwasr-con02a	Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013
test-international-gmehwasr-pro01a	Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro03a	A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street.
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con03a	Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here .
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con01a	Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring.
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro01a	It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con01a	A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006,
test-education-egtuscpih-con01a	Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning.
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro04a	It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive.
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro03a	A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,
test-international-ghbunhf-pro01a	: Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011.
test-international-siacphbnt-con04a	Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses.
test-science-dssghsdmd-con03a	The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely.
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro02a	"Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy"
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro02a	A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable.
test-international-siacphbnt-pro01a	Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%).
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro04a	Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital.
test-politics-glghssi-con03a	Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011,
test-health-dhpelhbass-con01a	It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011)
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro03a	Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored.
test-society-epiasghbf-con03a	Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education.
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con05a	A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole.
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con04a	"There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010."
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro01a	Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique.
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con03a	The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con02a	Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con02a	Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015,
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro02a	The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009.
test-international-gmehwasr-con03a	Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con02a	"It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010,"
test-international-gsciidffe-pro01a	Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con02a	Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship.
test-education-egtuscpih-con02a	Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree.
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con05a	"Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011,"
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro03a	There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007.
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro04a	"Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013"
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro02a	Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro05a	You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company.
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro03a	Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012.
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro02a	Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009,
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro04a	Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000).
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro01a	Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789,
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro03a	Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her.
test-international-siacphbnt-pro02a	Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors.
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro03a	Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority.
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con03a	Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11
test-international-segiahbarr-pro01a	Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro03a	Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii]
test-international-gmehwasr-pro03a	The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con04a	A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con01a	The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con03a	The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003,
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con01a	The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro01a	The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012,
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con02a	If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.”
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro02a	Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro01a	Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013,
test-international-atiahblit-pro01a	Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching.
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro02a	Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009,
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con01a	Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial.
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro05a	Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost
test-society-epiasghbf-con04a	Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions?
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro01a	Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con04a	Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008.
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro04a	"When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"","
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro02a	Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002.
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro01a	The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph,
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro03a	Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro03a	Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012
test-international-siacphbnt-pro03a	Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con02a	Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro02a	Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them.
test-international-segiahbarr-pro02a	Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con01a	Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con02a	Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009.
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con02a	Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010,
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro02a	Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012,
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con03a	Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011.
test-health-dhpelhbass-con04a	It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011)
test-international-gmehwasr-pro02a	It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro01a	The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph,
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro01a	"The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010,"
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro06a	Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them.
test-international-gmehwasr-con01a	"Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013"
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con03a	There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance.
test-international-siacphbnt-pro04a	Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013.
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro03a	The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008,
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro04a	Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013,
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro03a	How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’,
test-international-siacphbnt-con01a	Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free.
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro03a	"Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today."
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro05a	Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003.
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro01a	Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’”
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro02a	International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation,
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro01a	"Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,"
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro02a	If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood.
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro01a	The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008.
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con01a	This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con01a	Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed.
test-international-segiahbarr-pro03a	Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro01a	Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008.
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con05a	Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con01a	Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising.
test-international-gmehwasr-pro05a	Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro02a	Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro03a	It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’
test-international-emephsate-con01a	Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con02a	A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945)
test-international-siacphbnt-pro05a	Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013.
test-international-ghbunhf-pro05a	Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011.
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con01a	The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law:
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con03a	"There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  "">"
test-international-atiahblit-pro03a	Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations.
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro02a	States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con02a	Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008)
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro02a	School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007
test-society-asfhwapg-pro02a	"Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000,"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro04a	Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014,
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro02a	"Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available:"
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro04a	Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002.
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro02a	Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788,
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro02a	Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con01a	The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009,
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro01a	Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012,
test-economy-epiasghbf-con01a	The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised?
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro01a	The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005,
test-international-segiahbarr-pro04a	Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con02a	Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program.
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro02a	Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work.
test-international-gmehwasr-pro04a	Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro03a	A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro04a	Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con01a	A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation.
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro01a	Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro03a	"Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153"
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con04a	There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts,
test-economy-epiasghbf-con02a	Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013.
test-international-atiahblit-pro02a	Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro03a	The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat.
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con03a	Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated.
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro01a	Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”.
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro03a	Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’
test-education-tuhwastua-pro04a	Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992,
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con04a	Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607.
test-politics-dhwem-pro04a	PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster.
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro03a	Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive.
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro03a	Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu,
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con03a	A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con03a	Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified.
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con03a	It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious.
test-international-iiahwagit-pro05a	The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’
test-education-egscphsrdt-con01a	Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion.
test-education-ughbuesbf-con04a	Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available:
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con01a	globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001,
test-international-atiahblit-con03a	The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013.
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro02a	Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro02a	The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005,
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro03a	Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011,
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro03a	International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011,
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro01a	The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con03a	Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party.
test-education-tuhwastua-pro03a	Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives.
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con05a	In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011
test-politics-glghssi-pro03a	An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011,
test-education-tuhwastua-pro05a	Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country.
test-politics-dhwem-pro03a	PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro02a	Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro04a	"Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro02a	More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved.
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro04a	Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961,
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con04a	Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015,
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con04a	Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro02a	The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011
test-education-egscphsrdt-con02a	Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006.
test-international-atiahblit-con02a	Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language.
test-international-aghwrem-pro01a	States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment.
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro01a	Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17
test-education-ughbuesbf-con03a	The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS,
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro03a	Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con04a	It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con02a	Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016,
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro02a	Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013,
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro01a	National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro04a	Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012,
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro03a	The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve.
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con02a	Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013,
test-politics-glghssi-pro02a	Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010,
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro05a	The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro01a	As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five.
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro05a	Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did.
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con01a	The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con02a	We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 .
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro01a	The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010
test-politics-dhwem-pro06a	"PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011)"
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro03a	Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con01a	Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010,
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con03a	There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con01a	"Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS"
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con02a	Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”.
test-international-aghwrem-pro02a	Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment.
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro01a	Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31
test-international-atiahblit-con01a	Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science.
test-education-ughbuesbf-con02a	Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con03a	It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001,
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro03a	The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012.
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro03a	Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011.
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro04a	Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010,
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro05a	"It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011)"
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con02a	North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945,
test-politics-glghssi-pro01a	Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009.
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro04a	Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro05a	When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum,
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con03a	The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003.
test-politics-dhwem-pro05a	PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force.
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro01a	Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012,
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con02a	Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015,
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con01a	Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens.
test-society-asfhwapg-con01a	Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro03a	"Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia"
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro04a	Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award.
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro02a	Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con04a	Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con02a	The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con02a	In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report.
test-education-ughbuesbf-con01a	The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225,
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con02a	Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con02a	The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro02a	The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010,
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro03a	Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro02a	A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro01a	People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11.
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con01a	Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 .
test-international-aghwrem-pro03a	There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy)
test-society-simhbrasnba-con01a	We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008.
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con01a	"North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,"
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con04a	Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013,
test-international-iiahwagit-pro01a	Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’”
test-international-iighbopcc-con01a	Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted.
test-society-asfhwapg-con02a	"Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011,"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con04a	We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations.
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con02a	Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason.
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro03a	A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide.
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro03a	A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL:
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con01a	Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con01a	Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur.
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con05a	In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con02a	Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro03a	Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014,
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con03a	If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con01a	Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro02a	The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market.
test-international-aghwrem-pro04a	Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well.
test-society-simhbrasnba-con02a	The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14.
test-economy-egecegphw-pro02a	The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013,
test-health-dhghwapgd-con01a	"Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available:"
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con01a	Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed.
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con02a	Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first.
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro04a	Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro02a	Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008,
test-economy-epegiahsc-con01a	The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas industries developing nations farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government support disparity power resources national economy multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Latin America Mary Robinson New York Times FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity of power resources collision wiped out national economy healthy development poverty reduction South America Latin America Robinson Mary New York Times free trade economic impact multinational corporations trade agreements international trade economic development FTAA developing nations industries competition farmers workers impoverished nations richest companies developed world Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources small industries massive corporations national economy multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Latin America free trade economic impact international agreements trade policies market competition economic development poverty inequality trade liberalization globalization Robinson New York Times opinion editorial FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources national economy multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times Latin America trade agreements economic impact globalization inequality market access protectionism sustainable development economic growth international trade free trade critics of FTAA economic disparity FTAA developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources small industries healthy national economy multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times Free Trade Area of the Americas Latin America FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources economic development poverty reduction South America Latin America Mary Robinson New York Times FTAA developing nations industries competition impoverished nations farmers workers richest companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources collision industries wiped out national economy multinational corporations disaster development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times Free Trade Area of the Americas Latin America better deal economic impact international trade policy globalization inequality market access subsidies protectionism trade barriers economic sovereignty sustainable development fair trade criticism opposition advocacy economic justice social impact FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources collision wiped out national economy competitive multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times Latin America free trade economic impact globalization international trade economic development market competition corporate influence governmental support trade policies economic disparity trade agreements sustainable development fair trade FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations industries economic impact farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government support disparity power resources national economy multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times 2003 FTAA developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources national economy multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times free trade economic impact globalization international trade agreements
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con03a	Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. large scale cyber attack armed acts of aggression act of war destruction violence loss of human life cyber attacks objective measurement Pentagon standard traditional warfare bloodless attacks confidential data theft economic impact casus belli NATO cyber attack assessment Georgia 2008 theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse of justification unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack armed acts of aggression act of war destruction violence loss of human life cyber attacks objective measurement Pentagon traditional warfare standard bloodless confidential data economic impact casus belli NATO cyber attack on Georgia theoretical framework abuse of justifications unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack acts of aggression act of war destruction violence loss of human life cyber attacks bloodless economic impact casus belli NATO cyber attack on Georgia theoretical framework unanswered questions justification for war unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack act of war armed acts of aggression destruction violence loss of human life cyber attacks bloodless Pentagon traditional warfare confidential data economic impact casus belli NATO cyber attack on Georgia 2008 theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse of justifications unnecessary violence cyber warfare act of war international law cyber attack scale cyber Jihad military response cyber terrorism economic impact digital espionage NATO response Pentagon guidelines casus belli cyber conflict legal justification armed aggression virtual warfare cyber policy international relations cyber security information warfare cyber deterrence state-sponsored cyber attacks cyber norms cyber ethics cyber defense cyber strategy cyber doctrine cyber operations cyber threats cyber resilience cyber diplomacy cyber governance cyber norms cyber conventions cyber treaties cyber guidelines cyber rules of engagement cyber warfare conventions cyber conflict resolution cyber attack large scale act of war armed aggression destruction violence loss of life bloodless economic impact casus belli NATO Georgia Pentagon theoretical framework unanswered questions justification for war unnecessary violence cyber attack act of war armed aggression destruction violence human life cyber warfare Pentagon casus belli NATO Georgia economic impact confidentiality theoretical framework real-world application war justification unnecessary violence cyber attack act of war armed aggression destruction violence loss of life Pentagon traditional warfare economic impact confidential data casus belli NATO Georgia theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse of justifications unnecessary violence bloodless attacks scale of cyber attack measurement of impact cyber warfare international law digital conflict cybersecurity military response cyber policy geopolitical tensions cyber espionage state-sponsored cyber attacks critical infrastructure cyber terrorism digital warfare cyber security policy international relations strategic studies conflict studies cyber conflict cyber doctrine military doctrine cyber deterrence cyber attack act of war armed aggression destruction violence loss of life economic impact casus belli NATO Georgia Pentagon theoretical framework unanswered questions justification for war unnecessary violence bloodless attack confidential data large scale cyber warfare impact measurement cyber security international law digital warfare state-sponsored attacks cyber espionage cyber crime legal framework military response cyber defense cyber policy conflict resolution peacekeeping diplomatic relations cyber norms global governance technology regulation digital diplomacy strategic studies security studies international relations national security cyberwar large scale cyber attack armed acts of aggression act of war destruction violence loss of human life cyber attacks bloodless economic impact casus belli Pentagon traditional warfare unanswered questions NATO cyber attack on Georgia theoretical framework abuse of justifications unnecessary violence
test-international-iiahwagit-pro02a	Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid militarised response advanced poaching techniques night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF poaching crisis rangers Zapwing militarised response advanced poaching techniques high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceros poaching South Africa Asian market medical properties ranger training aerial surveillance endangered animal protection WWF Zapwing rhino poaching crisis militarised approach advanced poaching high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis poaching advanced techniques militarised response high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis militarised response high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals rangers WWF African rhino poaching Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis poaching advanced techniques militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing rhino poaching crisis poaching advanced techniques militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis poaching militarised response advanced poaching techniques high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF Zapwing rhino poaching crisis advanced poaching militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals militarised response African rhino poaching Rhino Poaching Crisis WWF Zapwing
test-society-asfhwapg-con03a	"Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? genetic patents human dignity bioethics commercialization of life gene ownership moral philosophy ethical genetics human value genetic material reproductive technologies sperm donation egg donation infertility treatments ethical issues in genetics patent law human rights genetic engineering commodification of life healthcare ethics genetic equity immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization human genes degradation value ownership bidding gene monetary value ethical issues genetics Ron's Angels egg sperm infertile couples exceptional children highest bidder perception human body cheapest ways Almond Parker Miah immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization degradation value ownership monetary value bidding genetic material ethical issues genetics Ron's Angels egg auction sperm auction infertility exceptional children human body parts cheapest ways Almond Parker Andy Miah Patenting Human DNA Ethical Issues in the New Genetics immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments human welfare commercialization degrading value ownership genetic material monetary value bidding gene auction human dignity ethical issues genetics Ron's Angels infertility exceptional children egg donation sperm donation highest bidder fair price body parts genetic commerce bioethics Andy Miah immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization degradation value of life ownership monetary value bidding genetic material ethics genetic auction Ron's Angels infertility exceptional children highest bidder Andy Miah ethical issues genetics patenting human DNA cheapest ways body parts immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments human welfare commercialization degrades value ownership genes basics of life monetary value bidding exceptional children Ron's Angels auctioning female eggs male sperm infertile couples highest bidder perception human body cheapest ways ethical issues genetics Almond Parker Patenting Human DNA immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization degradation value of life ownership genetic material monetary value bidding gene auction Ron's Angels infertile couples exceptional children egg donors sperm donors highest bidder ethical issues genetics patenting human DNA Almond Parker New Genetics immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments human welfare commercialization degradation value of life ownership genetic material ethics genetic engineering Andy Miah Ron's Angels egg donation sperm donation infertile couples ethical issues genetic commerce monetary value human body parts genetic patents bioethics moral philosophy genetic research commercial exploitation human dignity genetic commodification immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization degradation monetary value bidding human genes Ron's Angels Andy Miah ethical issues genetics ownership human body auctioning infertile couples exceptional children cheapest ways value of life immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization degradation value ownership monetary value bidding genes human body ethical issues genetics Ron's Angels infertile couples exceptional children egg sperm highest bidder perception fair to pay cheapest ways body parts Andy Miah patenting human DNA ethical issues in genetics Almond Parker"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con03a	We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. killing morality right wrong instinct feelings theory actions death ethics human behavior conscience philosophical reasoning moral judgment instincts societal values moral intuition ethical principles innate morality killing ethics moral feelings right and wrong moral theories moral dismissals action consequences death morality morality ethics intuition wrong right feelings killing death instinct theory dismissal actions participation ethical theories moral reasoning human behavior societal norms philosophical arguments conscience moral judgment killing is wrong moral instincts right and wrong morality ethical theories feelings about morality dismissing ethical theories instinctive morality moral actions causing death moral judgments ethical reasoning moral intuitions moral principles ethical behavior moral philosophy actions leading to death moral psychology moral wrongness moral intuition ethical principles instinctive morality moral reasoning ethical theories moral feelings moral judgments killing ethics action consequences moral psychology moral intuition ethical reasoning intrinsic wrongness morality of killing intuitive ethics moral sentiments ethical theories actions leading to death moral judgment instinctive morality morality ethical reasoning instinctive ethics moral feelings right and wrong killing death moral theories ethical actions instinct vs reason moral psychology human ethics ethical dilemmas moral intuitions action consequences moral philosophy ethical behavior moral judgment intuitive ethics moral cognition morality ethical reasoning intuition moral instincts killing wrongdoing ethical theories moral feelings action consequences ethical judgments morality ethics intuition philosophical theories right and wrong killing moral feelings moral reasoning moral actions death ethical dilemmas societal norms human instincts moral psychology morality ethics intuitive judgment moral psychology philosophical theories killing wrongdoing moral sentiments moral philosophy ethical dilemmas moral reasoning instinctive morality moral intuitions ethical behavior human ethics moral actions moral principles ethical theories moral responsibility moral values
test-society-simhbrasnba-con03a	We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. practice preach democratic nations freedom human rights justice oppression persecuted protect moral failing harmful spread democracy peaceful government authoritarian support incentive risk stand up freedom change oppressive regimes democracy freedom human rights justice oppression persecution moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government authoritarian regimes support incentive change oppressive regimes civil rights international relations political activism humanitarian aid democratic values global democracy promotion political refugees asylum human dignity societal improvement freedom fighters political courage democracy human rights justice freedom oppression authoritarian regimes moral obligation international support peaceful government political asylum activism civil rights global democracy encouragement hypocrisy moral failing practical harm societal change political refugees international solidarity practice what we preach democratic nations freedom human rights justice oppression persecuted individuals moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government authoritarian regimes support risk change oppressive regimes democracy freedom human rights justice oppression persecuted moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government authoritarian regimes support change incentives standing up freedomfighters international responsibility advocacy hypocrisy political refugees civil rights societal improvement bravery noble actions governance global politics human dignity international relations moral obligation political activism resistance movements social justice solidarity transformative change practice what we preach democratic nations freedom human rights justice oppression persecuted individuals moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government authoritarian regimes support incentive change oppressive regimes democracy human rights freedom justice oppression persecution moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government support authoritarian regimes change society improvement incentives risk stand up freedom advocacy democracy freedom human rights justice oppression persecution support moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government incentive change authoritarian regimes democracy freedom human rights justice oppression persecution moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government authoritarian regimes support incentive change oppression democracy human rights justice freedom oppression persecuted individuals moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government authoritarian regimes support incentive change oppressive regimes
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con03a	New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009.
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro04a	Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense nuclear weapons advanced technology potential future wars war devastation national missile defense system intercontinental ballistic missiles obsolete weapons missile shields conflict resolution diplomatic solutions missile defense technology international cooperation United States Japan Australia Romania war likelihood war destructiveness city-leveling power missile defense benefits strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear disarmament intercontinental ballistic missiles obsolete weapons diplomatic conflict resolution missile shield technology national security international relations US missile defense policy Japan missile defense Australia missile defense Romania missile defense future warfare reduced conflict lethality global security dynamics defense systems military strategy peace through technology strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles national missile defense system obsolete weapons conflict prevention diplomatic solutions missile shield technology international cooperation Japan Australia Romania war reduction less destructive conflicts city-leveling power McMichael 2009 strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles national missile defense system obsolete weapons missile shields diplomatic solutions conflict resolution technology transfer missile defense proliferation less destructive wars reduced war likelihood US missile defense Japan Australia Romania McMichael 2009 city-leveling power war destructiveness missile defense impact strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles national missile defense system obsolete weapons conflict prevention diplomatic solutions missile shield technology international cooperation technology transfer Japan Australia Romania war destructiveness city-leveling power reduced conflict likelihood strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles operational missile defense system obsolete weapons conflict prevention diplomatic solutions missile shield technology international cooperation reduced war destruction defensive military strategy global security technological proliferation non-proliferation international relations arms control peace studies military technology war prevention missile defense systems national security defensive warfare international politics future warfare missile technology strategic studies security studies war and peace military strategy defense policy missile defense policies international security advanced weaponry defensive technologies strategic arms technological advancement weapon systems Strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles obsolete war diplomatic solutions conflict missile shields United States Japan Australia Romania destruction city-leveling less likely less destructive strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles obsolete weapons missile shield technology diplomatic solutions conflict resolution less destructive wars United States Japan Australia Romania war prevention city-leveling power defense batteries McMichael 2009 strategic missile defense nuclear weapons advanced technology conflict prevention diplomatic solutions missile shield international collaboration reduced destruction war likelihood technological sharing US defense strategy global security missile defense systems future warfare ballistic missile defense arms race peacekeeping military technology international relations nuclear deterrence Strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles national missile defense system obsolete weapons conflict resolution diplomatic solutions missile shields future of war less destructive international cooperation technology transfer United States Japan Australia Romania reduced warfare impact city-leveling war prevention
test-economy-egecegphw-pro03a	Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012,
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro02a	Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con04a	It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con02a	The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro01a	The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control life second wage household poverty financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery way of life Ellis et al Petty jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction financial capital employment wages loans women empowerment household income financial security healthcare education women working from home jewellery making Kenya income generation improving way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty capital assets financial capital employment wages loans financial security healthcare education women work from home designing jewellery Kenya improving way of life jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction financial capital employment wages loans women empowerment control over life household poverty healthcare education working from home income generation Kenya jewellery design way of life improvement Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access capital assets financial capital employment wages control life second wage poverty reduction financial security healthcare education women working from home Kenya jewellery income way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access to capital financial capital employment wages women work financial security healthcare education women empowerment working from home Kenya jewellery design income way of life improvement Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women empowerment household poverty financial security healthcare education women working from home Kenya jewelry design income earning life improvement further readings Ellis et al Petty jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control life second wage households financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery improvement way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty financial capital employment wages loans financial security women work home-based work Kenya jewellery design healthcare education investment income empowerment way of life Ellis et al Petty jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction financial capital employment wages loans women empowerment healthcare education economic security Kenya jewellery design income generation household economics financial security investment social impact economic development petty 2013 ellis et al 2010
test-international-aghwrem-pro05a	Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken.
test-health-dhghwapgd-con02a	"Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available:"
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro01a	A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. school breakfast equal start student opportunities breakfast for all no hunger hydration wake up lesson readiness equal day start healthy morning routine educational equity meal provision child nutrition school meal programs daily preparation morning equality hunger-free learning thirst relief morning refreshment early morning support school breakfast equal start student opportunities breakfast for all no hunger hydration wake up lesson readiness daily routine educational support morning meal school nutrition equal chances healthy start student welfare school breakfast equal start student opportunities breakfast for all no hunger no thirst wake up good start daily lessons equal chances morning meal educational preparation student welfare healthy start school nutrition school breakfast equal start all students equal opportunities breakfast for all start to the day no one hungry no one thirsty wake up before lessons good start day beginning morning meal equitable education healthy start student well-being nourished learning inclusive breakfast school nutrition morning routine hunger-free learning educational equity breakfast program student readiness hydrated students morning hydration nutrition and learning breakfast and equality school meal programs universal breakfast classroom readiness healthy students productive learning morning nourishment school breakfast benefits equal footing daily breakfast student performance nutrition school breakfast equal opportunities hunger prevention hydration morning routine educational equity meal provision student welfare healthy start classroom readiness school breakfast equal start student equality breakfast for all no hunger hydration better focus improved learning morning nutrition equitable opportunity wake up lesson readiness daily routine healthy breakfast student well-being school nutrition program meal provision education support childhood nutrition inclusive breakfast school breakfast equal start students opportunities breakfast for all start to the day no one hungry no one thirsty wake up good start lessons day equal opportunities children school providing breakfast everyone same start hunger thirst wake up before lessons good start to the day possible educational equity morning meal breakfast program student well-being meal provision school nutrition healthy start daily routine educational performance breakfast importance child development school meal benefits nourishment morning preparation classroom readiness breakfast impact equal footing daily breakfast school day school breakfast equal start all students no hunger no thirst wake up better learning morning nutrition inclusive education healthy start improved concentration early morning routine student welfare collective breakfast equitable opportunity daily breakfast program school nutrition initiative breakfast for all educational advantage readiness to learn school breakfast equal start student opportunities breakfast for all no hunger no thirst wake up good start daily lessons equal chances morning meal early nutrition school nutrition program breakfast equality child health educational support meal provision school wellbeing morning routine student readiness school breakfast equal start student opportunities breakfast for all no hungry students morning hydration wake up before lessons good day start equal educational chances school provided meals
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con02a	The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804.
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con03a	Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, North Korea international relations nuclear proliferation diplomatic negotiations regional stability military provocations missile tests Cheonan sinking coercive diplomacy South Korea US policy international sanctions UNSC resolutions geopolitical tensions East Asia security nuclear disarmament regime survival economic sanctions foreign policy military deterrence North Korea international relations geopolitical tensions nuclear proliferation regional security diplomatic isolation economic sanctions regime stability military provocations missile launches Cheonan sinking coercive diplomacy South Korea United States China Russia United Nations security policies conflict resolution foreign policy strategic studies historical context USSR support withdrawal post-Cold War dynamics East Asian politics humanitarian concerns global stability North Korea international relations nuclear proliferation diplomatic negotiations regional stability security threats provocations missile tests Cheonan sinking coercive diplomacy great powers USSR support regime collapse status quo commentators business as usual resolution instability ignored provocations South Korea international attention harmful actions escalating incidents diplomatic engagement security studies conflict prevention strategic studies East Asia geopolitical tensions nuclear deterrence foreign policy state behavior crisis management international community missile launches maritime incidents military provocations diplomatic isolation regional powers security council international law human North Korea situation resolution great powers business as usual instability regime survival USSR withdrawal provocations missile tests coercive diplomacy Cheonan sinking South Korea international relations security studies political science conflict resolution diplomatic engagement military incidents East Asia geopolitical tensions non-proliferation North Korea international relations geopolitical tension nuclear capability missile testing diplomatic engagement security policy regional instability provocations military conflict Cheonan sinking coercive diplomacy South Korea US foreign policy Cold War aftermath economic sanctions regime survival international sanctions East Asia security conflict resolution strategic studies Victor Cha CSIS North Korea situation resolution great powers business as usual instability regime survival USSR withdrawal regime endurance provocations escalation missile tests coercive diplomacy Cheonan sinking South Korea international relations security studies political science North Korea instability great powers business as usual situation resolution regime survival USSR withdrawal commentator predictions regime endurance provocations escalation missile tests Cheonan sinking coercive diplomacy South Korea international attention negotiations security studies political instability military provocations diplomatic relations North Korea international relations diplomatic strategy military provocations nuclear program South Korea Cheonan incident coercive diplomacy regime stability Soviet Union economic sanctions geopolitical tension missile tests security policy crisis management regional stability engagement policy non-proliferation East Asia foreign policy strategic studies North Korea situation instability great powers business as usual resolution ignoring regime USSR support 1990s collapse status quo provocations missile tests world attention smaller actions bigger incidents Cheonan 2010 sinking 46 deaths coercive diplomacy negotiations North Korea situation instability great powers business as usual resolution commentary USSR regime survival provocations missile tests coercive diplomacy South Korea Cheonan sinking 2010 deaths negotiations international relations security East Asia diplomacy conflict escalation regional stability missile launches geopolitical tensions foreign policy North Korean military
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con03a	Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 closed source open source consumer needs software segmentation market reach Microsoft Windows 7 desktop monopoly niche software platform development cost increase Linux open source alternatives market customization software stability self-policing Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT anarchic community closed source consumer needs software segmentation Windows 7 Microsoft monopoly desktop computers niche software multiple platforms increased costs open source market customization accessibility abuse self-policing stability Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT anarchic community self-organizing Closed source consumer needs product segmentation Windows 7 monopoly desktop computers niche software multiple platforms cost increase open source market customization accessibility self-policing stability Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT anarchic community smart members well intentioned members closed source software consumer needs market segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 desktop computers monopoly niche software multiple platforms increased costs open source software market access customization software stability self-policing Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT open source community self-organising community anarchy well-intentioned members Closed source software consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 desktop computers monopoly niche software multiple platforms cost open source alternatives Linux market access software customization community policing stability Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT needs anarchic community self-organising closed source software consumer needs product segmentation Windows 7 software versions Microsoft monopoly desktop computers niche software software translation specialized purpose programmer software platforms open source alternatives Linux software development cost niche solution market access open source software market customization software stability Wikipedia defamatory statements self-policing anarchic community government IT needs Seigenthaler USA Today closed source software consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 desktop computers monopoly niche software programming costs multi-platform development Linux open source alternatives open source software market customization accessibility software stability self-policing Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT needs anarchic community closed source consumer needs market segmentation Windows 7 Microsoft monopoly desktop computers niche software multiple platforms increased costs open source alternatives Linux open source community software stability Wikipedia analogy self-policing government IT needs closed source consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 monopoly desktop computers niche software programming cost multi-platform development open source alternatives Linux market customization accessibility self-policing open source community software stability Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT self-organizing community closed source consumer needs product segmentation market reach Windows 7 desktop monopoly niche software multiple platforms cost increase platform gamble open source market customization software abuse community policing Wikipedia analogy government reliance IT needs anarchic community member intentions
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro01a	Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) right to life right to die autonomy physician-assisted suicide quality of life personal choice suffering tolerance of pain psychological distress Daniel James spinal injury rugby accident Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart assisted suicide terminal illness euthanasia human rights ethical considerations legal aspects medical ethics patient rights end-of-life decisions dignity in dying palliative care voluntary euthanasia moral philosophy bioethics healthcare policy compassionate care palliative sedation ethical dilemmas informed consent clinical practice guidelines death with dignity choice in dying moral right to life right to die physician assisted suicide autonomy personal choice quality of life psychological distress physical pain tolerance Daniel James Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart spinal injury rugby accident end of life decisions inevitable death suffering terminal illness ethical considerations legal aspects moral rights patient rights euthanasia assisted death humane treatment dignity in dying personal suffering private judgement tolerance of pain choice in dying right to abstain right to remain silent right to vote basic human rights fundamental rights individual rights autonomy in healthcare medical ethics right to life choice right to die autonomy quality of life physical pain psychological distress Daniel James spinal dislocation rugby accident suicide physician assisted suicide Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart Parents defend assisted suicide paralysed rugby player right to life right to choose right to die quality of life personal autonomy physician-assisted suicide tolerance of pain psychological distress Daniel James spinal dislocation rugby accident Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart assisted suicide parents' support terminal illness suffering end-of-life decisions dignity in dying legal and ethical considerations right to life right to die autonomy physician-assisted suicide quality of life personal choice suffering terminal illness ethical considerations legal rights Daniel James Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart spinal injury rugby accident guardianship euthanasia moral philosophy medical ethics patient rights dignity in dying psychological distress physical pain voluntary termination of life end-of-life decisions human rights compassionate care bioethics autonomy in healthcare physician's role decision-making in illness palliative care right to abstain right to remain silent freedom of choice individual liberties right to life right to die choice autonomy physical pain psychological distress quality of life personal decisions suffering Daniel James spinal dislocation rugby accident physician assisted suicide suicide inevitable death cessation of suffering time and manner of death Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart parents defend assisted suicide paralysed rugby player right to life right to die autonomy quality of life personal choice psychological distress physical pain dignity physician-assisted suicide terminal illness suffering ethical rights individual rights Daniel James Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart assisted suicide spinal dislocation rugby accident end-of-life decisions human rights mortality voluntary euthanasia legal ethics medical ethics right to life right to die autonomy choice quality of life personal judgment physical pain psychological distress physician assisted suicide suicide Daniel James spinal dislocation rugby accident inevitable death suffering derek humphrey liberty and death parents defend assisted suicide elizabeth stewart guardian 2008 2011 right to life right to die physician assisted suicide autonomy quality of life suffering personal choice ethics terminal illness legal rights Daniel James Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart spinal injury rugby accident end-of-life decisions dignity psychological distress physical pain human rights suicide euthanasia moral philosophy medical ethics patient rights quality of death compassionate care voluntary euthanasia bioethics healthcare policy moral responsibility legal ethics palliative care informed consent patient autonomy moral debate ethical dilemmas human dignity medical assistance in dying right to life right to die physician assisted suicide quality of life personal autonomy tolerance of pain psychological distress choice in death Daniel James case Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart spinal dislocation rugby accident terminal illness ethical considerations patient rights end-of-life decisions autonomy in healthcare voluntary euthanasia palliative care suffering dignity in death legal implications moral philosophy human rights medical ethics
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-pro01a	Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation retributive theory desert theory humanising belief offenders punishment imprisonment London rioters youth custody reoffending crime prevention public safety victimisation sentencing criteria enlightened society criminal justice system rehabilitation punishment ideological justification humanising belief offenders retributive theory enlightened society London riots juvenile offenders reoffending crime prevention public safety victimisation criminal justice system retribution sentencing British citizens poll curing desire to reoffend rehabilitation retribution criminal justice punishment enlightenment society victims reoffending crime prevention prisoner rights ideological justification humanizing belief offender treatment public safety sentencing criteria British poll London riots juvenile offenders curing desire to reoffend Rehabilitation Punishment Justification Ideological Imprisonment Humanising Offenders Retributive Desert Enlightened Society London Riots Offenders Custody Causes Recidivism Victim Crime Prevention Public Safety Sentencing Criminals Poll British Citizens Modern Criminal Justice System Retribution Reoffending Cure Desire Rehabilitation Justification Punishment Ideological Humanising Offenders Retributive Desert Enlightened Society London Riots Juvenile Custody Causes Victimization Crime Prevention Reoffending Public Safety Sentencing Poll British Citizens Modern Criminal Justice System rehabilitation punishment ideological justification humanising belief offenders retributive theory enlightened society London rioters juvenile offenders societal values victimisation crime prevention public safety prisoner rights reoffending criminal justice system public opinion sentencing criteria curing desire to reoffend Rehabilitation Justification Punishment Retributive Desert Enlightenment Society Victims Offenders Criminal Justice Reoffending Public Safety Juvenile Delinquency London Riots Sentencing Poll British Citizens Ideological Humanising Enlightened Society Rehabilitation Justification Punishment Ideological Humanising Offenders Retributive Society Victims London Rioters Juveniles Custody Causes Prevention Reoffending Crime Public Safety Victimization Poll British Citizens Sentencing Criminals Modern Criminal Justice System Curing Desire Judge Yourself Rehabilitation Justification Punishment Ideological Humanising Offenders Retributive Society Victims London Riots Juvenile Custody Causes Crime Prevention Public Safety Sentencing Poll Modern Criminal Justice System Retribution Reoffending Cure Desire rehabilitation retributive justice criminal justice system punishment offender reform public safety victim protection reoffending societal values enlightenment UK riots juvenile offenders prisoner rights crime prevention sentencing criteria poll British citizens humanitarian approach ideological justification punishment for punishment's sake
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro02a	The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. gun control firearms regulation accidental shootings gun violence stolen guns criminal access to guns children and guns school shootings mass shootings registered gun owners mental health and gun ownership legal gun ownership unintended consequences of gun ownership societal impact of guns gun prevalence gun-related deaths lawful gun possession gun ownership laws gun safety gun control accidental deaths firearm prevalence stolen guns crime children safety school shootings registered gun owners mental health public safety legislative measures gun legislation civilian ownership gun violence tragedy prevention societal impact weapon accessibility criminal access legal ownership gun-related incidents gun control accidental deaths firearm prevalence stolen guns criminal access child safety school shootings gun ownership regulation tragic incidents mental health legal gun ownership societal impact gun violence preventive measures legislative solutions gun control accidental deaths gun ownership law-abiding citizens unnecessary deaths stolen firearms criminals gun prevalence children gun accidents school shootings registered gun owners mental health mass shootings legislative measures firearm regulation public safety gun violence society impact tragedy prevention gun control accidental deaths unnecessary deaths tragic deaths stolen guns criminal access child safety gun prevalence firearm regulation school shootings mass shootings registered gun owners mental health public safety gun control accidental deaths firearm prevalence gun ownership law-abiding citizens stolen guns criminals gun theft children accidents school shootings Columbine Hungerford Dunblaine registered gun owners mental health tragedy prevention gun control gun ownership accidental deaths law-abiding citizens unnecessary deaths tragic deaths stolen guns criminals firearms prevalence gun theft children gun accidents school shootings Columbine Hungerford Dunblaine registered gun owners mass shootings gun violence gun ownership accidental deaths unnecessary deaths tragic deaths stolen guns criminals gun prevalence firearms children gun accidents school shootings Columbine Hungerford Dunblane registered gun owners mass shootings gun control public safety firearm regulations legal ownership guns ordinary citizens accidental deaths law-abiding citizens unnecessary deaths tragic deaths stolen guns criminals firearms prevalence gun control children gun accidents Columbine High School massacre registered gun owners mental health Hungerford Dunblaine mass shootings U.K. gun control accidental deaths gun ownership law-abiding citizens stolen firearms criminals gun prevalence children gun accidents school shootings Columbine Hungerford Dunblaine registered gun owners mass shootings
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con06a	"Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism moral obligation ethical dilemmas duty supererogatory actions charity moral philosophy saving lives power responsibility praise moral demands ethical theories consequentialism moral psychology altruism Utilitarianism moral philosophy ethical theories consequentialism duty obligation supererogatory actions charity moral demandingness ethical obligations human morality altruism moral psychology ethical dilemmas trolley problem philanthropy moral responsibility ethical decision-making life-saving actions excess wealth moral praise voluntary actions moral expectations humanitarian aid ethical frameworks Utilitarianism, moral philosophy, ethical theory, altruism, obligation, duty, consequentialism, ethics, morality, maximization, happiness, well-being, sacrifice, personal responsibility, charitable giving, philanthropy, societal impact, moral demands, justice, fairness, impartiality, utility, moral agents, ethical dilemmas, moral obligations, voluntary actions, praiseworthy deeds, supererogatory acts, moral穿梭机 Note: ""Shuttle"" seems to be a mistake and should be omitted, as it is not relevant to the topic. The correct keyword list is as follows: Utilitarianism, moral philosophy, ethical theory utilitarianism moral obligation ethical decision-making saving lives power to act donating excess money charity moral praise duty to help utilitarian ethics moral philosophy ethical theory moral duty altruism utilitarian principles moral reasoning ethical implications humanitarianism moral choices ethical dilemmas Utilitarianism ethics moral philosophy duty obligation consequentialism altruism charity sacrifice personal responsibility moral actions moral praise ethical theory moral demands supererogatory actions Utilitarianism moral obligation ethical responsibility philanthropy charity donation saving lives moral duty ethical actions power to save excess money praiseworthy actions utilitarian ethics moral philosophy altruism obligatory actions Utilitarianism moral philosophy ethical theory consequentialism duty obligation supererogatory charity altruism power responsibility moral agent moral action praise ethical demand life-saving financial capability excess wealth philanthropy Utilitarianism ethical obligations moral philosophy consequentialism duty charity altruism moral responsibility ethical theories moral actions deontology philosopher ethics moral dilemmas virtue ethics moral psychology moral reasoning moral philosophy utilitarian principles ethical decision-making moral luck moral agents moral norms humanitarian aid global ethics philanthropy moral pluralism moral absolutism moral relativism supererogatory actions moral saints moral obligations moral communities moral claims moral virtues moral values moral agency moral accountability moral considerations moral education moral growth Utilitarianism moral philosophy ethical theories deontological ethics virtue ethics moral obligations consequentialism altruism moral duties charitable giving ethical decision-making moral responsibility supererogatory acts utilitarian principles moral actions power and ethics saving lives excess wealth moral praise ethical living philanthropy moral reasoning duty in ethics moral philosophy discussions utilitarian dilemmas ethical theories comparison moral intuition ethical obligations moral philosophy debate ethical actions moral worth moral philosophy analysis Utilitarianism ethics moral philosophy duty obligation consequentialism altruism charity moral obligations ethical decision-making power responsibility praise moral theory life-saving actions excess money donation moral frameworks ethical theories moral agents consequentialist ethics"
test-society-asfhwapg-con04a	A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , patent alternatives no patents gene research free-for-all research incentives discoverer rights use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system accessible database GSR use fee commercial entities publicly funded institutions fair system DNA patenting public health research Luigi Palombi sui generis alternative biological materials patents liability regime alternatives to patents gene patents free for all research incentives use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system GSR use fee publicly funded institutions commercial entities fair system public health research Patenting Lives Conference Luigi Palombi sui generis alternative biological materials innovation stifling innovation driving up prices blanket patenting research payback discovery rights access conditions commercialization fee structure nature of use academic research commercial research patent system adaptation genetic material function and utility international database freely accessible liability regime patents innovation prices free for all research payback discovery rights use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system establishment costs adoption genetic sequence genetic material function utility international electronic database GSR use fee publicly funded institutions commercial entities fairer system public health research DNA patenting Luigi Palombi Patenting Lives Conference liability regime alternatives to patents gene patents free for all research incentives commercialization Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system public health research academic research commercial entities GSR use fee Luigi Palombi Patenting Lives Conference WHO DNA patenting biological materials sui generis alternative innovation price increases discovery rights pay back for research access to discovery use now pay later experimental use fairer system public institutions universities nature of use fee variation disclosure requirements genetic sequence function and utility international database first to file liability regime alternatives to patents innovation gene patents research payback discovery rights use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system public health research commercial entities academic research fair system patenting biological materials liability regime alternatives to patents innovation research costs free-for-all scenario no patent gene research payback for research discovery rights use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system disclosure of genetic sequences experimental use fee commercial entity fees fair research system public health research DNA patenting Patenting Lives Conference Luigi Palombi liability regime patents innovation prices no patents genes free for all research payback rights for discoverer use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR patent system international electronic database GSR use fee publicly funded institutions commercial entities commensurate use DNA patenting public health research patenting lives Luigi Palombi sui generis alternative biological materials liability regime alternative patent systems gene patents innovation stifling patent alternatives no patents free for all research payback discovery rights use now pay later genetic sequence rights GSR patent system international electronic database GSR use fee publicly funded institutions commercial entities fairer system commercial research academic research public health DNA patenting Luigi Palombi Patenting Lives Conference liability regime alternatives blanket patenting stifles innovation drives up prices no patents genes free for all research payback use now pay later discovery rights Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system electronic database GSR use fee public health research commercial purposes academic purposes liability regime alternatives to patents gene patents free-for-all research incentives Genetic Sequence Rights GSR commercial research academic research patent system fee-based access innovation public health research Luigi Palombi sui generis rights international electronic database disclosure genetic material function and utility publicly funded institutions commercial entities use fee WHO patenting lives biological materials
test-economy-epegiahsc-con04a	FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing labour market Americas US workers Canadian workers salary competition low-wage countries worker protections workers' rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor economic impact trade policies globalization employment effects wage levels job security labor standards international trade North American economy trade liberalization job market labor market dynamics economic integration free trade zones wage disparity labor force workforce competition trade agreement impacts employment trends worker exploitation labor rights job loss economic inequality trade negotiations FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing labour market Americas workers US Canada average salary lower salaries benefits worker protections workers' rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement employers working conditions surplus labor economic impact trade liberalization globalization wage competition job security labor standards international trade employment effects trade policy economic inequality worker exploitation labor market dynamics trade agreements North American Free Trade Agreement economic integration trade-offs labor mobility job loss economic adjustment labor market flexibility trade liberalization effects labor market FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing labour market Americas US Canada average salary competition lower salaries benefits worker protections workers’ rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement employers working conditions surplus labor economic impact trade policy global competition wage disparity employment security labor standards international trade economic inequality job security wage levels trade liberalization worker exploitation free trade impacts North American Free Trade Agreement employment effects labor market dynamics wage competition job loss economic globalization labor market integration trade agreement consequences labor FTAA labour market developed countries US Canada lower salaries worker rights protections unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor economic impact international trade wage competition globalization employment trends worker benefits trade policy job security North American Free Trade Agreement economic inequality labour standards international economics job outsourcing trade liberalization economic protectionism worker exploitation income inequality trade deficits industrial competition manufacturing jobs service sector economic development trade surplus trade balance economic growth economic recession policy analysis economic research trade negotiations FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing labour market Americas workers US Canada competition low-wage countries average salary lower salaries benefits worker protections rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement employers working conditions surplus labor James Suroweicki The New Yorker Robert E. Scott Economic Policy Institute FTAA labour market developed countries worker competition lower salaries benefits cut worker protections workers' rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement USA Canada working conditions surplus labor FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing labour market Americas US Canada competition lower salaries benefits worker protections rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor economic impact James Suroweicki Robert E. Scott Economic Policy Institute The New Yorker FTAA labor developed countries liberalizing labor market Americas workers US Canada average salary lower wages benefits competition market worker protections rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement employers working conditions surplus labor economic impact trade policies globalization wage gap employment trends worker displacement economic inequality international trade labor standards job security FTAA labour developed countries US Canada lower salaries benefits workers' rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor economic impact trade liberalization international trade labor market competition wage disparity worker protections economic policy globalization trade negotiations employment effects North American Free Trade Agreement job outsourcing wage compression labor standards international labor economic globalization trade pact consequences economic inequality labor force trade policies job security economic development trade impacts labor market trends industrialized nations developing economies free market economic reforms FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing labour market Americas workers US Canada average salary lower salaries benefits worker protections workers' rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement employers working conditions surplus labor James Suroweicki The New Yorker Robert E. Scott Economic Policy Institute
test-politics-dhwem-pro02a	PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs value for money mercenaries cost efficient fighting expensive to hire government cost training housing pensions healthcare paid for days used outsourcing reduce cost force US army smaller Gulf War saves money taxpayers build up conventional troops arms races cripplingly expensive Soviet Union collapse PMCs value for money mercenaries cost efficiency fighting expensive to hire government costs training housing pensions healthcare paid for use outsourcing force reduction US army Gulf War taxpayer savings conventional troops arms races Soviet Union collapse PMCs mercenaries cost efficiency value for money government expenses training costs housing costs pensions healthcare deployment costs cost reduction military outsourcing force size reduction taxpayer savings arms races Soviet Union collapse military expenditure conventional troops US army Gulf War PBS News Hour 2004 PMCs value for money mercenaries cost efficient fighting expensive to hire government training housing pensions healthcare only paid days used outsourcing cost reduction force management US army smaller 1991 Gulf War taxpayers’ money avoid conventional troops arms race expensive Soviet Union collapse PMCs value for money mercenaries cost efficiency fighting expensive to hire government training costs housing costs pensions healthcare paid per day outsourcing cost reduction force US army smaller 1991 Gulf War taxpayers’ money conventional troops arms races Soviet Union cripplingly expensive collapse PMCs value for money mercenaries cost efficient fighting expensive to hire government training housing pensions healthcare paid for days used outsourcing cost reduction force US army smaller 1991 Gulf War taxpayers’ money conventional troops arms races Soviet Union collapse cripplingly expensive PMCs value for money mercenaries cost efficiency fighting expensive to hire government costs training housing pensions healthcare paid for days used outsourcing cost reduction US army Gulf War taxpayers’ money conventional troops arms races Soviet Union collapse PMCs mercenaries cost efficiency government savings training costs housing expenses pensions healthcare per diem payment outsourcing military expenditure US army downsizing taxpayer savings conventional troops arms races Soviet Union collapse financial burden military spending reduction private military contractors value for money operational costs military outsourcing troop reduction defense budget optimization combat effectiveness strategic flexibility reduced military footprint international conflicts security contractors PMCs mercenaries cost efficiency government expenses training costs housing costs pensions healthcare daily payment outsourcing force reduction taxpayer savings conventional troops arms races Soviet Union collapse PMCs value for money mercenaries cost efficient fighting expensive to hire government training costs housing costs pensions healthcare paid for days used outsourcing reduce force cost US army 1991 Gulf War taxpayers’ money avoid conventional troops arms races Soviet Union collapse
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con02a	Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. climate models greenhouse gases atmospheric GHGs carbon dioxide plant life climate change anthropogenic effects earth's climate resiliency life continuation scientific uncertainty model accuracy environmental impacts species protection future predictions climate science complexity varying model results human influence natural climate variability mitigation strategies Earth's resilience climate models GHGs global warming carbon dioxide plant life climate change mitigation anthropogenic effects climate variability natural adaptation environmental science scientific uncertainty Lemonick Michael D climate prediction reliability Earth's Resiliency GHGs Climate Models Carbon Dioxide Plant Life Mitigation Climate Change Species Protection Anthropogenic Effects Climate Science Model Accuracy Varying Results Life Continuity Environmental Adaptation Scientific Uncertainty Lemonick Climate Future Model Reliability Earth's resiliency climate models rising atmospheric GHGs climate science complexity model accuracy plant life increase carbon dioxide benefits climate change mitigation species protection anthropogenic effects natural climate change life continuity climate future scientific trust environmental adaptation ecological resilience climate variability model predictions environmental impact human influence on climate climate science reliability ecological response to climate change long-term climate trends climate model uncertainties global warming effects ecosystem adaptability anthropogenic climate impact natural vs anthropogenic climate change climate model limitations plant growth and CO2 biodiversity and climate change earth Earth's resiliency climate models rising atmospheric GHGs carbon dioxide plant life climate change mitigation anthropogenic effects climate science complexity model accuracy life continuity environmental adaptation climate predictions scientific uncertainty ecological resilience global warming impacts biodiversity protection Lemonick climate research future climate scenarios Earth's resiliency climate models atmospheric GHGs carbon dioxide plant life climate change anthropogenic effects environmental adaptation scientific uncertainty climate prediction ecological response Lemonick Michael D. climate science complexity Earth's resiliency climate models atmospheric GHGs carbon dioxide plant life climate change anthropogenic effects climate science complexity model accuracy life sustainability environmental adaptation climate predictions scientific uncertainty ecological impacts global warming environmental protection biodiversity climate variability natural resilience human influence environmental mitigation future climate scenarios scientific consensus Lemonick Michael D climate research environmental studies Earth's resiliency climate models GHGs carbon dioxide plant life climate change mitigation anthropogenic effects climate change impacts climate science complexity model accuracy environmental adaptation species protection life continuity climate predictions science skepticism climate variability natural climate changes Lemonick Michael D. Earth's climate atmospheric GHGs climate models carbon dioxide plant life climate change anthropogenic effects Lemonick climate science complexity model accuracy species protection climate recovery environmental resilience global warming predictions scientific uncertainty ecological adaptation Earth's Resiliency GHGs climate models carbon dioxide plant life climate change anthropogenic effects climate science model accuracy environmental mitigation species protection human impact climate variability ecological adaptation scientific uncertainty environmental sustainability climate futurology model complexity predictive reliability ecological resilience
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro01a	The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: unauthorised downloading copyrighted material state intervention intellectual property theft market competition free content piracy digital content commercially viable content industry unfair competition parallel market Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci OECD Publishing unauthorized downloading copyrighted material state intervention intellectual property content theft market competition free content piracy digital content OECD Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci commercially viable content industry unfair competition parallel market unauthorized downloading copyrighted material state prevention intellectual property rights holder theft unauthorized sources impossible market producers compete with free consumer behavior authorized websites pirate sites commercially viable content industry unfair competition parallel market piracy digital content OECD Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci unauthorized downloading copyrighted material state prevention intellectual property content theft market competition free content authorized websites commercial viability content industry unfair competition parallel market digital content piracy Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci OECD Publishing unauthorised downloading copyrighted material state intervention intellectual property rights holder theft unauthorized source market competition free content consumer behavior authorized website pirate-site commercial viability content industry unfair competition parallel market digital piracy Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci OECD Publishing unauthorised downloading copyrighted material state intervention intellectual property rights holder theft unauthorized sources market competition free content authorized websites pirate sites average consumer commercial viability content industry unfair competition parallel market piracy of digital content Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci OECD Publishing unauthorized downloading copyrighted material state intervention intellectual property theft content industry market competition piracy digital content OECD Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci commercially viable unauthorized sources fair competition consumer behavior authorized websites pirate sites free content rights holders legal downloads enforcement digital rights management online content creative industries economic impact policy measures infringement legal frameworks international cooperation intellectual property rights technology solutions user education innovation content creation cultural production digital economy legislative action stakeholder collaboration market disruption unauthorized distribution content unauthorised downloading copyrighted material state prevention intellectual property hard work content creation theft unauthorized sources impossible market producers competition free content consumer behavior authorized websites pirate sites commercially viable industry online content protection unfair competition parallel market digital piracy Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci OECD Publishing copyright infringement intellectual property rights piracy prevention unauthorized downloading content industry protection market competition digital piracy copyright law consumer behavior economic impact legal enforcement digital content protection piracy research OECD publishing Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci unauthorised downloading copyrighted material state intervention intellectual property rights holder theft market competition free content pirate-site commercial viability content industry unfair competition parallel market piracy digital content OECD Publishing Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci
test-international-iiahwagit-pro03a	Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ African animals endangered species cultural heritage wildlife conservation mystic beliefs elephants lions coat of arms African identity extinction prevention UCLA cultural impact institutional symbols Q. Coleman African history animal symbolism ivory trade African ecology wildlife protection species significance African animals conservation cultural significance elephants mystic powers lions coat of arms identity extinction pride protection heritage wildlife African culture institutional symbols historical importance Endangered animals African countries cultural significance mystic powers African elephants coat of arms African lions extinction cultural impact protection wildlife conservation African identity traditional beliefs historical importance animal symbolism endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms identity extinction negative cultural impact UCLA Q. Coleman Endangered animals African pride cultural significance protection mystic powers elephants lions coat of arms Africa's identity extinction negative impact UCLA Q. Coleman Endangered animals African countries cultural significance mystic powers African elephants coat of arms African lions extinction negative cultural impact UCLA Q. Coleman African animals pride cultural significance mystic powers elephants lions coat of arms extinction conservation protection UCLA Q. Coleman Endangered animals African countries cultural significance mystic powers African elephants coat of arms African lions identity extinction cultural impact UCLA Q. Coleman African wildlife conservation efforts cultural heritage mystic beliefs ivory trade coat of arms national symbols extinction prevention ecological impact African identity African elephants mystic powers cultural significance African lions coat of arms identity extinction negative cultural impact protection pride endangered species UCLA Q. Coleman
test-education-egscphsrdt-con03a	Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. safeguarding teacher-student relationship random drug tests trust suspicion teachers school establishment students imparting information illegal drugs consequences seeking help peers internet questionable information drug use cool glamorous anti-drugs message harm policy influence safeguarding teacher-student relationship random drug tests trust suspicion teachers school establishment students perceive catch consequences illegal drugs information reliable peers internet questionable policy influenced notions cool glamorous anti-drugs message harmed Safeguarding teacher-student relationship random drug tests trust suspicion teachers school establishment students impart information illegal drugs consequences seeking teachers peers internet information questionable policy drug use cool glamorous anti-drugs message harm random drug testing educational environment student trust teacher authority drug education peer influence digital information youth perception drug awareness school policies student-teacher dynamic impact of testing educational trust youth culture reliable information sources teacher-student bond school drug testing youth drug use educational trust-building teacher reliability Safeguarding teacher-student relationship random drug tests trust suspicion teachers school establishment students illegal drugs consequences information peer influence internet drug use cool glamorous anti-drugs message Safeguarding teacher-student relationship Random drug tests trust suspicion teachers school establishment students impart information illegal drugs consequences seeking teachers peers internet questionable information drug use cool glamorous schools anti-drugs message safeguarding teacher-student trust random drug testing impact student-teacher relationship deterioration trust vs suspicion in schools teacher role in drug education student information sources peer influence on drug use internet drug information reliability school anti-drug policy effectiveness drug testing and student behavior safeguarding teacher-student relationship random drug tests trust suspicion perception teachers school establishment students illegal drugs consequences information peers internet questionable policy drug use cool glamorous anti-drugs message teacher-student trust random drug tests suspicion impart drug information peer influence unreliable internet sources anti-drugs message student-teacher relationship drug use perception school establishment credibility teacher-student trust random drug tests suspicion information reliability peer influence drug education anti-drug policies student-teacher communication trust erosion school establishment perception teacher-student trust random drug tests school authority perception student-teacher interaction anti-drug education peer influence internet drug information drug use glamorization school drug policy student-teacher communication
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con03a	Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 security services public disorder panic threat reports risk assessment media influence public misunderstanding terrorism prevention foreign policy Gallup polls risk proportionality pandemic information public health WHO swine flu coronavirus pandemic response information release health communication crisis management security communication security services public disorder panic risk assessment media influence public perception terrorism foreign policy proportionate response pandemic management information release WHO swine flu coronavirus public health crisis communication security services public disorder panic threat reports media misunderstanding risk perception terrorism prevention foreign policy proportionate response public health pandemic information swine flu WHO coronavirus panic response information release unnecessary scare stockpiling drugs security services public disorder panic prevention threat reporting risk assessment media influence public misunderstanding terrorism prevention foreign policy goals proportional response public health pandemic information WHO swine flu coronavirus risk communication informed public unnecessary scare drug stockpiling security vs health information balance security services public disorder panic risk assessment media influence public perception terrorism foreign policy Gallup polls risk misunderstanding proportionate response public health pandemics information release swine flu WHO coronavirus pandemic response stockpiling drugs unnecessary scare security services public disorder media misunderstanding risk perception terrorism prevention foreign policy goal public health pandemic information WHO swine flu response unnecessary panic information release strategy virus misinformation health communication security communication panic prevention risk communication public safety information management crisis management threat assessment media responsibility public understanding health policy security policy governmental transparency societal response to threats virus outbreaks health threats security threats public awareness information control threat mitigation panic control crisis communication public trust policy priorities misinformation control risk education emergency preparedness health security security services public disorder panic threat reports media misunderstanding public risk perception terrorism prevention foreign policy low terrorism risk proportionate response pandemic information public health swine flu WHO unnecessary scare stockpiling drugs coronavirus panic button security services public disorder risk assessment media influence public perception terrorism prevention foreign policy risk communication pandemic management WHO swine flu coronavirus panic button information release policy goals Gallup polls health officials public health issues stockpiling drugs crisis response low risk events misunderstood risks proportionate response security vs health official information unnecessary scare virus severity health communication misinformation security policy public safety crisis management risk education information control threat assessment public awareness security transparency pandemic preparedness health emergencies crisis communication health warnings security services public disorder panic risk assessment media influence public understanding terrorism foreign policy proportionate response pandemic information health communication swine flu WHO response risk management crisis communication misinformation policy goals public health informed public unnecessary panic balanced reporting security services public disorder panic prevention terrorism risk public health issues pandemic communication information release swine flu WHO response unnecessary scare stockpiling drugs risk misunderstanding proportionate response media influence public policy goals foreign policy terror threat perception health crises management coronavirus panic button official statements
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con03a	This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 cluster bombs U.S. military reliability improvement bomblets explode on impact self-disarm technology civilian damage warfare effectiveness premature ban military funding U.S. military cluster bomb reliability bomblet malfunction military funding cluster bomb improvement bomblet explosion self-disarming technology civilian casualties warfare effectiveness premature ban cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets reliability improvement military funding civilian damage warfare effectiveness accidental discharges disarm technology cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets reliability improvement civilian damage military funding disarming technology warfare effectiveness ban premature impact explosion accidental discharges deployment improvements military tools warfare ethics bomb technology military research humanitarian impact unexploded ordnance war tactics military innovation cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets reliability explosion military funding technology disarm civilian damage warfare ban premature impact ineffective accidental discharge U.S. military strategy cluster bomb reliability bomblet malfunction military funding cluster bomb improvement bomblet self-disarmament civilian safety warfare effectiveness technological advancement premature ban U.S. military cluster bombs bomblets reliability improvements explodes on impact self-disarm civilian damage warfare ban premature military funding technology development accidental discharges impact effectiveness humanitarian concerns international law military necessity unexploded ordnance clearance efforts 爆破弹 美国军事 子炸弹 可靠性 技术改进 即时爆炸 自动解除武装 民间伤亡 战争工具 禁止 为时过早 军事经费 技 cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets reliability improvement accidental discharges civilian damage warfare effectiveness military funding disarm technology impact explosion premature ban cluster bombs U.S. military reliability improvement bomblets explode on impact self-disarm technology civilian damage warfare effectiveness premature ban military funding U.S. military funding cluster bomb reliability bomblet explosion rates bomblet self-disarming technology civilian casualties military efficiency warfare effectiveness premature ban technological improvements humanitarian impact
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro02a	Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. mayors accountability council local government mandate votes electorate visibility council leader committees decision-making responsibility coalition politics services campaign promises re-election democratic accountability political participation power freedom big cities elected mayors mayors accountability local government mandate electorate visibility committees decision-making re-election democratic accountability political participation power freedom cities coalitions backroom deals shifting politics services campaign promises elected mayor improvement unpopular decisions failed policies Bristol example change hands streamline increase chance mayors accountability local government mandate electorate visibility councils committees decision-making re-election Bristol coalitions backroom deals political participation government power unpopular decisions failed policies service improvement campaign promises mayoral accountability council accountability elected mayors local government mayor mandate voter visibility council leader recognition decision-making committees coalition politics Bristol council mayoral re-election local services campaign promises democratic accountability political participation municipal governance direct accountability mayoral power local democracy city governance accountability mayors council local government mandate electorate visibility individual policies committees responsibility unpopular decisions failed policies Bristol coalition backroom deals decision-making re-election campaign promises democratic accountability political participation power freedom elected mayors big cities turning point English cities Institute for Government The Economist mayors accountability council local government mandate votes electorate visibility committees decision-making responsibility unpopular decisions failed policies Bristol wobbly coalitions backroom deals shifting politics re-election local services campaign promises democratic accountability political participation real power freedom big cities elected mayors turning point English cities Mayors accountability local government electorate visibility committees decision-making responsibility coalitions political participation power freedom re-election services campaign promises Bristol backroom deals shifting politics democratic accountability mayors accountability local government mandate electorate visibility councillors committees responsibility unpopular decisions failed policies Bristol coalitions backroom deals politics streamlining decision-making re-election services campaign promises democratic accountability political participation power freedom English cities big cities elected mayors accountability mayors council local government mandate electorate visibility committees decision-making re-election services campaign promises democratic accountability political participation power freedom unpopular decisions failed policies coalitions backroom deals shifting politics elected mayor streamline Bristol English cities accountability elected mayors local government mandate visibility committees decision-making re-election campaign promises democratic participation city governance mayoral system council leaders Bristol politics electoral responsibility policy implementation public recognition political visibility governance structure mayoral elections electoral reforms local democracy political accountability urban governance civic leadership electoral mandate political responsibility public accountability democratic accountability
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con01a	Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 banning religious symbols targeting people scapegoat problems hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap culture religion heritage hatred religious groups racism criticism country Belgian full veils BBC News Europe religious symbols banning targeting people scapegoat problems hijab crucifix jewish skullcap culture religion heritage hatred religious groups racism criticism country belgian ban full veils banning religious symbols targeting people scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix jewish skullcap hatred religious groups racism criticism country belgian ban full veils bbc news europe banning religious symbols unfairly targeting religious discrimination scapegoating religious symbols and culture removing religious attire hijab ban crucifix ban Jewish skullcap ban religious freedom cultural heritage increased hatred religious tensions racism societal division Belgium veil ban religious symbol legislation religious symbols banning targeting scapegoat cultural identity religious freedom heritage hatred racism criticism societal impact legal restrictions religious garments hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap social cohesion discrimination human rights banning religious symbols targeting people religious discrimination religious symbols as scapegoat cultural heritage religious freedom increasing religious hatred racism social tension Belgian veil ban Banning religious symbols unfair targeting scapegoating highlighting blame bigger problems removing hijab removing crucifix removing skullcap cultural loss religious loss heritage loss increased hatred religious groups racism criticism worsened living conditions Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe banning religious symbols targeting people unfair scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix jewish skullcap hatred religious groups racism criticism country worse live Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe religious symbols banning targeting group scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix jewish skullcap hatred religious groups racism criticism country belgian ban full veils bbc news europe religious freedom cultural identity discrimination scapegoating social cohesion religious tolerance hate crimes racism civil liberties government regulation personal expression societal issues human rights legal challenges social integration public policy moral debate ethical considerations religious attire cultural sensitivity
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-con02a	"This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec secession Canada democracy referendum polling Francophones Anglophones independence sovereignty disenfranchisement minority majority government policy representation political disenfranchisement democratic legitimacy Quebec independence debate public opinion political representation Quebec separatism Canadian unity regional interests national identity minority rights constitutional law Canadian politics democratic process Quebec secession Canada referendum polling data independence government policy undemocratic Anglophone Quebecers Francophones disenfranchisement minority sovereignty political representation democratic process public opinion regional identity national unity minority rights citizenship political participation electoral dynamics Quebec politics Canadian federalism separatism political disenfranchisement demographic representation constitutional law legal challenges political movements social issues cultural differences linguistic rights historical context political stability governmental accountability civic engagement voter behavior political ideologies secessionist movements Quebec secession Canada referendum polling sovereignty independence democracy disenfranchisement Anglophone Francophone minority representation provincial government policy citizens outmoded political disenfranchisement rights majority opposition interests Quebec secession Canadian unity Quebec independence Quebec referendum Quebec polling data Anglophone Quebecers Francophone Quebecers Quebec government Quebec democracy Quebec disenfranchisement Quebec sovereignty Canadian politics Quebec nationalism minority representation Quebec policy Canadian provincial relations Quebec identity Canadian federalism Quebec political minorities Canadian public opinion Quebec secession Canada independence referendum polling data Anglophone Quebecers Francophones undemocratic disenfranchisement minority sovereignty Quebec government public opinion democracy representation policy citizens political representation Canadian provinces regional politics national unity separatism referendum results public interest political minorities Quebec politics Canadian federalism regional identity national identity political disenfranchisement democratic principles constitutional law Canadian constitution political science sociology public administration political movements voter turnout political participation civic engagement political rights Quebec secession Canada independence referendum polling data majority minority undemocratic disenfranchisement Anglophone Quebecers Francophones sovereignty Canadian politics Quebec sovereignty movement democratic representation public opinion political disenfranchisement minority rule Quebec independence debate Quebec secession Canada referendum polling data majority independence government policy undemocratic Anglophone Quebecers Francophones disenfranchisement minority sovereignty outmoded Quebec secession independence Canada referendum polling democracy disenfranchisement Anglophone Francophone minority sovereignty outmoded representation policy government citizens interests trade-off appeal Quebec secession Canada referendum polling data majority independence government policy undemocratic Anglophone Quebecers Francophones disenfranchisement sovereignty minority citizens representation political opinions regional identity national unity democratic processes Quebec secession Canada democracy referendum polling independence Anglophone Francophone disenfranchisement minority sovereignty policy representation citizens outmoded appeal"
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro01a	Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising trials justice as entertainment broadcasting court proceedings high-profile trials media influence on trials courtroom drama public interest in trials celebrity testimony trial publicity legal ethics courtroom sketch artists written trial transcripts media reporting of trials judicial integrity public perception of justice legal proceedings on television court transparency media and the law televised court cases impact of media on legal system televised trials court entertainment high-profile cases media influence judicial process celebrity involvement courtroom reporting camera restrictions public interest legal integrity Simpson trial ICC trials SCSL Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell courtroom sketches written transcripts media coverage trial integrity public opinion legal spectacle televising trials justice as entertainment broadcasted court proceedings high-profile trials media impact on trials courtroom entertainment Simpson trial ICC trials SCSL Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell celebrity testimony courtroom sketches written transcripts accurate court reporting media and legal proceedings tawdry courtroom footage public interest in trials legal ethics in media trial publicity televised trials courtroom entertainment legal broadcasting high-profile cases celebrity testimony media impact on justice Simpson trial ICC trials Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell courtroom sketches written transcripts judicial reportage media scrutiny legal integrity public interest trial coverage courtroom filming media ethics legal proceedings televised trials court entertainment Simpson trial ICC trials Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell courtroom sketches written transcripts media coverage high-profile cases judicial integrity public interest celebrity involvement legal reportage tawdry footage courtroom cameras trial publicity judicial process media impact trial coverage televised trials entertainment justice court entertainment high-profile trials Simpson trial harmful effects freak show ICC trials Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell celebrity interest legalities courtroom cameras accurate reports court sketches written transcripts reportage original footage tawdry manner televised trials courtroom entertainment justice system high-profile cases Simpson trial ICC trials celebrity involvement Naomi Campbell Charles Taylor trial courtroom sketch written transcripts media impact legal reporting public interest judicial integrity televised trials justice entertainment high-profile cases Simpson trial ICC trials Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell courtroom sketches written transcripts media impact legal proceedings public interest celebrity involvement courtroom reporting broadcast trials judicial integrity media scrutiny trial coverage televisual courtroom legal showmanship televised trials court entertainment Simpson trial ICC trials Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell celebrity interest courtroom sketches written transcripts media reportage legal proceedings public interest judicial process broadcasting ethics trial coverage televised trials court entertainment Simpson trial ICC trials high-profile cases Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell courtroom sketches written transcripts media impact judicial integrity public interest celebrity involvement legal proceedings court reporting tawdry coverage informed public trial publicity juridical dignity media responsibility
test-health-dhghwapgd-con03a	"The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: intellectual property property rights patent rights drug development pharmaceutical industry intangible assets financial investment generic drugs legal protection market stability invention innovation research and development cost of development economic principles philosophical justification capital resources labor mixing product identity tangible property intangible property market prerequisite legal framework intellectual endeavor firm's identity benefit of creation stealing ideas financial survival drug formula principle of property assignment of rights necessity for firms economic survival property assignment development cost pharmaceutical development innovation incentive market function economic theory property protection intellectual property property rights intangible assets patent rights drug development pharmaceutical industry financial investment generic drugs intellectual endeavor legal protection market stability philosophical justification R&D costs firm identity capital resources labor mixing idea production tangible goods economic principles property assignment financial survival innovation incentives regulatory framework patent law drug formula development costs pharmaceutical innovation economic theory property theory intellectual property rights market function industrial property intangible property economic benefit idea realization property rights philosophy legal framework generic drug production drug formula protection intellectual property law intellectual property property rights intangible assets patent rights drug development pharmaceutical industry research and development financial investment generic drugs legal protection market stability philosophical justification economic principle property rights assignment drug formula cost of innovation tangible and intangible property benefit of creation legal recognition intellectual endeavor firm identity resource mixing labor-capital integration market function developed countries legal framework innovation incentive drug formula protection pharmaceutical R&D costs drug development timeline economic survival intellectual property theft physical product theft principle of ownership innovation investment intangible goods legal enforcement intellectual property property rights intangible assets patent rights drug development pharmaceutical industry innovation economic incentives market stability legal protection research and development financial investment generic drugs idea implementation philosophical justification tangible and intangible property economic principle firm's labor capital resources product creation market functionality property assignment financial survival intellectual endeavor effort-based creation cost of innovation development costs drug formula property law market development conventional physical property intellectual property rights economic benefit stealing intellectual property generic drug production drug formula protection effort-based product drug development process intellectual property patent rights economic principles property rights pharmaceutical industry drug development intangible assets financial investment research and development legal protection market stability generic drugs innovation incentives economic theory business ethics drug formula intellectual endeavor capital resources labor input product origin market function philosophical justification property assignment asset valuation development costs economic survival stealing intellectual property physical property comparison principle of ownership tangible vs intangible industrial property commercial value legal enforcement economic development market competition drug manufacturing legal framework business philosophy economic policies intellectual assets intellectual property property rights drug development patent rights pharmaceutical industry intangible assets financial investment generic drugs intellectual endeavor legal protection market stability research and development cost of innovation philosophical justification firm's identity tangible and intangible property rights assignment economic survival legal and ethical considerations drug formula protection intellectual property property rights intangible assets drug formulae patent rights pharmaceutical industry research and development financial investment generic drugs market stability legal protection economic principles intellectual endeavor labor-capital integration firm identity tangible vs intangible innovation incentives cost of drug development economic survival legal justification property rights intellectual property drug development patent rights intangible assets pharmaceutical industry financial investment generic drugs market stability innovation legal protection research and development economic principles philosophy of property tangible and intangible goods cost of drug development pharmaceutical innovation intellectual endeavor capital resources labor mixing firm identity product creation property justification developed countries market function idea realization physical property intellectual property theft firm survival legal assignment drug formula protection property rights intellectual property patent rights intangible assets drug formulae pharmaceutical industry research and development financial investment generic drugs legal protection market stability philosophical justification economic principle innovation creativity capital resources labor mixing product identity tangible and intangible property cost of drug development economic survival property right justification idea realization effort of creation idea action property right assignment industry necessity patent protection drug development costs intellectual property theft physical product theft economic benefit property rights enforcement innovation incentives market function developed countries legal framework investment recovery drug intellectual property property rights intangible assets drug development patent protection pharmaceutical industry financial investment generic drugs market stability legal protection innovation incentives economic theory property rights philosophy drug formula research and development cost of innovation intellectual endeavor capital resources labor mixing firm identity stable markets conventional property intangible goods idea realization drug creation principle of benefit intellectual property theft physical property theft asset value financial survival economic prerequisites property assignment tangible vs intangible intellectual property rights legal framework economic development market function pharmaceutical economics drug pricing"
test-economy-epegiahsc-con03a	"FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries job outsourcing Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environmental impact free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries outsourcing job relocation Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries developing countries outsourcing job relocation Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries outsourcing job relocation Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries job outsourcing Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries developing countries outsourcing job relocation Nicole Hassoun Free Trade and the Environment Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries developing countries outsourcing jobs Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environmental impact free trade race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries developing countries outsourcing job relocation Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries outsourcing job relocation Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries developing countries outsourcing job relocation Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics"
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro02a	Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) terminal illness end-of-life palliative care hospice euthanasia assisted suicide terminal pain dignity in dying Lou Gehrig's disease amyotrophic lateral sclerosis ALS human rights Sue Rodriguez legal euthanasia physician-assisted death moral arguments incurable diseases chronic illness quality of life pain management incurable suffering mental decline artificial support judicial refusal right to die terminal illness end-of-life palliative care hospice euthanasia assisted suicide pain management incurable diseases Lou Gehrig's disease ALS Sue Rodriguez dignity in dying right to die ethical considerations legal challenges physician-assisted death terminal pain mental decline physical decline artificial support delirium incompetence compassionate care humane treatment moral issues terminal stage incurable condition assisted dying medical assistance in dying quality of life terminal prognosis hopeless condition incurable illness terminal disease compassionate suicide voluntary euthanasia death with dignity terminal illness late stages body decline organ failure artificial support mental degradation pain management uncontrolled pain humane death assisted dying doctor-assisted suicide dignity in dying Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease muscle wasting conscious death court refusal euthanasia Chris Docker cases in history terminal illness end-of-life care euthanasia assisted suicide terminal pain organ failure Lou Gehrig's disease dignified death Sue Rodriguez physician-assisted suicide court refusal Chris Docker euthanasia history terminal disease progression artificial support delirium medication side effects humane death legal challenges moral questions personal choice incurable disease death with dignity final moments terminal suffering incurable pain assisted dying compassionate care medical ethics quality of life terminal prognosis incurable conditions patient rights terminal decline mental deterioration physical decline terminal terminal illness end-of-life care euthanasia assisted suicide palliative care pain management dignified death Lou Gehrig's disease Sue Rodriguez muscle atrophy court rulings humane treatment artificial support organ failure mental decline delirium incapacity medicated state uncontrolled pain physician-assisted death ethical considerations historical cases medical ethics terminal illness end-of-life care palliative care terminal pain assisted suicide euthanasia dignified death Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease muscle wasting conscious death legal assistance court refusal physician-assisted suicide Chris Docker euthanasia history moral debate humane treatment artificial support organ failure mental decline delirium incapacity uncontrolled pain best care practices quality of life ethical considerations terminal disease late stages horrific future gradual decline organ failure artificial support mental degeneration pain management delirious state uncontrolled pain humane approach assisted dying doctor-assisted suicide dignified death Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease muscle wasting conscious suffering choking to death court refusal anonymous physician suicide euthanasia Chris Docker cases in history terminal disease late stages horrific future gradual decline organ failure artificial support illness destroy minds essence medication control pain delirious incapable state uncontrolled pain best care humane choose end doctor assistance die with dignity Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease muscles waste away conscious choke courts reassure assist suicide physician Chris Docker euthanasia history 2000 accessed 6/6/2011 terminal illness palliative care euthanasia assisted suicide terminal pain Lou Gehrig's disease muscle atrophy court decision humane death dignity in dying Sue Rodriguez Chris Docker terminal illness end-of-life care palliative care assisted suicide euthanasia terminal pain management dignity in dying Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease ALS right to die physician-assisted suicide legal aspects of euthanasia ethical considerations in terminal care
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con02a	"Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. unilateral action burdensome dangerous imposing democracy multilateral assistance UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process political colonial international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post Unilateral multilateral democracy government impose encourage UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation political colonial international community respect support suspicion promote impose Michael Doyle The Huffington Post unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process political colonial international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post Unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral encouragement better approach UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process less political less colonial more honest international community respect support suspicion Michael Doyle Promoting Democracy Not Imposing Democracy The Huffington Post unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral assistance UN Democracy Fund strengthen civil society promote human rights participation democratic process political colonial international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral approach UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy not imposing democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral assistance UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process less political less colonial honest international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy not imposing democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post unilateral action multilateral assistance UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights democratic process international community promoting democracy imposing democracy political colonial respecting supporting suspicion Michael Doyle The Huffington Post unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral approach UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy colonialism political neutrality global cooperation democratic assistance international support effective democracy promotion Michael Doyle The Huffington Post United Nations UNDEF democratic engagement multilateralism unilateralism democracy promotion strategies unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral approach UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process political colonial international community respect suspicion promoting democracy Michael Doyle Huffington Post"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con05a	The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. killing emotionally damaging traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb developers decision-makers pulling the lever indirect involvement long-lasting impact killing emotional damage trauma post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb Hiroshima Nagasaki moral injury psychological impact violence warfare combat lethal force death responsibility guilt moral conflict ethical dilemma war crimes survivor's guilt homicide execution capital punishment killing emotionally damaging traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb indirect involvement pulling the lever responsibility long-lasting impact psychological effects moral injury post-traumatic stress disorder soldiers war emotional trauma mental health guilt atomic bomb developers moral injury psychological impact killing trauma responsibility long-lasting effects indirect involvement decision-making ethical burden combat stress survivor guilt killing emotionally damaging trauma post-traumatic stress disorder soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb lever pulling indirect involvement psychological impact emotional damage traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb developers trauma moral injury pulling the lever indirect involvement long-lasting impact psychological consequences killing emotional damage trauma post-traumatic stress disorder soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb development responsibility pulling the lever indirect involvement long-lasting impact killing emotional damage trauma post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb moral injury ethical distress psychological impact indirect involvement responsibility lethal action moral responsibility long-term effects combat stress vicarious trauma emotional aftermath psychological trauma moral conflict ethical consequences psychological warfare emotional scars guilt complex emotional repercussions moral dilemma psychological harm lethal decision-making trauma response psychological devastation emotional toll moral anguish mental distress psychological fallout moral burden psychological consequences emotional impact moral weight psychological scars emotional burden killing emotionally damaging traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb moral injury psychological impact responsibility taking life indirect involvement long-term effects pulling the lever ethical consequences emotional damage traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder mental health soldiers war guilt atomic bomb moral injury psychological impact killing trauma responsibility indirect involvement
test-politics-dhwem-pro01a	PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs private military companies flexible efficient 21st Century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops protect contractors traditional troops non-combative defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers invaders enemy PMCs private military companies flexible efficient 21st Century wars private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops protect contractors non-combative defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers PMCs private military companies flexible efficient 21st Century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops protect contractors non-combative defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers invaders enemy PMCs Private Military Companies valuable resource flexible tool 21st Century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce traditional troops protect contractors non-combative defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers less invaders not enemy PMCs private military companies flexible efficient 21st century wars private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops protect contractors non-combative defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers combat support international security military efficiency strategic assets modern warfare troop reinforcement mission flexibility operational support non-combat operations protective services military contractors defense services peacekeeping roles security providers conflict zones tactical support military logistics combat avoidance defensive operations strategic deployment military effectiveness operational readiness rapid response international conflicts private security PMCs private military companies valuable resource flexible tool efficient tool 21st Century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce traditional troops protect contractors non-combative defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers less invaders less enemy PMCs private military companies flexible efficient 21st Century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce traditional troops protect contractors security officials supply trains non-combative defensive peace-keepers invaders enemy PMCs valuable resource flexible tool efficient tool 21st Century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops greater numbers protect contractors defensive role non-combative security officials supply trains peace-keepers invaders enemy PMCs private military companies private security contractors 21st century warfare flexible military solutions efficient defense tools short-notice hires specific missions troop reinforcement protecting contractors non-combative roles defensive security peace-keeping official protection supply train security combat support military efficiency modern warfare strategies PMCs private military companies flexible efficient 21st Century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops protect contractors non-combative defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers invaders enemy
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-pro02a	Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Offender Social Inequity Criminality Social Networks Employment Self-Harm Prison Rehabilitation Programs Criminal Behaviour Women in Prison Statistics Social Order Freedom Punishment Circumstances Society Prisons Schools of Crime Family Friends Isolation Validation Options Offenders Harm Community Support Intervention Recidivism Justice Human Rights Public Safety Policy Reform Treatment Counseling Education Training Reintegration Rehabilitation Effectiveness Criminology Penology Criminal Justice System Social Work Psychology rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality freedom crime prison social networks employment self-harm abuse women statistics society punishment reintegration criminal behavior isolation support systems mental health recidivism public policy justice system socioeconomic factors equality therapy counseling education vocational training community service parole probation human rights dignity prison reform incarceration rehabilitation programs social support stigma reentry health care substance abuse legal reform prevention deterrence moral responsibility ethical treatment societal Rehabilitation Offender Social Inequity Criminality Circumstances Punishment Social Networks Employment Self-Harm Prison Rehabilitation Programs Criminal Behavior Social Order Freedom Crime Women in Prison Statistics Imprisonment Society Help Prisons as Schools of Crime Family Friends Validation Abuse Options Past Offenders Difficulty in Rehabilitation Alarmingly High Rates 2006 British Prisons Women Offenders Rehabilitation Offender Social inequity Criminality Social networks Employment Self-harm Prison Criminal behavior Rehabilitation programs Social order Freedom Punishment Circumstances Crime Isolation Families Friends Validation Options Society Women British prisons Statistics Abuse Imprisonment Harm Past offenders Future crime Difficult rehabilitation rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality social networks employment self-harm abuse prison recidivism social order freedom punishment crime women statistics Britain 2006 policy reform justice human rights mental health support systems community reintegration correctional facilities societal impact crime prevention social support rehabilitation programs prisoner rights criminal justice system social issues incarceration public safety offender rehabilitation social justice equality social services prison reform offender reintegration crime reduction community safety rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality social networks employment self-harm abuse prisons criminal behavior social order punishment equality rehabilitation programs isolation validation options past offenders women in prison statistics British prisons harm reduction society criminal justice reintegration societal impact rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality freedom punishment social order prisons crime social networks employment self-harm abuse women statistics society harm criminal behavior options isolation validation help unfortunate persons equality decision making rehabilitation programs alarmingly high British prisons 2006 attempts women in prison Rehabilitation social inequity criminal behavior circumstances constrained freedom prison rehabilitation programs social networks employment self-harm women in prison crime schools societal harm offender treatment social background criminality punishment equality offender reintegration mental health prison conditions rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality social networks employment self-harm prison recidivism social order freedom punishment crime women statistics Britain prison programs isolation family friends validation behavior options society harm criminal behaviour rehabilitation programs offenders prison conditions mental health social support rehabilitation effectiveness penal system justice public safety community reintegration societal impact crime prevention penal reform human rights incarcerated inmate correctional facilities therapeutic interventions social reintegration offender treatment cr Rehabilitation Offender Social inequity Criminality Circumstances Freedom Punishment Social order Prisons Crime Social networks Employment Self-harm Women Statistics Society Harm Imprisonment Criminal behaviour
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro01a	The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, gun violence firearm fatalities lethal weapons public safety youth mortality African-American youth homicide rates gun control society's safety instrumental death injury prevention Second Amendment gun laws urban violence community health socioeconomic factors gun ownership statistics lethal force fatal shootings youth at risk gun control firearm regulation gun violence homicide rates public safety African-American youth lethal weapons death statistics social issues gun ownership youth mortality firearms policy urban safety crime prevention gun-related deaths teen violence community health legislative measures prevention strategies societal impact gun control firearm mortality youth violence African American males homicide rates public safety firearm legislation gun ownership societal impact lethal weapons gun control firearm mortality gun violence public safety African-American youth homicide rates lethal weapons societal impact gun availability youth safety firearm-related deaths preventative measures policy solutions health disparities community health legal firearms defensive use accidental shootings intentional violence demographic risk factors gun violence homicide rates firearm mortality public safety African-American youth gun control lethal weapons societal impact youth mortality urban violence gun control gun violence firearm deaths homicide rates public safety youth mortality African American youth lethal weapons gun ownership societal impact firearm regulations second amendment self-defense crime prevention accidental shootings suicide prevention mental health urban violence community safety legislative action guns kill lethal death gunshot homicide African-American males social groups safety instruments death injury society removal United States USA youth violence gun control firearm deaths youth mortality homicide rates African-American male deaths lethal weapons public safety gun legislation firearm injuries social impact of guns gun control firearm regulation lethal weapons public safety youth mortality African-American males gun violence homicide rates societal impact weapon legislation gun control lethal weapons firearm fatalities youth homicide African-American mortality gun legislation public safety violence prevention youth safety societal impact of guns
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro02a	A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: graduated response ISP warnings illegal downloading unauthorized sources deterrence consumer behavior file-sharing disconnection threat copyright enforcement legal sources awareness raising infringement costs IFPI Digital Music Report Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues graduated response effective deterrent consumer behavior ISP warnings illegal downloading unauthorized sources file-sharing disconnection threat awareness raising infringement costs legal sources copyright enforcement economic research IFPI Digital Music Report Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues graduated response effective deterrent unauthorized downloads ISP warnings consumer behavior illegal downloading file-sharing disconnection threat awareness raising infringement costs legal sources copyright enforcement economic research digital music report graduated response effective deterrent consumers unauthorized sources ISP warnings illegal downloading file-sharing disconnection threat awareness cost of infringement legal sources IFPI Digital Music Report copyright enforcement Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues graduated response effective deterrent consumer behavior unauthorized downloading ISP warnings disconnection threat casual downloading legal sources copyright enforcement economic research graduated response effective deterrent unauthorized downloads ISP warnings consumer behavior illegal file-sharing disconnection threat awareness raising infringement costs legal alternatives IFPI report economic research copyright enforcement Bomsel Ranaivoson study graduated response effective deterrent unauthorized downloading ISP warnings consumer behavior illegal file-sharing disconnection threat awareness raising infringement costs legal sources IFPI Digital Music Report Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson copyright enforcement costs Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues graduated response effective deterrent unauthorized sources warnings ISP consumers illegal downloading file-sharing disconnection awareness infringement legal sources copyright enforcement costs economic research copyright issues graduated response effective deterrent unauthorized sources ISP warnings consumer behavior illegal downloading file-sharing disconnection threat awareness raising infringement costs legal sources copyright enforcement economic research graduated response effective deterrent unauthorized sources ISP warnings consumer behavior illegal downloading file-sharing disconnection threat cost of infringement legal sources IFPI digital music report copyright enforcement economic research Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson review of economic research on copyright issues
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con01a	Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction market mechanisms domestic emitters national caps allowances emissions fall IPCC report abatement technologies even playing field cross-border rules industries European Trading System European Commission Climate Action Emissions Trading System carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction market mechanisms national caps allowances IPCC abatement technologies even playing field cross-border rules industries European Trading System Climate Action Emissions Trading System carbon trading EU ETS emissions trading market mechanisms domestic emitters national caps allowances emissions reduction IPCC abatement technologies environmental policy cross-border regulations industry standards European Commission Climate Action Carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction market mechanisms national caps allowances IPCC recommendations abatement technologies even playing field cross-border rules climate action European Commission emissions trading system carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction cap and trade allowances market mechanisms IPCC abatement technologies cross-border regulations environmental policy climate action European Commission emissions trading system carbon markets carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction market mechanisms national caps allowances IPCC report abatement technologies even playing field cross-border regulations European Trading System Climate Action Emissions Trading System environmental policy sustainable development greenhouse gases carbon markets regulatory frameworks economic incentives carbon pricing environmental economics Carbon Trading EU ETS Emissions Trading Market Mechanisms Emissions Reduction National Caps Allowances IPCC Recommendations Abatement Technologies Environmental Policy Climate Action Cross-Border Regulations Industry Standards European Commission ETS Success Environmental Markets Climate Change Mitigation Carbon Trading EU ETS Market Mechanisms Emissions Reduction National Caps Allowances IPCC Recommendations Abatement Technologies Even Playing Field Cross-Border Rules Industry Standards Emissions Trading System European Union Environmental Policy Climate Change Mitigation Carbon Trading EU ETS Emissions Reduction Market Mechanisms National Caps Allowances Emissions Trading IPCC Recommendations Abatement Technologies Even Playing Field Cross-Border Rules Industries Regulation carbon markets emissions trading EU ETS national emission caps allowances reduction emissions reduction IPCC recommendations abatement technologies market mechanisms environmental policy European Commission Climate Action international cooperation industrial emissions greenhouse gases sustainable development carbon pricing climate change mitigation
test-international-iiahwagit-pro04a	Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding sources terrorist operations Westgate siege Kenya operational capability stability Africa elephant poaching terrorist attacks illegal wildlife trade conservation efforts security measures international cooperation law enforcement wildlife crime counterterrorism strategies poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding sources terrorist attacks Westgate siege Kenya endangered animals operational capability stability in Africa elephant poaching terrorist groups illegal wildlife trade conservation efforts security measures wildlife crime counterterrorism strategies poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory trade horn trade al-shabaab LRA Sudanese Janjaweed illicit trade funding sources terrorist operations Westgate siege Kenya elephant poaching operational capability African stability poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding terrorist operations Westgate siege Kenya operational capability stability Africa endangered animals conservation law enforcement international cooperation wildlife crime security strategies Poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding sources terrorist operations Westgate siege Kenya operational capability Africa stability extremist groups wildlife conservation illegal wildlife trade terrorist financing security measures anti-poaching efforts poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding terrorist operations Westgate siege Kenya operational capability African stability Stewart C. Tackett C. poaching terrorism stronger protection animals illegal ivory horn trade funding terrorist groups Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed illicit trade expenditures attacks Westgate siege Kenya operational capability stability Africa conservation elephant poaching security wildlife trafficking funding reduction counter-terrorism environmental policy international cooperation law enforcement wildlife crime ecological impact public safety economic implications political instability humanitarian issues sustainable development community involvement anti-poaching measures legal frameworks global awareness environmental security natural resource management biodiversity conflict poaching terrorism stronger protection animals reduce funding terrorist groups illegal ivory horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed illicit trade income source Westgate siege Kenya tougher protection endangered animals decrease operational capability stability Africa illegal ivory trade fund terrorist attacks elephant poaching Kenya terrorist attack poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army LRA Sudanese Janjaweed funding sources terrorist operations 2013 Westgate siege Kenya operational capability stability in Africa endangered species conservation security wildlife crime international cooperation law enforcement anti-poaching measures economic impact environmental security conflict resolution regional stability terrorism financing illegal wildlife trade counter-terrorism sustainable development ecological balance human-wildlife conflict global threat public policy regulatory frameworks international treaties wildlife conservation poaching terrorism stronger protection animals reduce funding terrorist groups illegal ivory horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed illicit trade income source attacks Westgate siege tougher protection endangered animals decrease operational capability stability Africa Stewart Tackett elephant poaching Kenya terrorist attack
test-international-atiahblit-con04a	The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks progress recognition Easterly universal education investment inappropriate targets development policies international goals target setting education barriers global development policy analysis MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly 2009 universal education investment targets inappropriate MDG Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG barrier progress Africa criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks progress recognition Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets development international goals target setting education barriers MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly universal education investment inappropriate targets
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con03a	The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. DC Handgun ban U.S. legislation constitutional amendment state legislation constitutional consistency legal consistency law perception legal legitimacy law enforcement crime reporting gun ownership interstate travel legal confusion constitutional rights state law federal law Second Amendment gun control legal system integrity citizen trust law abidance legal uniformity state-specific laws constitutional challenges legal debates legal reach gun laws urban legislation state vs federal constitutional protection legal consistency impact legal system doubt law adherence gun regulations legislative harmony constitutional interpretation legal framework gun policy state gun DC handgun ban constitutional consistency state legislation U.S. gun laws legal uniformity constitutional amendments state legal codes law legitimacy legal perception citizen trust crime reporting interstate law differences gun control Debate legal system integrity public safety Second Amendment federal vs state laws legal coherence regional law variations constitutional rights law enforcement challenges public policy legislative impact American legal system citizen rights legal debate gun ownership legal disparity constitutional principles state rights federal law legal harmony legislative reform public perception legal stability constitutional amendments process legal framework constitutional protection DC Handgun ban U.S. legislation constitutional consistency state legal code law legitimacy citizen perception legal uniformity interstate gun laws constitutional amendments state-specific legislation legal system integrity citizen trust in law crime reporting legal compliance gun ownership rights federal vs. state laws constitutional rights legal fairness legislative harm gun control debate DC Handgun ban inconsistent legislation U.S. legal uniformity constitutional amendment gun rights state legal differences constitutional rights legal consistency law perception legal legitimacy citizen trust crime reporting legal system integrity interstate travel gun laws D.C. law specificity national legal coherence DC handgun ban constitutional consistency U.S. legislation state legal differences constitutional amendments Second Amendment legal fairness law legitimacy citizen trust crime reporting legal uniformity gun control interstate legal conflicts constitutional law state vs federal law legal perception public safety law enforcement constitutional rights gun ownership DC Handgun ban U.S. legislation consistency constitutional amendment state legal code law legitimacy citizen trust legal system integrity firearm legislation interstate law differences constitutional rights legal perception public safety gun control debates legislative impact state vs federal law citizen rights legal uniformity constitutional principles law enforcement public confidence in law DC handgun ban constitutional consistency U.S. legislation state-specific laws constitutional amendments gun rights legal legitimacy state law uniformity citizen perception legal system trust crime reporting law enforcement effectiveness interstate travel gun control Second Amendment federal vs. state rights legal coherence public safety constitutional interpretation intrastate gun laws citizen compliance legal certainty state authority federal oversight legislative intent gun ownership legal disparities constitutional rights state autonomy national legal standards law enforcement challenges citizen rights interstate law differences constitutional challenges gun legislation legal uniformity constitutional principles DC Handgun ban constitutional inconsistency U.S. legislation legal fairness state dependence on legal consistency constitutional amendment citizens' legal understanding legal legitimacy crime reporting law adherence gun control state legal codes constitutional rights Second Amendment legal debate law enforcement public trust in law regional legal differences constitutional protection legal uniformity DC Handgun Ban Constitutional Consistency U.S. Legislation State-Specific Laws Constitutional Rights Gun Control Legal Legitimacy Law Enforcement Citizen Trust Constitutional Amendments State Interactions Legal Perception Public Safety Crime Reporting Law Abiding Citizens Gun Ownership Second Amendment Legal Confusion State Sovereignty Federal Legislation DC Handgun ban U.S. legislation constitutional consistency state legal differences constitutional amendment gun rights American constitution citizens' legal equality state-specific legislation constitutional compliance legal consistency law perception legal legitimacy legal confusion crime reporting law abiding citizens gun laws DC legal issues constitutional debates legal system integrity
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con04a	Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 transparency conflict government moderating influence nationalist population military action interest groups coalitions overstretch rapidly changing balance of power rising power hide strength bide time domestic media relative power hegemony international relations perception of power William C. Wohlforth First World War Germany Russia industrialising transparency conflict government moderating influence nationalist population military war interest groups coalitions overstretch balance of power rising power hide strength bide time domestic media international relations relative power hegemony perception First World War Germany Russia industrialisation William C. Wohlforth Jack Snyder Robert D. Kaplan John J. Mearsheimer Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill transparency conflict government moderating influence policy nationalist population government action military war interest groups coalitions overstretch balance of power rising power Hide your strength bide your time military expansion dominant power domestic media threat perception international relations theory relative power hegemony First World War perception of power Germany Russia industrialisation William C. Wohlforth Jack Snyder Robert D. Kaplan John J. Mearsheimer Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill transparency conflict government moderating influence policy nationalist population military action war interest groups coalitions overstretch rapidly changing balance of power rising power Hide your strength bide your time expanding military dominant power domestic media international relations theory relative power hegemony William C. Wohlforth First World War perception of power Germany Russia industrialising Jack Snyder Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill Robert D. Kaplan John J. Mearsheimer transparency conflict moderating influence policy nationalist population government action military war interest groups coalitions overstretch changing balance of power rising power hide strength bide time domestic media threat perception relative power hegemony international relations William C. Wohlforth perception management First World War Germany Russia industrialisation John J. Mearsheimer Robert D. Kaplan Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill transparency conflict government moderating influence nationalist population military war interest groups coalitions overstretch balance of power rising power hide your strength bide your time domestic media international relations relative power hegemony perception William C. Wohlforth First World War Germany Russia industrialising John J. Mearsheimer Robert D. Kaplan Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill transparency conflict government moderating influence nationalist population military war interest groups coalitions overstretch rapidly changing balance of power Deng Xiaoping Hide your strength bide your time rising power dominant power domestic media international relations hegemony relative power William C. Wohlforth First World War perception Germany Russia industrialising John J. Mearsheimer Robert D. Kaplan Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill transparency conflict moderating influence policy nationalist population government action military strength war interest groups coalitions overstretch rising power hide strength bide time rapid change balance of power domestic media international relations relative power hegemony perception World War I Russia industrialization William C. Wohlforth Jack Snyder Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill John J. Mearsheimer Robert D. Kaplan transparency conflict moderating influence policy nationalist population government action military strength war interest groups coalition overstretch balance of power rising power Hide your strength bide your time military expansion dominant power domestic media threat perception relative power hegemony international relations William C. Wohlforth First World War Germany Russia industrialization perception management Transparency conflict government moderating influence nationalist population military action war interest groups coalitions overstretch rapidly changing balance of power rising power hide strength bide time military expansion dominant power domestic media relative power hegemony international relations theory perception First World War Germany Russia industrialisation William C. Wohlforth Jack Snyder Robert D. Blackwill Graham Allison John J. Mearsheimer Robert D. Kaplan
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro03a	Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors attract best candidates talented individuals difference party affiliation present system rewards long-serving loyal party hacks innovative managers thinkers leaders polls public opinion councillors party politics community needs talented elected council stepping stone national office directly elected local parties dynamic candidates proven ability solve problems manage big organisations independents London Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Liam Byrne treasury mayor election political impact leadership quality electoral reform local governance community representation political independents party influence electoral competition voter choice elected mayors best candidates political talent innovation in governance local politics party politics councillors community needs stepping stone local parties dynamic candidates problem solvers big organization management independent candidates direct elections mayoral elections London mayors Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Liam Byrne Birmingham mayor political reform local government leadership Elected Mayors best candidates talented individuals party affiliation innovative managers thinkers leaders party politics community needs talented elected stepping stone national office directly elected mayors dynamic candidates problem solving big organisations independent candidates Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Liam Byrne Birmingham mayor local parties voter preference community-focused governance Elected mayors best candidates talented individuals party affiliation innovative managers thinkers leaders long-serving party hacks local politics community needs council stepping stone national office dynamic candidates problem solvers big organizations independent candidates direct election London Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Liam Byrne treasury Elected Mayors best candidates talented individuals innovation leadership local politics party affiliation community needs stepping stone national office dynamic candidates problem solving big organizations independent candidates London Mayor Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Mayor Liam Byrne treasury local parties public opinion councillor party politics local governance Elected mayors attract best candidates talented individuals difference makers party affiliation innovative managers thinkers leaders long-serving party hacks public opinion councillors party politics community needs stepping stone national office directly elected mayors dynamic candidates problem solvers manage big organisations independents London Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Liam Byrne former Treasury official mayor candidacy elected mayors best candidates talented individuals party affiliation innovative managers thinkers leaders long-serving party hacks public opinion party politics community needs stepping stone national office local parties dynamic candidates problem solvers big organizations independent candidates London Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Liam Byrne treasury mayor elections direct election political representation community leadership governance improvement local government political reform elected mayors attract best candidates talented individuals difference-makers party affiliation innovative managers thinkers leaders long-serving loyal party hacks councillors party politics community needs talent council stepping stone national office directly elected dynamic candidates problem solvers manage big organisations independent candidates Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Liam Byrne Birmingham mayor established politicians well known politicians public opinion polls local politics effective leadership governance improvement political reform local governance electoral reform community engagement public service leadership quality political independence electoral competition voter choice elected mayors best candidates talented individuals party affiliation innovative managers thinkers leaders party politics community needs dynamic candidates problem-solving big organisations independent candidates London Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Liam Byrne treasury local politics national office mayor elections public opinion party loyalty councillors local parties political stepping stones mayoral candidates Elected Mayors best candidates talented individuals party affiliation long-serving loyal party hacks innovative managers thinkers leaders public opinion councillors party politics community needs stepping stone national office dynamic candidates problem-solving big organisations independent candidates London Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Liam Byrne treasury
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con02a	Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious symbols personal choice individuality privacy full Muslim veil Belgium ban religious practice symbolic expression intrusion ostracisation confinement religious freedom cultural sensitivity human rights public policy legislation religious identity societal norms minority rights freedom of expression religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy intrustion religion symbolism full Muslim veil Belgium ban ostracisation home confinement BBC News Europe 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy individuality Muslim veil full veil ban Belgium religious freedom cultural sensitivity human rights legal restrictions societal norms religious expression culture identity gender issues women's rights public policy religious practices social integration discrimination ostracism confinement legal intervention European laws religious apparel faith-based attire moral debates ethical considerations secularism pluralism tolerance diversity religious symbolism personal obligations public perception legal challenges international perspectives freedom of expression civil liberties communal harmony societal impact legisl religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy individuality full Muslim veil Belgium ban religious freedom symbolism intrusion ostracisation confinement BBC News Europe 23rd July 2011 religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy individuality Muslim veil full veil ban Belgium ostracisation confinement religious freedom intervention symbolism criticism human rights cultural practices religious practice legal restrictions societal norms discrimination public policy religious symbols personal choice matter to others intervention privacy individuality Muslim veil Belgium ban ostracised confined religious freedom public policy cultural sensitivity human rights social inclusion faith expression personal identity religious garments legislative impact community relations religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy individuality full Muslim veil Belgian ban religious freedom cultural sensitivity human rights religious practice social inclusion women's rights legal restrictions public policy religious expression cultural identity freedom of religion societal norms personal obligation religious symbols personal choice individuality privacy freedom of religion Muslim veil Belgium ban full veil ostracisation confinement human rights cultural sensitivity religious freedom legal intervention societal norms personal obligation public policy international perspectives religious practices symbolic expression religious symbols personal choice individuality privacy intervention religious practice full Muslim veil Belgium ban ostracisation confinement human rights cultural sensitivity freedom of expression religious freedom public policy societal norms multiculturalism discrimination legal restrictions personal autonomy religious freedom personal choice symbolism privacy individuality intervention religious practice full Muslim veil Belgian ban ostracisation home confinement human rights cultural sensitivity religious expression public policy secularism multiculturalism freedom of religion religious garments societal norms public space religious identity women's rights legal restrictions ethical considerations religious tolerance societal impact personal beliefs government regulation civil liberties cultural practices religious communities international perspectives humanitarian concerns social integration legislative measures religious diversity public debate individual rights collective values religious symbols in public secular laws
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro01a	The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, settlements illegal international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence International Law negotiating process violent resistance Israeli game time facts on the ground MacIntyre Donald the Independent 29 May 2009 illegal settlements international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence negotiating process violent resistance International Law Israeli game facts on the ground grievances MacIntyre Donald Israeli settlements pressure illegal settlements international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory Palestinian confidence international law negotiations violence grievances Israeli settlements land annexation Palestinian resistance settlements expansion international promises Israeli game facts on the ground MacIntyre Donald the Independent 29 May 2009 illegal settlements international community impotence Palestinian state West Bank Israeli annexation Palestinian confidence international law negotiation process violent resistance facts on the ground MacIntyre Donald Israeli settlements pressure illegal settlements international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence enforcement promises negotiating process violent resistance international law urgency grievances MacIntyre Donald the Independent 2009 illegal settlements international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence international promises negotiating process violent resistance international law urgency grievances MacIntyre Donald Israeli settlements pressure illegal settlements international law Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory negotiation process Palestinian confidence international community settlement expansion violent resistance Israeli game facts on the ground American promises European promises MacIntyre Donald the Independent 29 May 2009 illegal settlements Palestinian state international community West Bank Israeli territory Palestinian confidence negotiating process violent resistance international law American promises European promises changed facts on the ground settlement construction Palestinian grievances MacIntyre Donald the Independent May 2009 illegal settlements international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory Palestinian confidence American promises European promises violent resistance International Law negotiations facts on the ground MacIntyre Donald Israeli settlements pressure illegality settlements international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence international law negotiating process violent resistance faith in law urgency grievances Israeli game time facts on ground American promises European promises construction impact drive MacIntyre Donald the Independent 2009
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-con01a	"Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec economic viability independence financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta have-not provinces equalization payments financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic indicators Canadian government economic support secession prosperity economic harm livelihoods fiscal policy budget deficits national debt credit ratings trade balance unemployment rates investment economic growth public services infrastructure tax revenue social programs regional economic disparity economic forecasts economic resilience economic diversification economic self-sufficiency economic integration economic autonomy fiscal autonomy economic interdependence economic security economic stability Quebec independence economic viability financial dependency have provinces have-not provinces equalization payments economic indicators quality of life economic sustainability Canadian government support Quebec secession economic harm livelihood protection Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post Quebec prosperity report Quebec economic viability independence financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta have-not provinces equalization payments financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic crash Canadian government prosperity secession livelihood economic harm Quebec independence economic viability financial dependency have provinces have-not provinces equalization payments Alberta economic indicators quality of life economic sustainability Canadian government support economic credibility secession prosperity fiscal health economic decline livelihoods Van Praet Financial Post Quebec prosperity report Quebec economic viability independence financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta have-not provinces equalization payments financial indicators secession quality of life economic crash Canadian government economic support prosperity livelihood Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post Quebec independence economically viable financially dependent Canada have provinces Alberta equalization payments have-not provinces financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic crash Canadian government economic support secession harm economy livelihood Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post prosperity progress report Aug 2011 Dec 2011 Quebec economic viability independence financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta have-not provinces equalization payments financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic crash confidence Canadian government economy secession prosperity livelihood Nicola Van Praet Financial Post Quebec independence economically viable financially dependent Canada have provinces Alberta equalization payments have-not provinces financial indicators economic improvement sustain independent country quality of life economy crash confidence Canadian government secession harm livelihood prosperity report Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post Quebec economic viability independence financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta have-not provinces equalization payments financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic crash Canadian government economic support prosperity livelihood secession harm economy credibility Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post prosperity report Quebec independence economic viability financial dependency Canadian support equalization payments Alberta have provinces have-not provinces quality of life economic crash secession prosperity Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post"
test-economy-egecegphw-pro01a	Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow expansion capacity limits four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid delays passengers London rivals competition flights year Britain behind stop-over connecting flight Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity economy UK Frankfurt Amsterdam third runway fourth runway costs billions The Times Bloomberg The Guardian Topham Gwyn Leunig Kari Lundgren Heathrow expansion capacity limits delays passengers London rivals four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid flights year Britain competition stop-over Colin Matthews chief executive BAA hub capacity costs UK falling behind continental Amsterdam third runway fourth runway The Times Bloomberg The Guardian Heathrow expansion capacity London rivals four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid flights delays passengers competitiveness stop-over Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity UK economy costs falling behind continental rivals Frankfurt Amsterdam third runway fourth runway UK aviation airport development economic impact connectivity global competition infrastructure transport policy airport capacity flight limits Heathrow expansion airport capacity London airports four-runway hubs Paris airport Frankfurt airport Madrid airport flight delays minor problems passenger delays hub airports competitiveness stop-over flights Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity UK economy £14 billion cost falling behind rivals Amsterdam airport third runway fourth runway Topham Gwyn The Guardian Leunig The Times Lundgren Bloomberg Heathrow limits Heathrow expansion airport capacity four-runway hubs flight delays London rivals Paris Frankfurt Madrid competitiveness stop-over flights Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity economic impact falling behind continental rivals Frankfurt Amsterdam third runway fourth runway U.K. economy passenger delays maximum capacity Heathrow expansion capacity four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid delays passengers London rivals competitiveness stop-over Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity UK economy fall behind continental rivals Amsterdam third runway fourth runway costs UK 14 billion pounds replacement airport chief Heathrow expansion airport capacity runway competitiveness hub airport London Paris Frankfurt Madrid flight delays passenger disruption economic impact Colin Matthews BAA stop-over connecting flights continental rivals Amsterdam Leunig Lundgren Topham The Times Bloomberg The Guardian Heathrow expansion capacity limits delays passengers London rivals four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid flights year Britain competitiveness stop-over connecting flight Colin Matthews chief executive BAA hub capacity costs UK continental rivals Amsterdam third runway fourth runway The Times Bloomberg The Guardian Gwyn Topham Tim Leunig Kari Lundgren capacity expansion Heathrow London airports competition delays passengers runways flights Paris Frankfurt Madrid hub connectivity economy Colin Matthews BAA UK costs falling behind replacement Heathrow expansion capacity four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid London competitiveness stop-over Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity UK economy continental rivals Amsterdam third runway fourth runway flight delays passenger delays airport capacity UK aviation industry economic impact flight connections airport limits infrastructure development aviation competition transport policy airport management aviation economics London airports European airports airport development aviation industry flight capacity airport efficiency terminal capacity air traffic control airport congestion international aviation airport strategy aviation growth UK transport
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro07a	Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK legalization drug taxation treatment funding public funding taxpayer money drug users economic impact policy justification legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization funding treatment taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association tax revenue from tobacco legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization drug taxation treatment funding taxpayers' money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association Tax Revenue From Tobacco legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization drug taxation funding treatment taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association Tax Revenue From Tobacco legal drugs tax revenue UK tobacco £10.5 billion 2009-2010 legalize drug taxation fund treatment taxpayers’ money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association 2011 legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization funding treatment taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association Tax Revenue From Tobacco legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization drug taxation funding treatment taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association tax revenue from tobacco public health substance abuse economic impact policy reform government income social welfare health expenditure legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization funding treatment taxpayers' money junkies substance abuse public health economic benefit regulated market drug policy reform legal drugs tax revenue UK 2009-2010 tobacco £10.5 billion drug legalization taxation funding treatment taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association tax policy drug policy public health economic benefits substance abuse treatment governmental finance legislative impact societal costs legal drugs tax revenue UK 2009-2010 tobacco £10.5 billion drug legalization tax funding treatment programs taxpayers junkies Tobacco Manufacturers' Association drug policy health economics fiscal impact harm reduction public funding substance abuse economic benefits regulatory frameworks
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con01a	Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. open source software government expenses long-term costs free software cost to user Microsoft support technical support open source community support packages total cost IT solutions closed source software consultancy firms support contracts software sticker price accessibility software features government IT spending open source software government cost long run free software expense technical support Microsoft patch community support consultancy firms IT solution upfront costs sticker price accessibility features closed source alternatives open source government cost long run free software user cost Microsoft technical support patch community support packages total cost IT solution consultancy firms expensive support contracts upfront costs sticker price accessibility features closed source alternatives open source software government IT costs free software misconception support package expenses technical support reliability consultancy firms advantage upfront software costs long-term IT expenses closed source alternatives software accessibility feature comparison total cost of ownership IT solution pricing software maintenance community support delays open source software government expenses long-term costs free software cost to user Microsoft support patch technical support community response support packages total cost IT solutions closed source software consultancy firms expensive support contracts upfront costs software price accessibility features closed source alternatives open source software government IT costs long-term expenses free software distinction paid support packages technical support reliability Microsoft product reliability consultancy firms advantage IT solution total cost software sticker price accessibility features closed source alternatives open source software government IT costs free software cost to user Microsoft support patch technical support open source community support packages total cost of ownership closed source software consultancy firms IT solutions expensive support contracts upfront software costs software sticker price accessibility software features long-term expenses open source government long run expensive free software cost user Microsoft product failure patch technical support community support packages total cost IT solution consultancy firms expensive support upfront costs sticker price accessibility features closed source overall cost risk software comparison open source government costs long-term expenses free software cost to user technical support Microsoft patch reliability community support expensive support packages total cost IT solutions consultancy firms profit margins upfront costs software pricing sticker price overall costs software accessibility closed source alternatives open source software government cost long run free software technical support Microsoft patch community support packages consultancy firms IT solutions sticker price accessibility features closed source alternatives
test-health-dhghwapgd-con04a	"Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: robust drug patent laws incentivize investment research and development pharmaceutical industry cost of innovation patent protection intellectual property market competition drug development profit guarantee innovation incentives public health benefits prisoners' dilemma dynamic pharmaceutical industry long-term medical progress robust drug patent laws incentivize investment research and development pharmaceutical industry patent protection intellectual property market share high fixed costs low marginal costs innovation competition drug development profit intellectual endeavors economic incentives pharmaceutical patents drug innovation societal benefit cost of research patent licensing prisoners' dilemma medical biotechnology dynamic pharmaceutical industry patent laws robust drug patents investment research and development profit intellectual endeavors pharmaceutical industry high fixed costs low marginal costs patent protection market share drug innovation prisoners' dilemma dynamic pharmaceutical industry new drug development societal benefit cost recovery patent licensing gradual improvements medical treatments competition intellectual property economic incentives public health drug discovery innovation disincentives patent system pharmaceutical research cost-intensive development pharmaceutical patents technology advancement biomedical innovation patent incentives drug patents pharmaceutical competition intellectual property rights patent protection importance drug development costs pharmaceutical economics robust drug patent laws investment in research pharmaceutical industry profit incentive research and development costs patent protection intellectual property rights innovation in medicine competitive market drug development benefit to consumers societal impact high fixed costs low marginal costs patent licensing gradual improvements in treatments prisoners' dilemma in pharma long-term health outcomes dynamic pharmaceutical industry robust drug patent laws incentivize investment research and development pharmaceutical industry protection of patents intellectual property high fixed costs low marginal costs market competition invention gradual improvements consumer benefits prisoners' dilemma dynamic pharmaceutical industry patent protection drug development profit guarantee innovation economic incentives societal benefit legal protection pharmaceutical innovation cost recovery incremental innovation licensing market share competitive advantage disincentive to investment theft of research copycat competition investment in R&D intellectual endeavors new products new inventions benefit consumers societal progress costly R&D pharmaceutical costs robust drug patent laws incentivize investment research and development pharmaceutical industry patent protection intellectual property innovation competition market share economic incentives drug development cost of research profit pharmaceutical patents intellectual endeavors new products theft of research disincentive to investment high fixed costs low marginal costs invent around patents prisoners' dilemma dynamic pharmaceutical industry medical biotechnology empirical analysis Australian industry Yale Law & Technology Congressional Budget Office Dianne Nicol Jane Nielsen patent laws incentive investment drug development profit research and development pharmaceutical industry costs innovation competition intellectual property market share licensing drug treatments consumer benefit prisoners' dilemma disease cure public health dynamic industry empirical analysis law and technology patent protection pharmaceutical innovation research and development intellectual property drug development investment incentives market competition profit guarantee biotechnology patents pharmaceutical industry costs patent licensing drug pricing healthcare advancements pharmaceutical policy intellectual endeavors consumer benefits societal impact fixed costs marginal costs prisoners' dilemma dynamic pharmaceutical industry patent laws drug development pharmaceutical industry research and development innovation intellectual property profit incentives market competition patent protection pharmaceutical patents investment intellectual endeavors societal benefit cost of research theft prevention product value high fixed costs low marginal costs patent infringement market share licensing drug improvements consumer benefits prisoners' dilemma disease treatment long-term impact dynamic pharmaceuticals empirical analysis industry issues law and genetics flawed system technological advancement economic incentives public health regulatory framework global impact competitor dynamics intellectual capital medical biotechnology industry growth policy patent protection pharmaceutical industry research and development drug innovation intellectual property investment incentives market competition profit guarantee biotechnology drug development costs intellectual endeavors product development economic incentives pharmaceutical patents incremental innovation medical treatments drug market pharmaceutical competition patent incentives dynamic pharmaceutical industry societal benefits patent laws pharmaceutical research drug profits copycat competitors prisoners' dilemma pharmaceutical investment public health"
test-economy-epegiahsc-con02a	The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets cost of production Brazil Argentina efficient production low priced imports competition American market farmers out of business free trade economic impact international trade policies agricultural policy trade negotiations market access trade barriers export subsidies trade agreements developing countries agricultural trade rural economy farm subsidies global trade trade liberalization trade competition agricultural exports FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets low prices production costs Brazil Argentina competition imports local market American market farmers business Christopher Marquis Panama Miami free trade headquarters New York Times FTAA South American agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets Brazil Argentina production efficiency low priced imports competition local market American market farmers out of business free trade trade negotiations export subsidies economic impact rural economy international trade developing countries trade policies agricultural policy market access fair trade global trade subsidy reform trade barriers WTO economic globalization international development agricultural exports farming communities trade agreements economic disparities rural development food security agricultural trade market competition trade liberalization economic sustainability environmental impact FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets cost of production Brazil Argentina efficient production low priced imports local competition American market farmers out of business Christopher Marquis New York Times Panama Miami free trade headquarters FTAA South American Agriculture US Subsidies American Farmers Agricultural Surpluses Developing Markets Brazil Argentina Efficient Production Competition Low-Priced Imports American Market Farmers Out of Business Free Trade Christopher Marquis Panama Miami Free Trade Headquarters New York Times FTAA South American Agriculture US negotiations subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets production costs Brazilian farmers Argentine farmers efficiency competition imports local market American market farmers out of business Christopher Marquis Panama Miami free trade headquarters New York Times FTAA South American agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets production cost Brazil Argentina efficient production low-priced imports American market competition farmers out of business trade negotiations Christopher Marquis New York Times Panama Miami free trade headquarters FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets Brazil Argentina efficient production low priced imports competition local market American market farmers out of business free trade international trade economic impact agricultural policy trade negotiations subsidies impact developing countries trade imbalance market access economic development rural economy agricultural exports trade agreements government support farm subsidies international competition trade barriers export subsidies agricultural trade global trade market distortion trade liberalization economic globalization farm income agricultural productivity trade deficit trade surplus FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets Brazil Argentina production efficiency low priced imports local competition American market farmers out of business free trade economic impact trade negotiations international trade agricultural policy subsidies impact developing countries trade barriers market access farm subsidies global trade economic globalization trade agreements agricultural exports economic development rural economies poverty food security sustainable agriculture trade liberalization economic inequality market distortion trade surplus export subsidies import competition farm economy agricultural trade world trade organization FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets Brazil Argentina competition low priced imports local market American market farmers business free trade subsidies impact international trade economic policy agricultural policy trade negotiations developing countries efficient production market access trade barriers commodity prices rural development agricultural exports export subsidies trade liberalization farming communities economic development global trade trade agreements trade balance agricultural trade food security sustainable agriculture subsidy reform fair trade economic globalization market competition economic impacts trade distort
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro03a	"Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact unawareness Megan Meier teenage suicide hanging police investigations assisted suicide legalization openness terminal illness family involvement decision-making guilt recrimination open communication suicide lonely desperate secrecy cry for help family impact unaware Megan Meier suicide cases parents police investigations legalising assisted suicide openness family involvement illness awareness persuasion guilt recrimination terminally ill open communication feelings decision death suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact unawareness Megan Meier police investigations assisted suicide legalization transparency family involvement terminal illness open communication guilt recrimination feelings decision-making end of life palliative care mental health teenage suicide cyberbullying emotional distress support systems prevention intervention societal stigma mental illness awareness suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact unawareness Megan Meier suicide awareness legalising assisted suicide family involvement illness confrontation terminally ill decision understanding guilt recrimination open communication suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact unawareness Megan Meier teenager suicide by hanging police investigation assisted suicide legalisation openness illness confrontation persuasion terminally ill decision understanding guilt recrimination open communication suicide mental health family impact assisted suicide terminal illness Megan Meier teenage suicide legal aspects emotional support end-of-life decisions secrecy depression public awareness legalization ethical considerations grief psychological distress communication intervention prevention strategies suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact unawareness Megan Meier police investigation assisted suicide legalization openness patient illness family involvement death discussion guilt recrimination terminally ill end of life emotional impact teenage suicide cyberbullying mental health awareness suicide loneliness desperation secrecy family impact unawareness Megan Meier assisted suicide legalization openness family involvement terminal illness emotional support guilt recrimination communication end-of-life decisions suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact unawareness Megan Meier teen suicide hanging 2006 parents police investigations assisted suicide legalization transparency illness awareness persuasion decision understanding guilt recrimination terminally ill open communication suicide assisted suicide mental health family impact Megan Meier legalisation terminal illness patient feelings guilt recrimination open communication awareness cry for help secrecy police investigation terminally ill"
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con01a	"Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. democracy imposed government legitimacy self-governance foreign intervention democratic principles Iraq Afghanistan United States sovereignty political independence democratic governance legitimacy crisis international relations governance challenges democratic transition external influence autonomy political systems democratic values state sovereignty democratic control imposed democracy promoting democracy democratic legitimacy governance support independence political stability democratic institutions foreign policy humanitarian intervention democratic reforms political participation democratic process international democracy self-determination democratic elections imposed regimes political legitimacy democratic representation democratic consolidation external support political autonomy democratic effectiveness Democracy imposed government legitimacy foreign-imposed people rule democratic status force imposers trouble governing independently Iraqi Afghani United States de-legitimizing Michael Doyle Promoting Democracy The Huffington Post democracy imposition legitimacy self-governance foreign-imposed democratic government people's rule self-determination external intervention Iraqi government Afghani government United States influence democratic status governance independence Doyle Michael Promoting Democracy The Huffington Post democracy imposed government legitimacy self-governance foreign intervention democratic principles government legitimacy people's rule self-determination autonomy external influence political independence democratic status governing capability international relations sovereignty democratic transition external support statehood democratic governance political stability regime change civil society public consent political participation democratic institutions foreign policy human rights political freedom democracy promotion international law self-government democratic values political legitimacy government reliance external actors democratic development political control indigenous rule democratic consolidation government autonomy political sovereignty democratic democracy imposition legitimacy government people foreign-imposed self-governance independence democratic status Iraq Afghanistan United States Doyle Michael promoting democracy imposing democracy Huffington Post democracy imposed government democratic legitimacy government by the people government for the people foreign-imposed democracy self-government political independence external influence democratic governance Iraqi government Afghani government United States influence democratization political sovereignty democratic principles government legitimacy self-determination external intervention democratic values governance challenges democratic transition imposed regime political autonomy democratic rule legitimacy crisis international relations democracy promotion democratic sustainability foreign intervention state sovereignty democratic consolidation political stability democratic institutions democratic reforms governance capacity democratic leadership citizen participation electoral processes democratic democracy imposed government legitimacy self-governance foreign intervention democratic principles Iraq Afghanistan United States governance independence political legitimacy democratic governance international relations political philosophy democracy imposition legitimacy governance foreign-imposed self-rule independence democratic-status government-by-people government-for-people Iraqi-government Afghani-government United-States-reliance Michael-Doyle promoting-democracy imposing-democracy Democracy imposed government legitimacy self-rule foreign intervention Iraqi government Afghani government United States influence democratic status governance independence Doyle Michael promoting democracy imposing democracy democratic principles political legitimacy international relations state sovereignty democracy imposed government legitimacy democratic governance self-governance foreign intervention United States Iraq Afghanistan promoting democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con02a	"The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. New START Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty erector-launcher mechanism warhead-reduction targets strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms Heritage Foundation The Foundry New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty warhead-reduction targets strategic nuclear warheads launchers strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions balance of power world peace opposition to New START New START Treaty Russia US Tactical Nuclear Weapons Strategic Nuclear Weapons Warhead Limitations Missile Bombers Rail-Mobile ICBMs Treaty Loopholes Unilateral Reductions Balance of Power World Peace Mitt Romney Heritage Foundation START Treaty Nuclear Arms Control International Security Strategic Offensive Arms Treaty Definitions Nuclear Nonproliferation Nuclear Disarmament Defense Policy US-Russia Relations New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney 2010 multiple warhead missile bombers warhead limits rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms Heritage Foundation The Foundry Baker Spring Twelve Flaws of New START New START treaty Russia United States tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs strategic nuclear warheads reductions unilateral reductions unequal treaty balance of power world peace New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits multiple warhead missile bombers warhead-reduction targets rail-mobile ICBMs unequal treaty balance of power world peace strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions erector-launcher mechanism long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles missile launchers international relations nuclear arms control security studies military strategy diplomatic negotiations treaties and agreements defense policy strategic arms reduction global security non-proliferation US-Russian relations arms control controversies nuclear strategy New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney 2010 multiple warhead missile bombers warhead counting bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty erector-launcher mechanism railcar flatcar treaty limitations strategic nuclear warheads advertised warhead-reduction targets new heavy bomber rail-mobile ICBMs treaty limits unilateral reductions unequal treaty balance of power world peace treaty opposition Boston.com Heritage Foundation The Found New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs expired START warhead-reduction targets strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions unequal treaty balance of power world peace Boston.com Heritage Foundation The Foundry New START treaty Russia United States tactical nuclear advantage multiple warhead missile bombers rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs strategic nuclear warheads treaty limitations unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Mitt Romney Boston.com Heritage Foundation The Foundry New START Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney 2010 multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty erector-launcher mechanism strategic nuclear warheads treaty limits launchers unilateral reductions balance of power world peace opposed Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms Heritage Foundation The Foundry Boston.com"
test-international-ehbfe-con01a	"Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ federalism stability EU dangers nationalism populism xenophobia Gaullist Europe of Nations political integration majoritarian principle constitutional democracies minorities European integration risks unwanted political integration disadvantaged position negative impact positive impact federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobic agendas Europe of Nations Gaullist approach European state minority disadvantages constitutional democracies European integration political integration risks federalism stability EU dangers nationalism populism xenophobia Gaullist Europe of Nations integration minorities majoritarian principle constitutional democracies disadvantages political integration federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobic agendas Gaullist Europe minority disadvantage majoritarian principle European integration political integration risks federalism stability EU nationalism populism xenophobia Gaullist Europe of Nations constitutional democracies minorities integration political integration risks advantages disadvantages federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobic agendas Gaullist Europe majoritarian principle constitutional democracies minority disadvantages European integration political integration risks federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobic agendas Gaullist Europe constitutional democracies majoritarian principle minority disadvantages European integration political integration risks federalism EU stability nationalism populist politicians xenophobia Gaullist Europe minority rights constitutional democracy European integration political integration risks federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobia Gaullist Europe of Nations constitutional democracies minority disadvantages European integration political integration risks federalism stability EU nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobia Gaullist ""Europe of Nations"" majoritarian principle constitutional democracies minorities European integration political integration risks benefits constitutional democracies disadvantaged minorities negative impact positive impact"
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro03a	Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR Post-Conflict Reconstruction Child Soldiers Psychological Care Medical Care Stigmatization War Crimes International Criminal Court ICC Rehabilitation Social Exclusion Reprisal Attacks 哥伦比亚 Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Prosecutions Humanitarian Law Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L Sierra Leone Liberia Human Rights Child Protection Youth Protection Fostering Family-Based Care Institutional Care Sentencing Guidelines Legal Stigma Child Recruitment Child Use in Conflict Aggression Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR Post-conflict reconstruction Medical care Psychological care Chronic war Habituation Normal life Treatment centres Sierra Leone War criminals Stigma International Criminal Court ICC Child soldiers War crimes Sentencing guidelines Rehabilitation Officers Recruitment Villages Communities Conflict Status quo Peace-time Stigmatization Colombia Child combatants Special protection Institutional care Fear Prosecution Humanitarian law Democratic states Non-liberal regimes Authoritarian regimes Universal justice Compassion Thomas Lubanga Union DDR Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers treatment centres Sierra Leone stigma war criminals ICC International Criminal Court sentencing guidelines rehabilitation recruitment conflict social exclusion Colombia Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers prosecution humanitarian law Union of Congolese Patriots Thomas Lubanga child recruitment abuses conflict situations global report Liberia America ICC Tactics non-liberal regimes authoritarian regimes universal justice compassion youth homes family-based care institutional care fear disclosure participation prosecution war crimes disarmament demobilisation reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care chronic war habituation normal life treatment centres Sierra Leone war criminals stigma sentencing guidelines ICC life imprisonment rehabilitation child soldiers officers recruitment village community conflict necessity peace-time stigmatization reprisal attacks social exclusion Colombian child combatants family-based care institutional care international criminal court non-liberal regimes authoritarian regimes humanitarian law compassion justice prosecution recruitment child soldiers Lubanga Union of Cong demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers treatment centres stigma war criminals life imprisonment rehabilitation participation conflict recruitment stigmatization social exclusion International Criminal Court ICC prosecution war crimes humanitarian law compassion justice child soldier focus wider abuses Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L Thomas Lubanga global report Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Sierra Leone Liberia America ICC tactics politicians jurists democratic states non-liberal regimes authoritarian regimes human rights international law child Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR Child Soldiers War Crimes International Criminal Court ICC Post-Conflict Reconstruction Psychological Care Medical Care Stigmatization Rehabilitation Sierra Leone Colombia Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots Humanitarian Law Social Exclusion Prosecutions Child Rights Conflict Situations Combatants Veterans Peace Processes Legal Protections Youth Protection Family-Based Care Institutional Care Political Criticism Humanitarian Justice Child Recruitment Child soldier focus Wider abuses Aggression Victim Stigma Trauma Recovery demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation DDR post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care child soldiers treatment centres Sierra Leone war criminals stigma sentencing guidelines ICC life imprisonment rehabilitation social exclusion Colombian child combatants Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers institutional care fear disclosure political criticism universal justice child protection Union of Congolese Patriots Thomas Lubanga humanitarian law Liberia Sierra Leone America ICC tactics Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR Post-conflict reconstruction Medical care Psychological care Chronic war Habituation Normal life Treatment centres Child soldiers Sierra Leone War criminals Stigma Sentencing guidelines International Criminal Court ICC Life imprisonment Rehabilitation Recruitment Village Community Officers Armed conflicts Complicity Stigmatization Colombia Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Youth homes Youth protection facilities Institutional care Fear Disclosure Participation Authority Criticism Politicians Jurists Democratic states Non-liberal regimes Author demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation DDR post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care child soldiers treatment centres war criminals stigma sentencing guidelines ICC rehabilitation recruitment villages communities conflict crime stigmatization violence youth homes youth protection facilities institutional care fear prosecution war crimes humanitarian law compassion justice child-soldier focus charges Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L crimes against children abuses conflict situations Thomas Lubanga prosecution non-liberal regimes authoritarian regimes Universal concepts global report child disarmament demobilisation reintegration DDR child soldiers war crimes stigma rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care habituation normal life Sierra Leone ICC sentencing guidelines life imprisonment participation conflict crime recruitment social exclusion reprisal attacks Colombia stigmatization violent threatening institutional care youth homes youth protection facilities fear disclosure status demobilisation programs international stage criticism humanitarian law compassion justice universal concepts Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L wider
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro03a	The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. death personal decision state intervention assisted suicide legislation criminal sanction personal autonomy end-of-life choices impact on loved ones trauma ethical issues right to die carer experiences natural causes deeply personal issues role of the state legal implications complexity emotional consequences trauma for carers relationship dynamics abuse prevention individual rights public opinion respect for individuals varied circumstances coping with loss additional stress decision personal state impact consequences relationship natural death trauma carer loved one issues love sex reproduction abuse opinion criminal sanction respect individual legislation cumbersome varied complex loss assisted suicide stress threat personal decision state intervention right to die assisted suicide personal autonomy end-of-life choices legislative role criminal sanctions emotional impact trauma carer experience human rights moral ethics legal ethics individual freedom state overreach compassion euthanasia palliative care quality of life dignity in dying societal norms legal reform mental health grief compassionate care terminal illness patient rights healthcare policy ethical debates public opinion humane treatment death with dignity right to die assisted suicide personal autonomy state intervention individual rights end-of-life choices legislator's role criminal sanction personal decisions impact on loved ones trauma of watching death complex circumstances respect for individual legislating personal issues natural death death consequences carer's trauma state's role in personal matters decision to die personal impact of death legislator's opinion personal vs. state matters death and dying individual choice legal implications of dying trauma and loss emotional impact of death legislative overreach personal freedom death with dignity state interference personal right to die personal autonomy state interference assisted suicide terminal illness individual rights legislative overreach end-of-life decisions carer trauma criminal sanction personal freedom ethical considerations palliative care death with dignity human rights compassionate care legal restrictions emotional impact social policy private matters right to die personal choice state intervention assisted suicide criminal sanction personal freedom impact on loved ones legislators' role individual rights complex circumstances trauma end-of-life decisions natural causes relationship end caregiver experience personal issues state's role legal opinion varied situations stress addition right to die assisted suicide personal autonomy state intervention criminal sanction end-of-life decisions individual rights legislative role trauma carer impact natural death personal relationships death with dignity euthanasia moral autonomy legal ethics compassion emotional impact legislative overreach complex circumstances human rights personal choices state authority individual freedoms traumatic experiences grief legal consequences moral issues personal responsibility human dignity end-of-life care legal sanctions personal privacy death choices state interference emotional support moral judgment legal reform compassionate care death decisions individual consent personal decision state intervention impact on others natural death trauma carer loved one personal issues state role legislation criminal sanction assisted suicide loss stress trauma assisted suicide personal autonomy state intervention end-of-life decisions legislative role individual rights criminal sanctions ethical considerations compassionate care family impact trauma death with dignity legal implications moral debates personal choice palliative care terminal illness quality of life societal norms caregiver burden right to die personal autonomy assisted suicide state intervention criminal sanction individual rights euthanasia end-of-life choices lawmaker role personal decisions impact on loved ones trauma legislation compassion autonomy vs state control complex human issues ethical considerations dignity in dying palliative care moral debates legal consequences emotional well-being carer burden natural death human rights legislative reform societal norms end-of-life support medical ethics patient rights quality of life terminal illness compassionate care personal freedom legal challenges emotional impact public policy assisted death intimate
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con02a	"In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 Britain single currency sovereignty Brussels financial affairs Euro economy EU Committees tax spending Europhiles joining euro surrender sovereignty interest rates economic management European committees Kenneth Clarke Britain's ability to tax democracy euro sovereignty economic control financial affairs european union european committees taxation spending interest rates britain currency single currency europhiles democracy economic management kenneth clarke european friend euro campaigner euro debate britain euro economic sovereignty european economic control european financial regulation britain eu membership euro impact economic policy european governance national sovereignty european integration economic independence european decision-making economic governance european fiscal policy national economic control european monetary policy british economy european economic affairs european financial affairs british sovereignty european economy sovereignty Brussels euro control financial affairs taxation spending interest rates europhiles Kenneth Clarke democracy economic policy European committees Britain single currency economic management economic sovereignty EU economic dictatorship EU single currency Britain sovereignty Brussels financial affairs Euro economy control committees spending taxing economic affairs Europhiles Kenneth Clarke democracy interest rates managing economy British politician Europe's biggest friend Euro campaigner economic control fiscal sovereignty European integration economic policy national autonomy currency union political sovereignty economic management fiscal policy European Union economic governance national control economic decision-making fiscal autonomy euro britain sovereignty economic control brussels eu committees taxing spending interest rates democracy europhiles kenneth clarke euro sovereignty european union financial affairs economic control interest rates taxation spending europhiles kenneth clarke britain economy democracy eu committees currency single currency political control economic policy fiscal policy european economic governance euro sovereignty economic control eu brussels financial affairs taxation spending interest rates democracy kenneth clark europhiles single currency britain economic management european committees monetary policy fiscal policy political independence economic sovereignty euro sovereignty britain brussels eu financial affairs economy control interest rates taxing spending european committees democracy europhiles kenneth clarke the euro political control economic independence policy-making national autonomy euro sovereignty economic control financial affairs brussels eu committees taxing spending interest rates democracy european union britain kenneth clarke europhiles single currency economic management european committees national autonomy fiscal policy monetary policy sovereignty economic control interest rates taxation spending Europhiles Kenneth Clarke democracy European committees Brussels single currency Euro Britain EU economic affairs"
test-international-miasimyhw-pro03a	Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies free labour market unity national borders Africa colonial history boundaries ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets colonial history rebuilding unity reducing xenophobia political construction sense of unity reducing disparities inequalities poverty free labour market unity national borders Africa colonial history ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets rebuilding unity reducing xenophobia politically constructed reducing poverty disparities inequalities Cogneau 2012 policies free labour market unity national borders Africa colonial history boundaries ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement colonial legacy erasing boundaries labour markets rebuilding unity reducing xenophobia political constructs disparities inequalities poverty Cogneau 2012 free labour market unity national borders Africa colonial history ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets sense of unity xenophobic fears political construction reducing disparities poverty inequalities Policies free labour market unity national borders colonial history Africa ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries colonial history labour markets unity xenophobia political construction reducing disparities poverty Cogneau 2012 free labour market unity national borders Africa's colonial history ethnic groups border between Togo and Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe peoples freedom of movement erasing colonial history labour market impacts rebuilding unity reducing xenophobia political construction disparities inequalities poverty reduction free labour market unity national borders Africa colonial history ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries colonial history labour markets sense of unity xenophobia political construction disparities inequalities poverty Cogneau 2012 policies free labour market unity national borders colonial history Africa boundaries ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement colonial history erasing boundaries labour markets unity xenophobic fears political construction disparities inequalities poverty Cogneau 2012 policies free labour market unity national borders colonial history Africa ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement colonial history erasing boundaries labour markets sense of unity xenophobia political construction reducing disparities poverty inequalities Policies free labour market unity national borders colonial history Africa ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets unity xenophobia political construction disparities inequalities poverty Cogneau 2012
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con01a	"Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions Georgian relations European Council David Bakradze Russian involvement election validity referendum corruption international denunciation voter threats electoral risks sovereignty disputes separatist regions Eurasian politics geopolitical tensions illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections Georgia David Bakradze Council of Europe European human rights Russia Moscow fingerprints Eurasia independence Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Shaun Walker Vladimir Socor The Jamestown Foundation Open Democracy Radio Free Europe The Journal of the Turkish Weekly 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions legitimacy elections Georgian parliament David Bakradze Council of Europe Russian involvement Moscow's fingerprints Eurasia Daily Monitor Shaun Walker Vladimir Socor Georgian relations independence vote international denunciation election integrity voter threats political influence referendum conditions Illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections Georgia David Bakradze Council of Europe Russia Russian involvement Moscow's fingerprints Eurasia Daily Monitor Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee independent Open Democracy Radio Free Europe The Journal of the Turkish Weekly Shaun Walker Vladimir Socor The Jamestown Foundation Illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections Georgia David Bakradze Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Council of Europe denunciation Russia involvement validity authorities Moscow fingerprints Eurasia Daily Monitor Jamestown Foundation Open Democracy Radio Free Europe Turkish Weekly 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions illegitimate elections David Bakradze Council of Europe Russian involvement Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee European human rights watchdog Moscow's fingerprints Eurasia Daily Monitor Open Democracy Radio Free Europe The Journal of the Turkish Weekly The Jamestown Foundation voting under conflict election validity skewed results threats to voters risks for voters referendum corruption authorities installed by Russia unnecessary referendum unhelpful referendum unfair referendum illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections Georgia David Bakradze Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Council of Europe denunciation unnecessary unhelpful unfair Russia involvement validity Russian government Radio Free Europe Open Democracy Eurasia Daily Monitor Moscow’s fingerprints Vladimir Socor Jamestown Foundation Illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections skewed results threats voter risks David Bakradze Georgian parliamentary Council of Europe denunciation unnecessary unhelpful unfair Russia involvement corruption validity Moscow's fingerprints Eurasia Daily Monitor Georgian conflict independence vote human rights violations international criticism electoral interference regional tensions political instability separatism ethnic conflict Russian influence Caucasus politics international relations geopolitical tension democratic principles electoral integrity self-determination sovereignty issues international law Georgian sovereignty Illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections 2006 independence Georgia conflicts David Bakradze Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Council of Europe denunciation unnecessary unhelpful unfair Russian involvement validity Moscow’s fingerprints Socor Vladimir Eurasia Daily Monitor Jamestown Foundation 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee David Bakradze Council of Europe illegitimacy elections independence Russian involvement Eurasia Daily Monitor Vladimir Socor Open Democracy Shaun Walker Radio Free Europe The Journal of the Turkish Weekly The Jamestown Foundation"
test-international-iwiaghbss-con01a	Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, refugee state resource allocation Seychelles economic dependency tourism tuna fishing territorial limitations economic rebuilding host country burden World Bank Seychelles economy employment sectors island nation economic challenges international aid relocation issues environmental factors economic diversification policy considerations global support systems refugee state resource allocation economic dependency territorial constraints tourism industry tuna fishing employment sector economic rebuilding host country burden World Bank Seychelles overview 2013 report economic sectors island economy migration impacts resource-poor countries territorial economy economic sustainability host state commitment refugee integration challenges refugee state resource allocation economic burden Seychelles tourism tuna fishing economic dependency territorial limitations economic rebuilding host country commitment World Bank Seychelles Overview refugee state resource allocation Seychelles economic challenges tourism tuna fishing territorial dependency economic rebuilding host country burden World Bank Seychelles overview 2013 refugee state resource allocation economic burden territorial value Seychelles tourism industry tuna fishing employment statistics economic rebuilding host country commitment World Bank Seychelles economy refugee state waste resources Seychelles not rich main industries tourism tuna fishing employment dependent on territory cannot be moved little to offer difficulty rebuilding economy drain on host unwilling to take commitment refugee state resource waste territorial commitment economic dependency tourism industry tuna fishing employment island territory economic rebuilding host country burden World Bank Seychelles economy territorial giving economic drain unwilling host rebuilding challenges relocation difficulties industry mobility resource allocation international aid strategic value political implications environmental factors migration policies economic sustainability fiscal policies external support regional impact global perspective development challenges economic diversification investment opportunities government policies social integration humanitarian assistance international relations economic incentives partnership opportunities sustainable development climate change environmental protection refugee state resource waste Seychelles economic dependency tourism tuna fishing territorial limitation economic rebuilding host country burden World Bank Seychelles overview 2013 refugee state resource allocation economic dependency territorial constraints tourism industry tuna fishing employment distribution economic rebuilding host country burden World Bank Seychelles Overview 2013 refugee state resource allocation Seychelles economy tourism industry tuna fishing employment statistics territorial limitations economic rebuilding host country burden World Bank Seychelles overview 2013
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con05a	Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). doctors moral burden suicide health preservation killing moral autonomy euthanasia organ donation complicity voluntary ethical dilemma medical ethics patient autonomy physician-assisted suicide Tremblay Joe Catholic News Agency 2013 euthanasia assisted suicide medical ethics doctor's role moral responsibility patient autonomy organ donation end-of-life care ethical dilemmas physician-assisted dying legal considerations moral autonomy voluntary euthanasia non-voluntary euthanasia palliative care healthcare professionals bioethics moral burden health preservation medical killing ethical justification complicity in death professional integrity compassionate care right to die life termination medical ethics debate ethical principles medical practice patient rights healthcare ethics end-of-life decisions moral implications ethical standards patient-doctor physician-assisted suicide moral responsibility doctor's role euthanasia ethics patient autonomy medical ethics organ donation euthanasia voluntary euthanasia moral burden healthcare professionalism ethical dilemmas end-of-life care legal implications medical practice standards compassion in medicine palliative care options patient-doctor relationship bioethics religious perspectives on euthanasia ethical decision making in healthcare doctors moral burden suicide health preservation assisted death ethical responsibility organ donation euthanasia moral autonomy complicity voluntary action ethical dilemma medical ethics patient rights physician role end-of-life decisions legal considerations moral philosophy bioethics patient autonomy Doctors moral burden suicide health preservation killing doubt moral wrong complicity individual moral autonomy organ donation euthanasia Catholic News Agency Tremblay Joe ethical dilemmas medical ethics assisted suicide physician-assisted death moral responsibility euthanasia doctor's moral burden assisted suicide organ donation medical ethics moral autonomy voluntary consent euthanasia ethics doctor's role health preservation moral responsibility euthanasia controversy ethical dilemmas physician-assisted death patient autonomy medical profession ethical standards end-of-life care voluntary euthanasia involuntary euthanasia moral implications healthcare providers medical ethics debate organ donation euthanasia euthanasia practices medical malpractice patient rights doctor-patient relationship ethical considerations patient safety moral duty healthcare ethics legal issues euthanas doctors moral burden suicide health preservation killing moral wrong complicity individual moral autonomy organ donation euthanasia Catholic News Agency euthanasia moral burden physician-assisted suicide medical ethics patient autonomy doctor's role moral responsibility voluntary euthanasia non-voluntary euthanasia ethical dilemmas medical profession health preservation killing vs. letting die complicity in death individual moral autonomy organ donation euthanasia ethical implications patient rights end-of-life care professional integrity Tremblay Catholic News Agency 2013 Doctors moral burden suicide health preservation killing moral autonomy euthanasia organ donation voluntary complicit ethics medical practice patient rights physician-assisted suicide legal implications medical ethics professional responsibility end-of-life care dignity compassion informed consent societal norms religious perspectives ethical dilemmas medical profession patient autonomy quality of life palliative care euthanasia laws medical community clinical practice human rights moral responsibility ethical principles healthcare policy terminal illness assisted dying medical ethics debates bioethics healthcare providers ethical standards doctors moral burden assisted suicide ethical dilemmas medical ethics patient autonomy physician-assisted death euthanasia organ donation moral responsibility medical profession voluntary action ethical standards legal considerations compassion palliative care end-of-life care religious perspectives moral wrong complicity individual autonomy professional integrity ethical conflict life preservation health care medical practices humane treatment patient rights informed consent quality of life healthcare policy societal values moral philosophy bioethics medical humanities ethical guidelines medical ethics committees patient advocacy medical law human dignity
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro06a	The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, law hypocrisy illegal drugs tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms Professor David Nutt multicriteria decision analysis choice legal drugs regulation drug policy public health substance abuse legalisation prohibition law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms multicriteria decision analysis Professor David Nutt Lancet 2010 drug policy legalisation personal choice substance regulation law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms Professor David Nutt The Lancet multicriteria decision analysis choice drink drug legality law hypocrisy drug legality tobacco alcohol societal impact UK study Professor David Nutt drug harms multicriteria decision analysis personal choice legal inconsistency substance regulation public health policy law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms multicriteria decision analysis Professor David Nutt The Lancet legal choices drug legality substance regulation public health policy law hypocrisy illegal drugs tobacco alcohol societal impact UK study Professor David Nutt drug harms multicriteria decision analysis legal choices drug policy public health substance regulation harm reduction legal consistency moral standards government regulation human rights personal freedom law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms multicriteria decision analysis Professor David Nutt Lancet choice legal drugs illicit drugs regulation substance abuse public health policy reform law hypocrisy drug policy tobacco alcohol societal impact UK study Professor David Nutt drug harms multicriteria decision analysis legal status personal choice regulation substance abuse public health law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol societal consequences UK study alcohol effects drug harms multicriteria decision analysis Professor David Nutt The Lancet personal choice drug legalization public health policy reform substance regulation harm reduction ethics in legislation law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms multicriteria decision analysis Professor David Nutt The Lancet personal choice drug legalization
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro03a	Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycott Euro 2012 Diplomacy Regime Oppressive High profile visits Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China Ukraine Europe Yanukovych Rights concerns European Union Sanctions Reform Diplomatic relations Boycotting Euro 2012 proportional Diplomacy regime oppressive high profile visits events Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China Ukraine Europe world Europe approves actions government diplomatic responses verbal diplomatic complaints sanctions mid-point European Union leaders Yanukovych political benefits rights concerns reform further measures diplomatic relations Boycott Euro 2012 Diplomacy Regime Oppressive Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China Ukraine European Union Yanukovych Rights concerns Sanctions Reform Diplomatic relations Boycotting Euro 2012 proportional response diplomacy oppressive regimes high profile events approval of regime Beijing Olympics Ukraine's image European approval diplomatic responses verbal complaints sanctions mid-point action European Union leaders political benefits Viktor Yanukovych rights concerns reform opportunity deeper diplomatic effects Boycott Euro 2012 Diplomacy Regime Oppression High-profile visits Events Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China Ukraine Europe World Approval Government actions Verbal complaints Sanctions Mid-point European Union Leaders Proportional Reforms Political benefits Rights concerns Diplomatic relations Boycotting Euro 2012 diplomatic response verbal complaints sanctions Yanukovych political benefits EU leaders rights concerns proportional action diplomatic relations reform opportunity high-profile events regime approval Beijing Olympics Ukraine's coming out party European approval mid-point action event shine political leverage -rights violations international pressure diplomatic protest sporting events political statements international relations human rights Euro 2012 impact European Union stance Ukrainian government actions diplomatic mid-point boycotting as leverage political message international scrutiny Boycotting Euro 2012 Diplomacy Regime Oppressive High profile Events Approval Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China Ukraine Europe World Actions Government Diplomatic responses Verbal complaints Sanctions Mid-point European Union Leaders Shine Political benefits Yanukovych Rights concerns Reform Further measures Diplomatic relations Boycotting Euro 2012 Diplomacy Regime Oppressive High-profile Events Approval Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China Ukraine Europe World Verbal Complaints Sanctions Mid-point European Union Leaders Shine Political Benefits Viktor Yanukovych Rights Concerns Reform Diplomatic Relations Boycott Euro 2012 Diplomacy Regime Oppressive High profile visits Events Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China Ukraine Europe World Political approval Diplomatic responses Verbal complaints Sanctions European Union Leaders Yanukovych Political benefits Rights concerns Reform Diplomatic relations boycott Euro 2012 diplomacy regime oppression high-profile visits Beijing Olympics People's Republic of China Ukraine European approval verbal complaints sanctions political benefits Yanukovych rights concerns reform diplomatic relations
test-international-iiahwagit-con01a	African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries limited financial resources least developed countries endangered animal protection civil war debt poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficits Tanzania financial constraints protection projects underdevelopment causes globalization challenges African economies development challenges financial constraints endangered species conservation civil conflicts debt burden poverty alleviation economic policies budget deficits Tanzania fiscal status African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection globalisation under-development challenges African countries limited financial resources least developed countries endangered species protection civil war debt poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficits Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects financial challenges globalisation under-development causes World Factbook economic pressures environmental conservation prioritization of spending African countries little money least developed countries endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects globalisation challenges under-development causes African countries limited funds least developed endangered animals protection challenges civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficits Tanzania financial constraints animal protection expenditures globalisation development issues African countries limited funds least developed nations endangered species protection civil conflict national debt poverty economic challenges budget deficits Tanzania revenue expenditure financial constraints globalisation underdevelopment resource allocation wildlife conservation fiscal policy economic development African countries limited funds endangered species protection civil war debt poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficits Tanzania financial constraints wildlife conservation development challenges globalisation impact underdevelopment causes African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects globalisation challenges under-development causes African countries least developed endangered animals protection civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects globalisation challenges
test-international-aglhrilhb-con01a	Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, peace justice prosecutions reconciliation amnesty truth commissions conflict South Sudan ceasefire stability atrocities healing opposition indictments rebels oil center ceasefire breach international law human rights political violence conflict resolution post-conflict justice peace justice prosecutions reconciliation Truth and Reconciliation Commissions amnesties storytelling weapons agreements indictments South Sudan ceasefire conflict atrocities healing stability rebels oil centre ceasefire breach peace justice reconciliation prosecutions truth commissions amnesties conflict resolution South Sudan ceasefire indictments atrocities stability healing weapons opposition rebels oil centre breach international law human rights forgiveness political stability regional security Peace Justice Reconciliation Prosecutions Truth and Reconciliation Commissions Amnesties Conflict South Sudan Ceasefire Atrocities Healing Stability Indictments Opposition Rebels Oil Centre Breach Warfare Human Rights Peace Justice Reconciliation Prosecutions Truth and Reconciliation Commissions Amnesties Conflict South Sudan Indictments Atrocities Ceasefire Stability Healing Opposition Rebels Oil Centre Breach Warfare Human Rights International Law Political Science Ethics Moral Philosophy Social Conflict Peace Studies Legal Studies Amnesty International Genocide War Crimes Civil War African Politics Conflict Resolution Post-Conflict Reconstruction Transitional Justice Humanitarian Law Peacekeeping Negotiations International Relations Global Security Rule of Law Restorative Justice Ret peace justice reconciliation prosecutions amnesties truth commissions conflict resolution South Sudan ceasefire atrocities stability opposition indictments rebels oil centre breaches healing future prevention Peace Justice Reconciliation Prosecutions Amnesty Conflict South Sudan Ceasefire Stability Atrocities Truth and Reconciliation Commissions Healing Opposition Indictment Breach Fighting peace justice reconciliation prosecutions truth commissions amnesties conflict resolution South Sudan ceasefire atrocities stability healing opposition indictments rebels oil centre breach fighting international law human rights conflict zones post-conflict societies political violence amnesty laws transitional justice peacebuilding violence prevention societal healing conflict management ceasefire agreements indictments impact rebel groups regional stability conflict resolution strategies peace processes legal prosecutions human rights violations forgiveness societal reconciliation political reconciliation conflict dynamics ceasefire breaches international relations war crimes justice versus peace peace justice reconciliation prosecutions amnesties truth commissions conflict resolution South Sudan ceasefire atrocities healing stability rebels indictments oil center Deutsche Welle allafrica.com peace justice prosecutions reconciliation amnesties truth commissions conflict South Sudan ceasefire atrocities healing stability indictments rebels oil centre ceasefire breach Deutsche Welle allafrica.com
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con02a	Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved Microfinance quick-fix poor loan investment community individual capital entrepreneurialism political stability economic environment short-termism quick return high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance IOE 2011 microfinance short-term solutions poverty economic development political stability interest rates quick return long-term interests education primary school attendance investment loans entrepreneurship economic environment financial services community development financial inclusion microcredit socio-economic impact Deeper issues unresolved microfinance quick-fix poverty loans investment future community development entrepreneurialism capital access economic stability political stability short-termism quick return high interest rates loan repayment long-term interests primary school attendance education investment IOE 2011 deeper issues microfinance quick-fix solution poor loan investment future access to capital entrepreneurialism stable political environment economic environment short-termism quick return high interest rates long term interests primary school attendance IOE 2011 deeper issues unresolved problems microfinance quick-fix solution poverty community development loan investment entrepreneurship capital access political stability economic environment short-termism high interest rates quick return long-term interests primary school attendance education investment loan repayment IOE 2011 microfinance short-termism quick-fix long-term interests political stability economic stability high interest rates primary school attendance investment climate entrepreneurialism capital access loan repayment community development individual empowerment sustainable development financial inclusion poverty alleviation social impact economic growth microcredit financial sustainability borrower's burden educational investment community investment financial education credit terms microloans poverty trap social entrepreneurship market access regulatory environment financial services rural development income generation economic empowerment asset building poverty reduction microenterprise financial intermediation grassroots development deeper issues unresolved microfinance quick-fix poverty loan investment future access to capital entrepreneurship economic environment political stability short-termism quick return high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance education long-term investment microcredit financial inclusion development sustainability microfinance quick-fix poverty loans investment entrepreneurship political stability economic environment short-termism high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance IOE 2011 microfinance quick-fix poverty loans entrepreneurialism political stability economic environment short-termism investment high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance education financial sustainability community development economic growth social impact financial inclusion deeper issues unresolved microfinance quick-fix poverty loans investment future community capital entrepreneurialism political stability economic stability short-termism quick return high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance IOE 2011
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro01a	Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics England Rugby World Cup national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympic hosting public support feel-good factor feel-good factor hosting international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics sporting success national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympics hosting public support London 2012 Parisians immigrant background event psychology urban pride social cohesion sporting events impact civic engagement international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney 2002 Olympics England Rugby Union Team 2003 Rugby World Cup national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane hosting Olympics public support feel-good factor sporting success community cohesion immigrant representation event hosting benefits urban pride Olympic bid campaigns sports and society event impact analysis feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup 1998 Sydney 2002 Olympics England Rugby Union 2003 national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympic hosting support Parisians Londoners 2012 Olympics feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympic hosting public support Hosting feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics sporting success national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympics public support city hosting feel good event buzz sporting events impact government awareness hosting benefits Olympic bid community cohesion immigrant representation sporting achievements national unity through sports public enthusiasm event hosting desire Olympic support sporting event influence community pride international events event hosting benefits public desire national identity sports and society event organization hosting motivation international events impact public sentiment hosting feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney 2002 Olympics England Rugby Union Team 2003 Rugby World Cup national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympics Parisians public support London 2012 Olympics Hosting feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics sporting success national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane immigrant Olympics public support Parisians Londoners 2012 Olympics feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup 1998 Paris 2002 Sydney Olympics sporting success abroad national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane immigrant background Olympics hosting Parisians 2012 Olympics public support Londoners Hosting feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics sporting success national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympics hosting public support Parisians Londoners
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro03a	"The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 capitalist society personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens self-determination American Dream equal opportunity James Truslow Adams life potential individual achievement Barack Obama American success social mobility race social class presidential achievement capitalism fair chance paternalistic coercion state intervention individual choice life fulfillment political leadership racial barriers economic opportunity democratic ideals societal progress American political history presidential legacy Adams definition Obama presidency historical context American values democratic capitalism protective rights individual capacity life choices external freedom capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature citizens self-determination American Dream equal opportunity non-paternalistic state James Truslow Adams social mobility Barack Obama racial barriers social class political achievement American success economic opportunity self-creation initial equality coercive interference capitalist ideals individual achievement fair chance life potential non-traditional success political representation minority leadership American presidency democratic capitalism societal progress economic freedom individual empowerment social progression American society political representation minority leadership American capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens capacity to choose life choices future planning paternalistic coercion American Dream equal opportunity potential realization James Truslow Adams life quality individual achievement Barack Obama social transcendence racial barriers fair chance achievements life improvement Columbia University Library historical context political success Mirror newspaper American ideals democratic values economic system social mobility political leadership American presidency cultural impact societal progress ethical considerations policy influence governance national identity civic engagement public service capitalist society personal freedom Western democratic capitalism individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens capacity to choose life goals future creation paternalistic coercion state control American dream equal opportunity potential fulfillment self-determination external coercion James Truslow Adams life improvement richness fullness opportunity distribution ability achievement Barack Obama American Dream achievement social class transcendence racial barriers presidential success fair chance great achievements life opportunities capitalism benefits democratic values individual empowerment capitalist society personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens self-determination American Dream equal opportunity personal achievement James Truslow Adams Barack Obama social mobility racial barriers presidential legacy economic opportunity fair chance political success self-made success capitalist society personal freedom western democratic capitalism individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens self-determination American dream equal opportunity life choices external coercion James Truslow Adams life improvement rich and fuller life opportunity based on ability Barack Obama American dream embodiment social class transcendence racial barriers presidential success fair chance great achievements capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adults self-determination American Dream equal opportunity James Truslow Adams life quality social mobility Barack Obama presidential achievement race social class opportunity seizure economic system political philosophy historical context presidential history George Bush societal progress individual achievement American ideals political leadership democratic values economic opportunity social equality self-creation future shaping paternalistic state non-coercive governance societal ideals cultural aspirations political representation democratic capitalism economic freedom American political landscape capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adults self-determination American Dream equal opportunity James Truslow Adams life potential Barack Obama social mobility racial barriers political achievement fair chance economic system self-made success societal ideals individual achievement paternalistic state initial equality life choices historical context presidential legacy democratic values market economy civil liberties political freedom economic freedom social progress American ideal self-creation non-coercion life enrichment merit-based success political evolution socioeconomic status cultural capitalist society personal freedom Western democratic capitalism individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens self-determination American dream equal opportunity potential self-creation external coercion James Truslow Adams life improvement richness fullness opportunity ability achievement Barack Obama American Dream personification social class transcendence racial barriers presidential success fair chance great achievements capitalism fairness capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature citizens self-determination American Dream equal opportunity James Truslow Adams Barack Obama social mobility racial barriers presidential achievement economic system political philosophy individualism self-creation societal ideals opportunity achievement potential paternalism state intervention societal progress meritocracy political leadership historical context social class race political success American values democratic principles economic freedom social advancement political legacy civic engagement political representation democratic capitalism civil liberties American society political"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con01a	"The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization congressional restrictions presidential restrictions cost constraints Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense strategic arms quantitative restrictions qualitative restrictions Kremlin unilateral statement missile defense interceptors ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty implementation deterrence strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms Hill Heritage Foundation Obama Medvedev state department verification compliance implementation bureau unilateral statements article V article X treaty New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense Obama Administration Kremlin missile defense capabilities ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission US missile defense program strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms New START flaws nuclear arsenal reduction missile defense restrictions treaty withdrawal US-Russia arms control New START implementation deterrence US Congress US President cost of nuclear modernization Russian nuclear advantage New START unilateral statement missile defense Nuclear capabilities US strategic forces New START treaty David Ganz JINSA US nuclear arsenal weapons enterprise nuclear modernization Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons strategic arms missile defense Kremlin missile defense capabilities ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty restrictions US missile defense program deterrence strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms interrelationship offensive arm effectiveness missile defense testing treaty implementation unilateral statements withdrawal clause New START flaws Barak Obama Dmitri New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal Russian nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense systems ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty implementation strategic offensive arms defensive arms restrictions treaty withdrawal quantitative missile defense qualitative missile defense testing restrictions U.S. missile defense program treaty flaws nuclear deterrence strategic arms limitations atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal Russian military advantage Obama Administration Kremlin New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense Kremlin strategic offensive arms missile defense capabilities ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC missile defense restrictions treaty flaws deterrence U.S. Department of State Heritage Foundation The Hill strategic arms reduction New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA atrophying nuclear arsenal US strategic nuclear reductions nuclear modernization Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense Kremlin missile defense restrictions Bilateral Consultative Commission ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors treaty withdrawal strategic offensive arms missile defense testing Barack Obama Dmitri Medvedev US Department of State Heritage Foundation The Hill The Atlantic Treaty text Unilateral Statements New START Treaty Fact Sheet New START treaty US nuclear capabilities nuclear modernization missile defense strategic arms nonstrategic nuclear weapons treaty restrictions Russian advantage deterrence Bilateral Consultative Commission ICBM launchers SLBM launchers unilateral statements treaty flaws Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA David Ganz Baker Spring Peter Brookes Barak Obama Dmitri Medvedev US Department of State Bureau of Verification Compliance and Implementation The Atlantic Heritage Foundation The Hill The Foundry Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense Obama Administration Kremlin missile defense capabilities ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC treaty restrictions U.S. missile defense program strategic offensive arms deterrence Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs Elizabeth Weingarten The Atlantic Baker Spring Heritage Foundation The Foundry Peter Brookes The Hill Bar New START treaty US nuclear capabilities nuclear modernization missile defense systems strategic arms nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons deterrence ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission Russia United States treaty restrictions strategic offensive arms defensive arms unilateral statement treaty implementation atrophying nuclear arsenal Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA David Ganz Barack Obama Dmitri Medvedev Heritage Foundation The Foundry The Hill The Atlantic Elizabeth Weingarten Baker Spring Peter Bro New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense Obama Administration Kremlin ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC strategic offensive arms defensive arms treaty implementation strategic arms reduction nuclear deterrence US missile defense program unilateral statement treaty restrictions nuclear weapons enterprise US Congress US President cost grounds nuclear arsenal reduction New START flaws Barak Obama Dmitri Medvedev Treaty"
test-international-ehbfe-con02a	"Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ European federation economic downturn member states collective benefit fiscal inequality decentralization centralization regional powers economic development policy harmonization fiscal federalism inter-state cooperation economic interdependence policy divergence smaller states larger states economic disparity fiscal responsibility economic progress centralized governance decentralized governance legislative autonomy taxation autonomy education policy autonomy economic performance study findings EU economy economic policies fiscal policies regional development centralized states decentralized states economic impact citizen welfare policy-making governance structures economic challenges fiscal contributions economic benefits policy implementation economic growth federal system economic policies member states collective benefit economic downturn decentralization centralization regional powers economic progress citizen complaints fair share economic status development centralism taxation legislation education policies cost distribution European federation inducements cooperation punishment economic reliance policy adoption minority states economic impact power distribution governance structure regional autonomy state responsibilities fiscal policy administrative efficiency citizen welfare political integration economic inequalities fiscal federalism regional development governance challenges policy harmonization economic disparities political dynamics EU economic model regional disparities economic inequalities federal system harmful policies minority states economic downturn interdependence unequal contribution collective benefit passing the buck economically powerful fair share large states small states overlooked economically weaker exacerbated federation decentralization economic progress regional powers centralization citizen costs development hammering EUObserver study existing inequalities federal system harmful policies economic downturn interdependence unequal contributions collective benefit passing the buck economically powerful fair share smaller states overlooked disregarded economic progress decentralization regional powers centralization development citizen cost EUObserver study federal system economic downturn minority member states unequal contributions collective benefit economic interdependence decentralization economic progress regional powers centralization development EU policies economic inequality cooperative inducements punishment threats economic power fair share citizen complaints smaller states status European federation economic policies taxation legislation education centralised states study economy existing inequalities federal system harmful policies economic downturn interconnected economies unequal contributions collective benefit passing the buck fair share economically powerful weaker states overlooked centralised states economic progress regional powers centralism citizens development EU Observer study federal system economic inequalities policy harm minority states economic downturn interdependence unequal contributions collective benefit economic power fair share decentralization economic progress regional powers centralization development citizen cost economic weakness centralised states study evidence federal system economic downturn member states unequal contribution collective benefit economic interdependence decentralization regional powers centralism economic development citizen complaints smaller states economic progress policy adoption harmful policies United States of Europe economic reliance cooperation inducements punishment threats fiscal responsibility regional autonomy legislative authority education policies economic centralism development costs decentralized governance economic performance centralization impacts regional responsibilities taxation policies economic disparity federation issues European Union economic inequality fiscal imbalance governance structures economic policymaking state cooperation fiscal federalism regional federal system economic downturn member states economic interdependence unequal contributions collective benefit passing the buck economic power fair share decentralization economic progress regional powers centralization economic development EUObserver centralised states economy taxation legislation education policies federal system economic downturn member states economic reliance policy harm minority states unequal contribution collective benefit economic power fair share decentralization economic progress regional powers centralization development European federation fiscal policies legislative responsibilities education policies citizen complaints smaller states overlooked economic weakness centralised states economic impact EU study economic centralism regional autonomy fiscal decentralization legislative decentralization educational decentralization economic performance centralised governance regional development economic disparity federalism European Union regional policy fiscal responsibility legislative responsibility economic centralisation"
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con01a	The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. scientific community creationism evolution consensus biologists observable reality scientific theory political process court cases discredited positive evidence religious faith science and faith compatibility observable laws of physics subatomic level intelligent design Gould Rocks of Ages Irons Disaster in Dover Lenski Evolution Fact and Theory Robinson Public Beliefs About Education and Creation scientific community creationism evolution consensus biologists observable reality theory physics political process court cases discredited cross-examination positive evidence religious faith science faith compatibility public beliefs fact trials intelligent design rocks of ages ballantine books scientific community creationism evolution consensus biologists observable reality theory legal challenges religious faith science compatibility intelligent design education pseudoscience natural selection biological processes empirical evidence scientific method peer review molecular biology fossil record scientific community overwhelmingly rejects Creationism 95% scientists accept evolution fraction not accepting biologists qualified life biological processes specialty consensus biology discipline thoroughly proven theories observable laws physics subatomic level constant theory 150 years fights political process court cases panel of scientists discredited cranks positive evidence claims scientists religious faith observable reality no reason to reject evolution contrary to religion fallacious claims political campaigns compatible observable reality belief true not science Robinson scientific community Creationism evolution consensus biologists theory observable reality religion education Intelligent Design court cases science faith compatibility political campaigns fallacies observable laws of physics subatomic level discredited scientists cross-examination positive evidence religious faith Stephen Gould Rocks of Ages Peter Irons Disaster in Dover Richard Lenski Evolution Fact and Theory B. Robinson Public Beliefs About Education and Creation scientific community rejects Creationism 95% scientists accept evolution biologists specialty consensus in biology evolution proven theory scientific community fights Creationism court cases support evolution discredited Creationism supporters scientists accept evolution and faith evolution not contrary to religion science and faith compatible Creationism not science scientific community rejects creationism 95% scientists accept evolution biologists consensus biology evolution proven theory physics subatomic political process court cases discredited cranks positive evidence scientists religious faith observable reality evolution contrary religion political campaigns fallacious science faith compatible observable reality belief not true not science public beliefs education fact theory intelligent design disaster dover trials tribulations rocks ages science religion fullness life scientific community rejects creationism 95% scientists accept evolution biologists consensus in biology evolution theory proven theories observable laws of physics constant theory political process court cases scientists support evolution discredited cranks positive evidence religious scientists observable reality evolution contrary to religion science and faith compatibility creationism not science Robinson Lenski Irons Gould scientific community creationism evolution consensus biologists laws of physics observable reality court cases religious faith science and religion observable evidence political campaigns intelligent design scientific theory debunking creationism compatibility of science and faith empirical evidence scientific process education policies scientific consensus rejection of pseudoscience scientific integrity scientific method peer review empirical research academic integrity scientific debate scientific facts scientific proof biological evolution evolutionary biology natural selection genetic drift mutation adaptation scientific inquiry scientific discovery scientific explanation scientific hypothesis scientific validation scientific testing scientific community rejects creationism 95% scientists accept evolution biologists qualified biology consensus thoroughly proven theory observable laws physics subatomic constant theory 150 years court cases panel scientists side evolution discredited cranks break down cross-examination positive evidence religious faith reject observable reality contrary religion fallacious compatible true science public beliefs education fact disaster dover trials tribulations intelligent design rocks ages fullness life
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con02a	Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy succession loyalty government army institutions death General Lansana Conte Guinea president National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior military officers coup Huma Yusuf Military coup Christian Science Monitor rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy succession loyalty government army institutions leader's death General Lansana Conte Guinea president National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior military officers coup political instability power vacuum military intervention constitutional crisis democratization governance political transitions state leadership health crises political opportunism rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government external threats internal threats public leader's health secrecy smooth succession loyalty government army vital institutions General Lansana Conte Guinea death power transfer National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior military officers coup quick announcement Huma Yusuf Military coup Guinea’s President The Christian Science Monitor rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy smooth succession loyalty government army institutions 2008 General Lansana Conte Guinea death power president National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior military officers coup Yusuf Huma Military coup death Guinea’s President Christian Science Monitor December rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability external threats internal threats public health secrecy smooth succession government loyalty army vital institutions 2008 General Lansana Conte Guinea president National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior military officers coup quick announcement Yusuf Huma Military coup Christian Science Monitor 23 December 2008 rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government response threats public health secrecy smooth succession leadership death general lansana conte guinea power national assembly aboubacar sompare election military coup junior officers quick announcement hema yusuf military coup guinea president christian science monitor 2008 rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy succession loyalty government army institutions General Lansana Conte Guinea death power National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior military officers coup Huma Yusuf Military coup Christian Science Monitor political instability leadership vacuum health secrecy government vulnerability external threats internal threats public disclosure smooth succession institutional loyalty military coup political transition Guinea 2008 coup Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare constitutional crisis junta takeover power transfer state apparatus strategic secrecy governance disruption authoritarian regimes political opportunism civil-military relations constitutional compliance democratic processes power dynamics political legitimacy coup prevention health and politics leadership resilience state stability governance challenges military intervention political succession health-related leadership issues public trust political leadership rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy smooth succession appointed successor loyalty government army institutions death General Lansana Conte Guinea power president National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior military officers coup quick announcement Huma Yusuf Military coup Christian Science Monitor December 2008 rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy smooth succession loyalty institutions death military coup Guinea General Lansana Conte National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior officers launch Huma Yusuf Christian Science Monitor
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro02a	Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. medical science death suicide euthanasia human evolution life expectancy quality of life quality of death cancer chemotherapy terminal illness moral good physical pain memory loss aging infection inflammation nutrition medical ethics end-of-life care palliative care quality of life terminal illness assisted dying moral philosophy bioethics human lifespan aging diseases longevity healthcare policy dignity in dying euthanasia debate Alzheimer's chronic pain terminal sedation advance directives patient autonomy life extension natural death death with dignity healthcare resource allocation dementia gerontology hospice care ethical dilemmas physician-assisted suicide chronic conditions incurable diseases mental health patient rights healthcare ethics aging population quality of death medical futility cognitive decline life Medical science death control suicide euthanasia human evolution life expectancy quality of life quality of death cancer chemotherapy terminal illness non-terminal conditions life-prolonging interventions moral good physical pain memory loss aging natural death Caleb E Finch human lifespan diseases of aging infection inflammation nutrition medical science control of death suicide euthanasia human evolution life expectancy quality of life cancer chemotherapy terminal illness non-terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss natural death aging Caleb E Finch human lifespan diseases of aging infection inflammation nutrition medical ethics end-of-life care quality of life palliative care assisted dying euthanasia suicide human evolution life expectancy chronic illness terminal illness chemotherapy pain management cognitive decline moral philosophy natural death intervention ethics aging process healthcare policy patient autonomy dignity in dying biogerontology disease of aging inflammation nutrition infectious diseases lifespan extension bioethics palliative medicine medical futility advanced directives hospice care physician-assisted suicide long-term care geriatrics health economics healthcare reform quality of death life-pro Medical science death control suicide euthanasia human evolution life extension quality of life quality of death cancer patients chemotherapy terminal conditions non-terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss natural death Caleb E Finch human lifespan diseases of aging infection inflammation nutrition medical science death suicide euthanasia human evolution life expectancy quality of life quality of death cancer chemotherapy terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss aging diseases of aging infection inflammation nutrition Medical science death control suicide euthanasia human evolution life extension quality of life cancer chemotherapy terminal illness non-terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss natural death Caleb E Finch human lifespan aging diseases infection inflammation nutrition medical science control death suicide euthanasia human evolution life expectancy quality of life quality of death cancer chemotherapy terminal illness non-terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss natural death aging infection inflammation nutrition medical science control death suicide euthanasia human evolution life expectancy quality of life terminal illness chemotherapy moral good physical pain memory loss natural death aging inflammation nutrition
test-international-miasimyhw-pro04a	Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. free labour market migration management informal migration regional framework Southern Africa bilateral ties health benefits HIV/AIDS border controls travel documents identity data collection policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access human rights South Africa formal approval equal rights free labour market migration management regional framework bilateral ties emigration process health benefits border controls HIV/AIDS travel documentation migration data policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access deportation fear human rights Southern Africa South Africa formal movement approval equal health rights free labour market migration management informal migration regional framework bilateral ties health benefits border controls HIV/AIDS data and information travel documentation policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care accessibility deportation formal approval human rights free labour market effective management of migration informal migration regional framework Southern Africa bilateral ties health benefits HIV/AIDS border controls data and information travel documentation migration monitoring policy construction undocumented migrants right to health care accessibility formal health treatment deportation harassment human rights trade efficiency evidence-based policies mobility rights regional cooperation migrant identity formal approval of movement sexual health truck drivers migration formalization Southern African migration health equity migrant rights bilateral agreements regional migration policies informal movement regulation migration data evidence-based migration management migration health impacts free labour market migration management informal migration regional framework bilateral ties health benefits border controls HIV/AIDS travel documentation migrant identity data collection policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access deportation fears formal health treatment human rights free labour market effective management of migration informal migration policies for free movement travel documents regional migration framework Southern Africa bilateral ties migration benefits health benefits border control efficiency HIV/AIDS truck drivers data and information migration monitoring policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care rights health accessibility migrant fears deportation harassment formal health treatment Human Rights Watch Lucas 2012 free labour market migration management informal migration regional framework Southern Africa bilateral ties emigration process health benefits HIV/AIDS border controls travel documentation migrant identity data monitoring policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access deportation fear migrant rights South Africa Human Rights Watch Lucas 2012 free labour market migration management informal migration regional migration framework Southern Africa migration policies travel documents emigration process health benefits HIV/AIDS border controls data and information migration monitoring policy construction origin and destination trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access migrant rights South Africa deportation harassment formal health treatment equal rights Human Rights Watch Lucas 2012 free labour market migration management informal migration regional framework Southern Africa bilateral ties health benefits HIV/AIDS border controls truck drivers travel documentation identity migration data policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care accessibility South Africa deportation human rights free labour market migration management regional framework bilateral ties health benefits border controls HIV/AIDS travel documentation migrant identity data collection policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access deportation fear human rights
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro04a	The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms lenient sentencing vulnerable communities resource-limited states developing nation conflicts recognized governments local law-making UN peacekeepers underfunded troops unmotivated troops poorly trained troops western peacekeepers neo-colonialism international standards enforcement capabilities expertise military participation survival strategy terrorizing populations reinforcing armies cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use legal norms defence mechanisms sentence mitigation vulnerable communities duress circumstances lenient sentences policy enforcement developing nations geographic influence local law-making international oversight UN troops western peacekeepers neo-colonialism war-time conduct survival strategy terrorise populations reinforce armies ICC expertise legal investigation cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction culturally constructed assumptions war dynamics aggressors defenders organised armies civilian protection conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts flawed assumptions cultural relativism child soldiers legal formulations systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms ICC prosecutors complete defences acquittal sentence mitigation law enforcement vulnerable communities duress lenient sentencing state policy developing nations recognised governments local law-making armed struggle international oversight combat supervision United Nations troops underfunded unmot cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction aggressors defenders organised armies civilian targeting conflict zones cultural relativism child soldiers systematic use pernicious deliberate uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms ICC prosecutors lenient sentence vulnerable communities duress circumstances recognised governments local law-making international community combat oversight United Nations troops underfunded unmotivated western peacekeepers neo-colonialism war-time conduct survival strategy terrorise populations reinforce armies cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction war assumptions conflict dynamics cultural relativism child soldiers legal defenses sentencing leniency developing nations conflict oversight UN peacekeeping neo-colonialism war-time conduct ICC expertise military participation survival strategy armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics aggressors and defenders organised armies civilian evacuation conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms ICC prosecutors legal enforcement vulnerable communities duress of circumstances lenient sentencing combat oversight recognised governments local law-making UN troops peacekeepers western nations neo-colonialism war-time conduct international assistance legal expertise child military participation survival strategy cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones civilians Africa central Asia cultural relativism child soldiers prosecution systematic use pernicious deliberate uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms legal enforcement vulnerable communities duress sentencing developing nations recognized governments local law-making international oversight United Nations troops peacekeepers western nations rules of engagement neo-colonialism war-time conduct enforcement assistance expertise ICC expertise military participation survival strategy cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones child soldiers cultural relativism systematic use pernicious conduct unstable legal norms vulnerable communities duress circumstances lenient sentencing developing nations government influence local law-making international oversight UN troops peacekeeping limitations western involvement neo-colonialism war-time conduct international assistance legal expertise survival strategy cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war assumptions conflict dynamics Africa central Asia cultural relativism child soldiers legal norms ICC prosecution systematic crimes pernicious crimes deliberate crimes uncertainty necessity unstable laws lenient sentencing vulnerable communities duress recognised governments local law-making UN troops peacekeepers western nations rules of engagement neo-colonialism war-time conduct international assistance expertise child military participation survival strategy terrorise populations reinforce armies cultural relativism ICC jurisdiction armed conflict child soldiers legal norms cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones civilian protection UN peacekeeping neo-colonialism military participation survival strategy legal accountability vulnerable communities international standards combat oversight peace enforcement humanitarian intervention legal distinctions
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con02a	A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked poor economic challenges dependence on Russia military aid foreign aid independence de facto independence economic viability GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties freight traffic budget revenue smallest states high poverty disintegration political instability international recognition separatism Georgia conflict war employment economic necessities autonomy economic assets infrastructure road access sea geographical constraints fiscal dependency political dependency regional dynamics international relations Eurasia Caucasian region political geography governance statehood South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked economically poor dependence on Russia military aid foreign aid economic necessities GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties freight traffic budget revenue smallest states poverty disintegration independence Moscow's influence international recognition separatism Georgia Tskhinvali Eurasia Caucasus economic viability statehood political dependency South Ossetia independence state viability economic challenges population size landlocked poverty military aid Russian support GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties Tskhinvali budget revenue separatist region international recognition Georgian conflict smallest states economic viability Eurasia political dependency disintegration risk South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked economically poor dependent on Russia military aid foreign aid economic necessities GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties budget revenue smallest states high poverty independence disintegration international recognition de facto independence separatist conflict Georgia Shaun Walker Vladimir Socor Daria Vaisman BBC News Eurasia Daily Monitor Open Democracy The Christian Science Monitor Tskhinvali 2006 budget freight traffic economic viability statehood autonomy poverty South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked economic dependency military aid Russia GDP poverty subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties budget revenue Tskhinvali independence disintegration separatist recognition Georgia Eurasia international relations conflict separatism economics political science nationalism statehood sovereignty foreign policy regional studies South Ossetia unviability statehood population landlocked poverty economic dependency Russia military aid foreign aid GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties Tskhinvali budget independence disintegration recognition international status separatism Georgia economic necessities employment war reconstruction ethnic conflict political stability international support de facto independence infrastructure economic isolation trade development autonomy territorial integrity ethnicity nationalism governance vulnerability security political economy Eurasia regional dynamics geopolitical sovereignty international law South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked poor economic dependency Russia military aid foreign aid de facto independence GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties budget Tskhinvali smallest states poverty independence disintegration separatism ethnic conflict Georgia international recognition international relations Eurasian politics economic viability autonomy self-sufficiency statehood regional stability political dependency economic sanctions trade routes unemployment resources scarcity geopolitical influence international law sovereignty territorial integrity conflict resolution peacekeeping South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked poor economic dependency Russia military aid foreign aid GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties budget revenue Tskhinvali smallest states high poverty disintegration independence referendum South Ossetia state viability economic dependency Russian support landlocked poverty small population GDP Roki Tunnel customs duties subsistence farming Tskhinvali budget separatist independence disintegration Eurasia Caucasian conflicts international recognition de facto independence Georgia war unemployment economic assets foreign aid political stability regional influence autonomy economic necessities international relations sovereignty statehood criteria demographic factors economic factors political factors security factors sustainability development challenges ethnic conflicts self-determination South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked economic viability Russian support GDP Roki Tunnel customs duties subsistence farming Tskhinvali budget revenue BBC News Eurasia Daily Monitor Open Democracy The Christian Science Monitor
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con01a	"For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" Britain single currency Euro jobs economic conditions Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join interest rates unemployment EU economic policy Exchange Rate Mechanism British economy economic history economic mistakes job destruction business bankruptcy unemployment rates economic propaganda British tabloid press Euroland economic comparison historical economic lessons staying out of Euro economic risks economic stability economic impact economic indicators economic growth economic forecast economic debate economic argument economic analysis economic research economic evidence economic data economic trends economic performance economic outlook economic strategy euro single currency britain join economic impact jobs unemployment eu economic conditions anthony browne the euro should britain join one size fits all interest rates british economy european tabloid press eu propaganda unemployment rates eurozone exchange rate mechanism 1992 historical mistakes business bankruptcies staying out euro economic stability financial policy european union economic independence currency sovereignty Britain single currency Euro jobs economy Anthony Browne interest rates unemployment EU economic conditions British economy one size fits all Eurozone Euroland British tabloid press propaganda history mistakes Exchange Rate Mechanism ERM businesses bankruptcy 1992 repetition staying out Britain single currency Euro jobs economic conditions Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join one size fits all interest rates British economy unemployment Euroland UK 2000 anti-EU propaganda British tabloid press Exchange Rate Mechanism 1992 businesses bankrupt unemployment doubled Britain single currency unthinkable job loss EU economic conditions Anthony Browne The Euro interest rates British economy one size fits all unemployment Euroland British tabloid press Evidence Euro launch history mistakes Exchange Rate Mechanism businesses bankrupt unemployment doubled repetition staying out Euro British economy single currency Euro jobs unemployment economic conditions interest rates one size fits all EU Eurozone Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join? Exchange Rate Mechanism British tabloid press economic history 1992 ERM crisis Euroland 2000 unemployment British jobs economic damage British economy protection Euro adoption risks UK economic policy currency independence economic stability economic lessons historical economic mistakes British economic resilience economic forecast economic debate British economic sovereignty monetary policy fiscal policy economic integration EU economic Britain single currency unthinkable jobs lost EU economic conditions Anthony Browne The Euro join British economy one size fits all interest rates destroy jobs anti-EU propaganda British tabloid press unemployment Euroland 2000 1999 historical mistakes Exchange Rate Mechanism businesses bankrupt unemployment doubled 1992 staying out Euro Britain single currency unthinkable jobs lost EU economic conditions threaten jobs Anthony Browne The Euro interest rates destroy jobs unemployment Euroland British economy one size fits all anti-EU propaganda British tabloid press evidence history mistakes Exchange Rate Mechanism businesses bankrupt unemployment doubled forced out 1992 repetition avoid staying out Euro Britain Euro single currency unemployment economic conditions Anthony Browne interest rates British economy job destruction EU propaganda British tabloids unemployment rates Euroland Exchange Rate Mechanism business bankruptcy historical mistakes avoiding repetition staying out economic impact Euroland unemployment British unemployment ERM crisis 1992 ERM exit economic policy currency union financial stability economic sovereignty Britain Euro single currency jobs unemployment EU economic conditions Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join interest rates British economy Exchange Rate Mechanism history mistakes bankruptcy unemployment rates Euroland 2000 British tabloid press anti-EU propaganda"
test-international-aglhrilhb-con02a	Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions truth healing incentives hide crimes lie true motivations full truth TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confessions prison sentences apologies reconciliation justice Susie Linfield Lyn Graybill Kimberly Lanegran prosecutions truth healing incentives hide crimes lie motivations offences prison TRC South Africa full record human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts confessions prison sentences reconciliation apologies justice Africa cases truth and reconciliation commission Prosecutions truth healing incentives hide crimes lie true motivations offences prison TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confess crimes prison sentences apologies reconciliation justice Linfield Graybill Lanegran genocide human rights legal systems truth commissions Prosecutions truth healing incentives to hide crimes true motivations TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confessions prison sentences apologies reconciliation Prosecutions real truth healing process incentives to hide crimes lie about motivations full truth TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confessions prison sentences apologies reconciliation Susie Linfield Truth and Reconciliation Commission Lyn Graybill Kimberly Lanegran Africa justice Prosecutions truth healing hiding crimes lying motivations TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confessions prison sentences apologies reconciliation Susie Linfield Lyn Graybill Kimberly Lanegran prosecutions real truth healing process hiding crimes lying true motivations offenses prison full record human rights abuses TRC South Africa Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confessing crimes reduced sentences apologies reconciliation truth justice Africa cases examples Linfield Graybill Lanegran prosecutions truth healing incentives hide crimes true motivations offences TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliation confessions prison sentences apologies justice Africa reconciliation cases truth vs. justice confessions incentives healing process truth and reconciliation commissions human rights genocides legal reforms transitional justice community healing criminal justice system truth-seeking legal incentives confession rewards apology significance restorative justice legal punishments Prosecutions efficacy truthrevealing justice system flaws legal confessions prison incentives rehabilitation Prosecutions Truth Healing Concealment Crimes Motivations Prison Truth and Reconciliation Commission TRC South Africa Human Rights Abuses Rwandan Gacaca Courts Confessions Reduced Sentences Apologies Reconciliation Justice Africa Lyn Graybill Kimberly Lanegran Susie Linfield prosecutions truth healing incentives hide crimes lie true motivations offences prison TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confessions prison sentences apologies reconciliation justice Linfield Graybill Lanegran
test-international-iwiaghbss-con02a	New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, island nations climate refugees forced migration territorial sovereignty colonization indigenous rights Holocaust survivors Palestinian displacement land purchase historical parallels state creation refugee resettlement national identity conflict resolution international law displaced peoples environmental migration cultural preservation political asylum new countries stateless populations island nations climate refugees statelessness forced migration sovereignty territorial disputes colonialism indigenous rights ethnic displacement historical land purchases Holocaust survivors Zionism Palestinian perspectives conflict resolution international law human rights environmental migration cultural preservation geopolitical changes refugees resettlement island nations abandon homeland relocation climate refugees sovereignty migration colonization conflict Israel Palestinians WWI Holocaust land purchase territorial disputes forced migration state creation displacement international law human rights environmental migration historical parallels political asylum refugee resettlement national identity cultural integration new countries island nations forced migration historical parallels Israel Palestinians land acquisition sovereignty conflict colonization Holocaust WWI land purchases National Review Online Daniel Pipes Island nations climate refugees statelessness sovereignty territorial disputes migration colonialism Israel Palestinian conflict WWII Holocaust land purchase historical parallels forced relocation new countries disaster displacement refugee crises international law human rights political asylum environmental migration state creation territorial acquisition ethnic conflict geopolitical tensions cultural assimilation self-determination international recognition island nations climate refugees forced migration new countries sovereignty conflicts Israel Palestinian territories post-disaster relocation land acquisition colonialism mass migration sovereignty homeland abandonment historical parallels territorial disputes WWI Holocaust land purchase Daniel Pipes National Review Online island nations forced migration new countries disaster refugees Israel Palestinians land acquisition sovereignty conflict colonialism Holocaust WWI migration history territorial disputes peaceful relocation state formation fleeing disaster island nations abandonment new countries Israel Holocaust Palestinians territory loss colonialism migration sovereignty conflict land acquisition historical parallels forced migration state formation ethnic displacement resettlement land purchase Jewish settlement disaster-induced migration climate refugee states forced relocation island nation sovereignty historical state formation refugee resettlement land acquisition colonial migration territorial disputes post-war resettlement Holocaust survivors Jewish migration Israeli-Palestinian conflict land purchase history national identity stateless peoples international law humanitarian intervention environmental refugees political asylum island nations climate refugees sovereignty territorial disputes Israel Palestine colonialism migration Holocaust land purchase national identity displacement conflict statehood self-determination environmental migration international law refugee rights human displacement climate change impacts geopolitical shifts historical precedents land acquisition migrant settlements political asylum territorial claims cultural preservation displaced communities
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con04a	Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, African nations capital punishment dangerous offenders poor prison conditions prison security inmate escapes Benghazi prison Libya corpse practical solution underfunded prisons deliberate policy prison escapes dangerous prisoners Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders African nations prison systems poor conditions poor security prisoner escapes Benghazi Libya New York Times Suliman Ali Zway protests inmate escape corpse practical solution underfunding deliberate policy Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders prison systems low quality underfunding poor conditions poor security prison escapes Benghazi Libya dangerous prisoners corpse Suliman Ali Zway New York Times 2013 African nations capital punishment dangerous offenders prison systems poor conditions poor security inmate escapes Benghazi Libya prison escape corpse cannot escape Suliman Ali Zway New York Times protests Libyan prison Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders practical solution prison systems low quality poor conditions poor security prisoner escape Benghazi Libya inmate escape dangerous prisoners corpse Suliman Ali Zway New York Times protests 2013 Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders practical solution low quality prison systems poor conditions poor security prisoners escape Benghazi Libya dangerous escape corpse Suliman Ali Zway New York Times 2013 Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders practical solution African nations low quality prison systems poor conditions poor security prisoner escape Benghazi Libya corpse escape prevention 2013 New York Times Suliman Ali Zway Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders practical solution African nations low quality prison systems poor conditions poor security prisoners escape Benghazi Libya corpse escape prevention prison escape risks inmate management security measures prison policy underfunding Suliman Ali Zway New York Times 2013 Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders prison systems low quality poor conditions poor security prisoner escape Benghazi Libya corpse Suliman Ali Zway New York Times 2013 Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders prison systems poor conditions poor security prisoner escapes Libyan prison Benghazi corpse policy underfunding
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con01a	Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses government running incapacitated long period President bed job William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Saviour of Europe Napoleonic Wars privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses government running incapacitation long period President working bed William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Saviour of Europe Napoleonic Wars Marjie Bloy Victorian Web privacy leaders states health AIDS HIV illnesses government citizens confidentiality public knowledge leadership illness disclosure political health governance William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars political leadership medical privacy public figures personal health state affairs leader's health political accountability public interest government function political illness health issues leadership privacy public health political ethics government secrecy personal privacy public trust health confidentiality political responsibility leadership integrity public disclosure health implications government transparency political secrecy health policy public welfare Denial of privacy leaders' privacy rights government leaders' health issues undisclosed illnesses leaders' personal life public's right to know privacy ethics political leaders' health confidentiality in leadership public scrutiny leadership and illness government transparency William Pitt the Younger プライバシーの拒否 リーダーのプライバシー 政府の透明性 公の知る権利 リーダーの健康問題 個人的な生活の非公開 リーダーシップと病気 政治家の健康 privacy leaders states citizens health illness AIDS HIV government incapacitation William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars confidentiality public interest leadership medical conditions political figures national security personal life public health governance transparency denial of privacy leaders states privacy rights citizen privacy health confidentiality political leaders medical conditions AIDS/HIV embarrassing illnesses government operations illness impact leadership capacity government functionality presidential health William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Napoleonic Wars historical leadership political ethics public right to know privacy vs transparency privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses government running incapacity people need William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars functioning job bed Saviour of Europe Victorian Web privacy leaders states health illnesses AIDS HIV government incapacitation William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars Saviour of Europe citizen confidentiality public interest leadership medical conditions privacy leaders states citizens health illness AIDS HIV government running incapacitation William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars Saviour of Europe Victorian Web privacy leaders states health illnesses AIDS/HIV government William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Napoleonic Wars incapacitation public disclosure citizen's right leader's health government functionality privacy rights political leaders health conditions public interest political ethics
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro02a	"Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders migrants abuse arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self-defense Amnesty International police torture extortion confession sexuality ethnic origin moral authority diplomatic snub neighboring states criticism action citizens shrug off 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices U.S. Department of State Ukraine Euro 2012 jeopardized criminal police force report Boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders migrants Roma xenophobic attacks self-defense Amnesty International police abuse torture diplomacy moral authority international criticism action citizen abuse boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders backsliding migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self defense Amnesty International police torture extortion confession sexuality ethnic origin moral authority diplomatic snub neighbouring states citizens criticism action Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor U.S. Department of State 2010 Country Reports Boycotting Euro 2012 Ukraine’s human rights European leaders human rights abuses migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma dark-skinned people xenophobic attacks self-defense Amnesty International police torture extortion confession sexuality ethnic origin moral authority diplomatic snub neighboring states citizen abuse criticism action Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor U.S. Department of State 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Euro 2012 host cities criminal police force Boycott Euro 2012 Human rights Ukraine European leaders Migrants Abusive treatment Arbitrary detention Roma Discrimination Xenophobic attacks Self defense Amnesty International Police abuse Torture Extortion Ethnic origin Diplomatic snub Moral authority State abuse Criticism Action boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self-defense Amnesty International police abuse torture extortion confession sexuality ethnic origin moral authority diplomatic snub state abuse citizens criticism action Boycotting Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders human rights abuses migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self-defense Amnesty International police abuse torture extortion sexuality ethnic origin moral authority diplomatic snub neighboring states criticism action citizens European states global issues Boycotting Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self defense Amnesty International police abuse torture extortion sexuality ethnic origin moral authority criticism diplomatic snub neighboring states citizens shrug off action 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices U.S. Department of State Euro 2012 host cities Ukraine police criminal police force human rights abuses European states backsliding on human rights European credibility international human rights Boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders migrants Roma skin color discrimination xenophobic attacks self defense Amnesty International police abuse torture extortion sexuality ethnic origin moral authority diplomatic protest state accountability citizen abuse international criticism action backing Boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders migrants Roma xenophobic attacks Amnesty International police abuse torture diplomacy moral authority international criticism human rights abuses ethnic discrimination societal discrimination self-defense governmental discrimination arbitrary detention European diplomacy human rights violations moral stance international responsibility sports and politics human rights advocacy European Union political action diplomatic consequences"
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro02a	Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Olympic impacts urban regeneration IOC criteria Olympic Villages stadia construction Barcelona 1992 coastal development tourist attraction low-cost housing London 2012 Crossrail infrastructure improvement international scrutiny Athens 2004 legacy planning transport development environmental enhancement deprived areas economic stimulus social housing urban planning major events city transformation public works legacy benefits community improvement sustainable development sports facilities public housing infrastructure projects city revitalization Olympic legacy urban renewal socioeconomic impact cultural development urban regeneration projects housing Olympic legacy urban redevelopment economic stimulation civic improvement infrastructure development housing projects transport enhancement environmental cleanup tourism boost community benefits Olympic Village utilization low-cost housing sustainable development international attention project completion incentives high-standard construction legacy planning Crossrail Athens 2004 Barcelona 1992 London 2012 Olympic legacy urban regeneration Olympic Village stadia construction low-cost housing Crossrail Barcelona Olympics Athens 2004 deprived areas tourist attraction infrastructure development international scrutiny London 2012 green spaces transport improvements lasting impact IOC bids port overhaul coastal development artificial beach waterside cultural area housing projects governmental initiatives Olympic Games impact city transformation economic stimulation social housing long-term benefits public transport urban planning legacy projects sports facilities community development environmental improvements Olympic bid advantages regional development Olympic impact assessment Olympic regeneration urban redevelopment IOC bids lasting impact Olympic Villages deprived areas Barcelona 1992 coastal transformation tourist attraction new housing low-cost housing infrastructure development Crossrail transport improvement international scrutiny Athens 2004 high-standard construction London 2012 Olympic legacy sustainable development community benefits economic stimulus public works long-term planning sports facilities environmental enhancement social housing urban planning regional growth tourism boost cultural development infrastructure projects municipal improvement revitalization efforts Olympic Games impact city transformation Hosting regeneration local areas IOC Olympic bids lasting impact Olympic Villages stadia deprived areas 1992 Barcelona Olympics port overhaul coast overhaul artificial beach waterside cultural area tourist attraction cleaning areas new stadia Olympic Villages new homes low-cost housing London 2012 projects Olympic deadline Crossrail underground rail system international scrutiny building program high standard Athens 2004 Olympic regeneration urban revival IOC bids lasting impact deprived areas Barcelona 1992 coastal transformation tourist attraction Olympic Villages new homes low-cost housing London 2012 Crossrail transport development international scrutiny high-standard construction Athens 2004 Olympic legacy infrastructure improvement community enhancement economic boost sustainable development public housing urban planning mega-events impact city transformation cultural development environmental improvement sports facilities host city benefits economic regeneration housing projects transportation projects green projects legacy planning urban renewal Olympic Olympic legacy urban regeneration IOC bids Olympic Villages stadia construction Barcelona Olympics coastal redevelopment tourist attractions low-cost housing Crossrail infrastructure development transport projects international scrutiny Athens 2004 high-standard construction London 2012 deprived areas green spaces government initiatives housing provision economic impact community improvement sports facilities cultural venues Olympic legacy urban regeneration hosting benefits IOC criteria lasting impact Olympic Villages stadia construction deprived areas Barcelona Olympics port overhaul coastal development artificial beaches cultural attractions tourist destinations new housing low-cost housing government initiatives transport improvements Crossrail project infrastructure development international scrutiny high standards Athens 2004 London 2012 comprehensive planning deadline-driven projects Hosting regeneration local areas IOC Olympic bids lasting impact Olympic Villages stadia deprived areas 1992 Barcelona Olympics port overhaul waterside cultural area tourist attraction cleaning up areas new stadia Olympic Villages low-cost housing London 2012 project completion Olympics Crossrail underground rail system international scrutiny building program high standard Athens 2004 legacy Wharf Hayes Olympic legacy urban development infrastructure improvement economic regeneration Olympic Village low-cost housing Crossrail public transportation tourism boost city revitalization IOC criteria bid evaluation social impact environmental enhancement community benefit long-term planning international scrutiny construction standards regional growth sustainable development
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro05a	Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs terrorism regional instability Taliban poppies opium heroin farmers protection money warlords Mexico drug war casualties South America drug lords government destabilization war on drugs profits peace development Colombia Afghanistan drug trafficking terrorism financing opium production heroin trade Taliban revenue farmer intimidation protection money Mexican drug war South American instability drug lord influence war on drugs terrorist profits peace and development drug-producing states Colombia Afghanistan cartel violence narcoterrorism organized crime illegal drug trade terrorism regional instability Taliban opium heroin farmers protection money warlords Mexico gangsters South America Brazil Colombia drug lords war on drugs Afghanistan peace development Drugs terrorism regional instability Taliban poppies opium heroin farmers protection money warlords Mexico drug-related deaths South America government destabilization drug lords war on drugs peace development Colombia Afghanistan Taliban opium heroin poppies protection money farmers Mexico drug war gangsters South America Brazil Colombia drug lords government instability war on drugs terrorism peace development Afghanistan drug-producing states revenue violence drug trafficking narcotics international security economic impact social issues law enforcement policy public health addiction treatment prevention trafficking routes cartels smuggling organized crime corruption judicial system international relations human rights social justice economic development poverty education healthcare infrastructure security military peacekeeping Taliban opium heroin poppies protection money farmers Mexico drug war South America Brazil Colombia drug lords government instability war on drugs terrorism revenue peace development Afghanistan terrorism regional instability Taliban revenue poppies opium heroin farmers protection money warlords robbery Mexico gangsters drug-related deaths South America Brazil Colombia government destabilization drug lords war on drugs peace development drug-producing states Afghanistan terrorism regional instability Taliban revenue poppies opium heroin farmers protection money warlords robbery deaths Mexico gangsters drug revenue South America Brazil Colombia government destabilization drug lords war on drugs unsuccessful peace development drug-producing states Colombia Afghanistan terrorism regional instability Taliban opium heroin poppies farmers protection money warlords drug trade Mexico gang violence drug lords South America Brazil Colombia war on drugs peace development Afghanistan Taliban opium heroin poppies protection money farmers Mexico drug war gangsters South America Brazil Colombia drug lords government destabilization war on drugs terrorism revenue peace development Afghanistan
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro02a	"Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. private property right to own independence survival labour consent theft tomato juice ocean wasteland cultivation harvest privatization comfort of life lease labour wage John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property Constitution Society private property right to property independence survival self-sufficiency labor consent theft provisos impact on others survival comfort wasteland cultivation privatization lease labor wage John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property property acquisition ethical considerations resource distribution economic theory political philosophy right private property independence survival labour consent theft acquisition proviso impact survival comfort wasteland cultivation privatisation better off leasing labour wage John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property Constitution Society private property right to own independence survival labour consent theft property acquisition ocean example waste land cultivation individual good collective benefit John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property property rights economic theory political philosophy ethical considerations resource distribution sustainability self-reliance natural rights ownership conditions impact assessment mutual benefit labour theory of value property entitlement provisos for property social contract moral justification property ethics property laws property disputes philosophical debate economic efficiency property distribution property ethics right to private property independence survival self-sufficiency labor consent theft provisos impact on others mutual benefit wasteland cultivation privatization opportunity skill leasing labor wages John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property private property right to own independence survival control labour consent theft acquisition provisos impact on others survival comfort wasteland cultivation privatisation better off leasing labour wage John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property Constitution Society private property right to own independence survival labour consent theft acquisition provisos impact on others comfort of life wasteland cultivation privatization opportunities leasing labour wages John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property Constitution Society private property right to own independence survival control labour consent theft ocean tomato juice provisos impact survival comfort wasteland cultivation privatization harvest opportunities skill lease labour wages John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property Constitution Society private property right to own independence survival labour consent theft provisos impact on others comfort of life wasteland cultivation privatization skill wage lease labour John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property Constitution Society private property right to own independence survival labour consent stealth provisos impact on others survival comfort wasteland cultivation privatisation individual good skill lease labour wage John Locke Robert Nozick property theory political philosophy ethics resource distribution justice 产权 自然权利 劳动成果 权利限制 财产权理论 政治哲学 道德 资源分配 正义"
test-politics-dhwem-con01a	PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs private military companies mercenaries conflict destabilisation security forces multinational companies government responsibility armed forces proliferation local governance private security instability job security economic influence Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilising long-term security forces multi-national companies government security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability interests job unstable work Wennmann 2008 PMCs mercenaries conflict destabilisation security forces multi-national companies government security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability job security Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilisation security forces multinational companies government pressure security guarantees armed forces proliferation private military companies stability job security Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilising security forces multi-national companies influence governments security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability interests unstable situation work Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilising long-term security forces invaders local governments multinational companies security guarantees influence money armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability interests unstable job Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilizing security forces multinational companies influence government security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private individuals stability instability job security Wennmann 2008 PMCs mercenaries conflict destabilisation security forces multinational companies influence government security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability interests job security Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilisation security forces multi-national companies security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private firms stability job security Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilising security forces multi-national companies security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability unstable situation job security Wennmann 2008
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con01a	Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. realistic barriers microfinance lack of infrastructure poor infrastructure poorest people inability to repay poverty structural constraints bad governance inadequate regulation political instability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector partnership tensions effectiveness long-term solution theoretical benefits lived reality barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty repayment poorest governance regulation political stability sustainability actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment repayment poorest governance regulation political stability sustainability long-term solution actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations effectiveness significant barriers lack of infrastructure poor infrastructure poorest people inability to repay structural constraints unsustainable long-term solution bad governance inadequate regulation political instability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector complicated effectiveness different objectives tensions realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment repayment poorest structural constraints governance regulation political instability actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations realistic barriers significant barriers microfinance infrastructure poor infrastructure poorest money buy invest repay loans poorest people location needs poverty structural constraints sustainability long-term solution bad governance inadequate regulation political instability theoretical benefits lived reality supply actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations effectiveness tensions realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty repayment poorest governance regulation political instability sustainability long-term solution actors NGOs communities state private sector effectiveness partnerships objectives motivations Realistic barriers significant barriers microfinance lack of infrastructure poor infrastructure poorest people money for survival tiny loans repayment issues identifying the poorest structural constraints bad governance inadequate regulation political instability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector complicated partnerships different objectives effectiveness issues realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure limitations poverty repayment challenges poorest populations structural constraints governance regulation political instability sustainability supply actors NGOs communities state private sector effectiveness partnership tensions objectives motivations realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty loan repayment poorest individuals structural constraints sustainability bad governance regulation political instability supply actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations effectiveness
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con03a	Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract international authority South Ossetia independence diplomatic recognition United Nations international community regional stability conflict Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression Nicaragua Abkhazia RIA Novosti Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract international authority South Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic relations international community regional stability Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression Nicaragua Abkhazia RIA Novosti Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract international authority South Ossetia independence diplomatic recognition United Nations international community self-determination regional stability conflict Russian support Russian interference secession statehood Nicaragua Abkhazia RIA Novosti Georgia territorial integrity sovereign right social contract international authority South Ossetia independence diplomatic recognition United Nations international community regional instability Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression Georgia territorial integrity sovereign right social contract action international authority South Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic relations international system regional instability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression RIA Novosti Nicaragua Abkhazia Georgia territorial integrity sovereign right social contract international authority S. Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic relations international system regional instability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression Georgia territorial integrity sovereign right social contract international authority South Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic relations regional instability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression Nicaragua Abkhazia Georgia territorial integrity sovereign right social contract international authority S. Ossetia independence diplomatic recognition United Nations international community self-determination regional stability conflict Russian support Russian interference Russian aggression secession international law state sovereignty diplomatic relations international support United Nations member states territorial disputes international relations conflict resolution peacekeeping state recognition secessionist movements regional politics international norms legal framework geopolitical tensions diplomatic diplomacy international consensus minority rights human rights autonomy self-governance international justice global politics foreign policy Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract international authority South Ossetia independence diplomatic recognition United Nations international community regional stability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression Nicaragua Abkhazia RIA Novosti Georgia territorial integrity South Ossetia sovereignty self-determination international recognition Russian interference diplomatic relations United Nations state independence regional stability conflict international law separatism diplomatic support Nicaragua Abkhazia RIA Novosti
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro03a	Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collection data selling company security sophisticated security systems hackers miscreants personal data exploitation identity theft information age data protection security designers invaders hacking negligence exposed records breach costs individual identity theft firm security perception market punishment data opt-in data dissemination cyberspace safety FTC Risk Based Security OECD Acquisti economic privacy personal data economics data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collection data security server security hackers miscreants identity theft information age data protection data breaches increase exposed records hacking negligence breach costs individual costs firm costs market punishment data dissemination cybersecurity privacy FTC Risk Based Security OECD economics of privacy personal data economics data breaches personal data security systems hackers identity theft information age data protection exposed records hacking negligence breach costs individual identity market punishment data dissemination privacy online fair information practices FTC risk based security Acquisti OECD economics of privacy data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collected data sold companies data safety sophisticated security hackers miscreants personal data exploitation identity theft information age data protection invaders breach increase exposed records hacking negligence breach costs individual costs firm costs market punishment data opt-in data security cyberspace risk data dissemination privacy online fair information practices electronic marketplace FTC report risk based security exposed records report reported data breaches economics of personal data economics of privacy OECD data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands sophisticated security hackers identity theft Information Age data protection hacking negligence exposed records costs identity theft market punishment opt-in data safety cyberspace FTC Risk Based Security Acquisti OECD personal data economics data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands sophisticated security hackers identity theft information age exposed records hacking negligence breach costs individual identity firm reputation market punishment data dissemination cyberspace safety opt-in data security FTC Risk Based Security OECD Acquisti privacy economics data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data security sophisticated security systems hackers miscreants identity theft information age data protection hacking negligence exposed records costs individuals identity firms market punishment opt-in data dissemination cyberspace privacy fair information practices economics of personal data economics of privacy FTC Risk Based Security OECD data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collection data security servers sophisticated security systems hackers miscreants identity theft information age data protection invaders exposed records hacking negligence breach costs identity theft costs firm reputation market punishment opt-in data dissemination cyberspace safety privacy online fair information practices electronic marketplace FTC Acquisti economics of personal data economics of privacy OECD data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands sophisticated security hackers identity theft information age data protection exposed records hacking negligence breach costs individual identities firm safety market punishment opt-in data dissemination cyberspace safety FTC Risk Based Security OECD Acquisti economic data privacy economics information practices electronic marketplace privacy online secure servers information security cyber threats data exploitation consumer trust firm reputation privacy risks data security personal information online privacy economic impact data loss data safety cybersecurity data collection data data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collected data sold companies server security sophisticated security systems hackers miscreants exploit personal data unsuspecting customers identity theft information age annual increase arms race data protection designers invaders exposed records hacking negligence breach costs individuals firms market punishment opt-in data security cyberspace information safety FTC privacy online fair information practices Risk Based Security reported data breaches Acquisti economics of personal data OECD
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro04a	Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions hard-working Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash curtailed environmental regulations EPA stalled economy government scapegoating deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash economic meltdown banking sector financial sectors Republican environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions hard-working Americans Congressional Republican 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA stalled economy government scapegoat deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling home values pensions Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economic stagnation government scapegoating deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions ordinary Americans 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA stalled economy government scapegoating Deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions Congressional Republicans 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economy government scapegoating deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom corporate America gambling homes pensions hard-working Americans Congressional Republican 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economy government scapegoat deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican obsession environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions hard-working Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA stalled economy government scapegoating deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom corporate America gambling homes pensions ordinary Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economic stagnation government scapegoating deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions hard-working Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economy government scapegoat deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policy environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions hard-working Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA stalled economy government scapegoating
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro02a	Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. community radio low production costs accessibility information exchange shared technology internet access costs radio station setup government licenses radio engineering NGO support BBC World Service Prometheus Radio Project John Plunkett Guardian Wikipedia radio production costs community radio benefits information exchange radio accessibility internet access costs shared technology low-budget media government licensing radio engineering NGO support community media sustainability Prometheus Radio Project BBC World Service media development organizations community radio low cost accessibility information exchange inexpensive production shared equipment internet access costs radio station setup government licenses radio engineering NGO support BBC World Service Prometheus Radio Project John Plunkett rare success story media technology broadcast media community media affordable communication radio broadcasting low budget media public radio non-profit radio grassroots media local broadcasting media development affordable technology radio waves media freedom shared devices media outreach community engagement media sustainability audio broadcasting cost-effective communication radio programming media infrastructure community information radio listeners media impact community radio radio production costs accessibility of radio information exchange low-cost broadcasting internet access costs comparative media costs radio station startup costs government licenses NGO support BBC World Service Prometheus Radio Project media technology affordability shared media devices radio engineering knowledge radio cheap accessible community radio ideas audience information exchange low budget equipment cost shared internet expensive devices radio station startup cost monthly expenses government licenses radio engineering BBC World Service NGOs Prometheus Radio Project John Plunkett The Guardian Wikipedia community radio success radio production community radio information exchange radio accessibility internet access costs shared technology radio station setup government licenses radio engineering NGO support community media low-budget broadcasting audience engagement media diversity community radio accessibility cost-effective information exchange audience engagement low-budget radio engineering non-profit organizations BBC World Service NGOs Prometheus Radio Project radio station startup costs shared technology internet access costs government licenses radio waves equipment affordability Western prices community involvement media democratization community radio low cost accessibility information exchange shared technology internet vs radio startup costs government licenses NGO support radio engineering Prometheus Radio Project BBC World Service community radio accessibility affordability information exchange shared technology internet access costs radio station startup costs government licenses radio engineering partner organizations BBC World Service NGOs Prometheus Radio Project media studies communication technology community radio radio production accessibility cost-effectiveness information exchange audience engagement internet access device costs shared technology radio engineering government licenses non-profit organizations NGO support BBC World Service Prometheus Radio Project Plunkett John The Guardian Wikipedia
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con02a	We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. judgment life value moral decision unpredictability human potential ethics consequences ignorance action outcomes pain suffering moral responsibility future impact decision-making uncertainty moral calculations human worth potential outcomes ethical dilemmas judgment life value moral uncertainty human potential unpredictability ethical dilemma consequences future impact ignorance decision-making pain suffering moral responsibility life outcomes ethics morality human worth potential contribution harm mistake action consequences knowledge limits judgment life value impossibility future actions serial killer life-saving doctor calculation limited knowledge ignorance right action potential consequences pain suffering moral philosophy ethical decision-making value of life potential future actions unpredictability of human behavior judgment in ethics moral uncertainty consequences of actions ethical dilemmas moral ignorance potential for good or evil decision-making under uncertainty unintended consequences moral responsibility judgment life value unpredictability human potential serial killer life-saving doctor moral presumption knowledge limitations ignorance ethical uncertainty consequences pain suffering moral dilemmas ethical judgments life value unknown outcomes unpredictability moral ignorance potential consequences human potential life choices moral responsibility decision-making ethics righteous action moral uncertainty potential harm future suffering moral absolutes ethical relativism moral philosophy human worth life paths moral mistakes ethical scenarios moral ambiguity human actions moral calculations life consequences ethical decisions moral presumptions judgment life value unpredictability future outcomes serial killer life-saving doctor moral ignorance scenario calculation presumptuous knowledge ethical uncertainty action consequences pain suffering judgment life value moral dilemma ethical decision-making unpredictability human potential ignorance consequence action inaction pain suffering future impact decision consequences moral relativism ethical uncertainty life outcomes potential harm knowledge limitations decision-making ethics moral ignorance judgments life value unpredictability human potential moral calculus ignorance unintended consequences ethical dilemmas decision-making future impact judgments life value unpredictability human potential serial killer life-saving doctor moral ignorance ethical calculation future consequences pain suffering moral dilemmas decision-making uncertainty
test-international-iighbopcc-con03a	A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, informal agreement US congress climate agreement Barack Obama Republican Congress climate change Senate approval treaty legally binding Kyoto Secretary of State Kerry Paris climate change conference legal question Steven Mufson Karoun Demirjian Washington Post informal agreement US congress climate agreement Barack Obama Republican dominated Congress climate change scepticism Senate approval legally binding Kyoto protocol President's power existing law Paris climate conference legal question treaty reduction targets climate agreement US congress Barack Obama Republican Senate treaty legally binding Kyoto Paris climate change conference President Secretary of State Kerry climate change legacy existing law implementation legal question hurdles informal agreement reduction targets block sceptical approval confirmation power executive authority international agreements environmental policy US politics legislative process diplomatic strategy global warming environmental protection government regulation political opposition congressional review presidential authority environmental treaties international law US foreign policy global climate negotiations Senate ratification congressional approval legal framework executive action climate informal agreement US congress climate change President Obama Republican Congress climate agreement Senate approval treaty legally binding Kyoto Paris climate change conference Secretary of State Kerry existing law legal question Washington Post climate agreement US Congress Barack Obama Republican Congress climate change Senate approval Paris climate conference non-binding targets Kyoto Protocol legal framework President's power existing law Trick or treaty Washington Post Steven Mufson Karoun Demirjian informal agreement US congress climate agreement President Barack Obama Republican Congress climate change Senate approval treaty legally binding Secretary of State Kerry Paris climate change conference existing law legal question Trick or treaty informal agreement US Congress climate agreement President Barack Obama Republican Congress climate change skepticism treaty approval Senate confirmation non-binding targets Kyoto Protocol existing law implementation Paris climate conference legal framework international climate policy US environmental policy informal agreement US Congress climate agreement President Barack Obama Republican Congress climate change Senate approval Secretary of State Kerry legally binding Kyoto existing law Paris climate change conference informal agreement US Congress climate agreement President Obama Republican Congress climate change Senate approval Secretary of State Kerry not a treaty legally binding Kyoto Protocol existing law Paris climate change conference Washington Post informal agreement US congress climate agreement Barack Obama Republican congress climate change legacy Senate approval treaty legally binding Kyoto Paris climate change conference President's power existing law legal question international climate policy environmental legislation political hurdles executive authority climate negotiations
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con02a	Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry light in dark places dogmatic adherence academic dishonesty intellectual facilitation evolution proven fact cornerstone biology schools pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information outdated beliefs valuable education democratic process informed decisions critical thinking political process curriculum teachers experts scientifically illiterate political body children suffer education quality creationism objective Linus Pauling No More War education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry academic honesty intellectual integrity evolution biology creationism children's rights informed decisions critical thinking political interference curriculum scientific literacy democratic process Linus Pauling No More War education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry academic dishonesty intellectual honesty evolution biology pseudoscience children's rights informed decisions democracy critical thinking curriculum political interference scientific literacy teaching quality creationism education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry search for truth academically dishonest intellectually facile evolution proven fact cornerstone of biology pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information outdated beliefs valuable education democratic process informed decisions critical thinking political process curriculum scientifically illiterate quality of education education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry academic dishonesty intellectual honesty evolution biology pseudoscience children's rights informed decisions democracy critical thinking curriculum political process scientific literacy Creationism Linus Pauling education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry evidence academically dishonest intellectually facile evolution proven fact cornerstone of biology pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information outdated beliefs valuable education democratic process informed decisions objective critical thinking curriculum scientifically illiterate political body quality of education education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry light in dark places academically dishonest intellectually facile evolution cornerstone of biology pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information outdated beliefs democratic process informed decisions critical thinking curriculum scientifically illiterate political process quality of education education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry search for truth dogmatic adherence beliefs evidence academically dishonest intellectually facile evolution proven fact cornerstone of biology schools pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information valuable education democratic process informed decisions critical thinking political process curriculum teachers experts scientifically illiterate political body quality of education children decrease in education quality education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry academic dishonesty intellectual facilitation evolution biology pseudoscience religious beliefs children's rights democratic process informed decisions critical thinking political process curriculum scientific literacy quality education education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry academically dishonest intellectually facile evolution biology pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights democracy informed decisions critical thinking curriculum scientifically illiterate political process educational quality
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro01a	Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism conflict adaptation intercultural justice politics governance child soldiers western protectionism violence societal practices survival community safety military induction necessity rebel armies child recruitment South Sudan parental death extended family dispersion vulnerable communities inviolate childhood cultural construct western liberal democracies privation law enforcement domestic legislation democratic norms criminalization cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance western legislation cultural practices societal adaptation military induction conflict survival community vulnerability South Sudan rebel army recruitment parental loss extended family dispersal inviolate childhood western construct privation democratic norms legal enforcement vulnerable communities children's protection criminalization Raised by War Christine Emily Ryan University of London 2009 Cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western perspectives international legislation supranational governance child protection violence societal change military induction necessity safety conflict zones South Sudan rebel armies parental death extended families democratic norms vulnerable communities legal enforcement cultural constructs privation war impact childhood western democracies law enforcement child rights cultural practices traditional methods societal adaptation survival strategies children's roles post-conflict societies legal Trump criminalisation protection laws intercultural conflict societal norms human rights legal challenges Cultural relativism intercultural justice politics governance child soldiers western protection violence cultural practices survival societal change military induction necessity physical safety conflict vulnerability armed children South Sudan rebel army parental death extended family dispersion inviolate childhood cultural construct privation western liberal democracies democratic norms criminalisation protection law domestic legislation Cultural relativism conflict intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation child protection violence cultural practices societal adaptation military induction child soldiers South Sudan rebel army parental loss extended families vulnerable communities democratic norms legal enforcement cultural constructs western liberalism conflict-affected societies privation law enforcement domestic legislation child criminalisation Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice western constructs military induction conflict zones survival methods societal adaptation South Sudan rebel armies childhood protection democratic norms legal enforcement vulnerable communities Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance western protection violence cultural practices survival societal change military induction physical safety conflict vulnerability rebel army South Sudan inviolate childhood western construct privation democratic norms criminalisation protection laws domestic legislation war-affected societies Christine Emily Ryan Southern Sudanese Second Civil War Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation western values protection from violence cultural practices societal change military induction physical safety conflict zones South Sudan rebel army vulnerable communities democratic norms criminalisation of children Raised by War Christine Emily Ryan University of London PhD Thesis Southern Sudanese Second Civil War cultural relativism intercultural justice politics governance child soldiers western perspectives international legislation supranational legislation violence cultural practices historical traditions societal survival conflict military organisations community vulnerability armed conflict South Sudan rebel army childhood western liberal democracies democratic norms vulnerable communities legal enforcement domestic legislation children's protection violent exploitation safety independence war societal distortion privation constructive dialogue cultural understanding human rights international law child recruitment protection mechanisms conflict resolution social norms cultural adaptation intercultural dialogue policy-making cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western perspectives supranational legislation societal adaptation survival methods conflict zones South Sudan rebel armies parental displacement vulnerable communities democratic norms legal enforcement cultural constructs childhood protection international governance military induction social norms intercultural politics
test-international-miasimyhw-pro05a	The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. human rights mobility African migration women's empowerment youth migration Mourides Senegal Tanzania social networks economic opportunities political participation identity formation human rights passage rural-urban migration informal trading cultural integration youth development adult transition interconnected rights national spaces obstacles removal right to move social empowerment economic empowerment political empowerment human identity mobility rights freedom to move human rights mobility national spaces Africa obstacles interconnected rights women's empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage exploring opportunities identity Mourides of Senegal informal trading Brotherhood social networks rural areas cultural education Tanzania youth migration proving oneself transition to adulthood human identity empowerment freedom mobility human rights national spaces Africa obstacles interconnected rights women empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage opportunities identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood rural areas social networks Mouride culture Tanzania transition adulthood human identity empowerment freedom to move human right mobility national spaces Africa obstacles removal interconnected rights women's empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage exploring opportunities identity formation Mourides of Senegal informal trading Brotherhood social networks cultural education Tanzania youth migration proving oneself transition to adulthood human identity human rights empowerment freedom mobility human rights national spaces Africa obstacles interconnected rights women empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage opportunities identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood social networks rural areas Tanzania youth priorities transition into adulthood human identity empowerment freedom of movement human rights mobility rights national borders African mobility obstacles to movement interconnected rights women's empowerment political rights social rights economic rights youth migration right of passage opportunity exploration identity formation Mourides of Senegal informal trading networks Brotherhood rural to urban migration social integration cultural education youth transition adulthood human identity empowerment through migration freedom mobility human rights national spaces Africa obstacles women empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage opportunities identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood social networks cultural education Tanzania youth priorities self-proving adulthood transition human identity empowerment freedom mobility human rights national spaces Africa obstacles interconnected rights women empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage opportunities identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood social networks cultural education Tanzania youth migration proving oneself adulthood human identity empowerment freedom of movement human rights mobility rights national boundaries African mobility women's empowerment political rights social rights economic rights youth migration right of passage identity exploration Mourides of Senegal informal trading networks Brotherhood rural migration social integration cultural education youth opportunities migration research Tanzania transition to adulthood human identity empowerment freedom mobility human rights national spaces Africa obstacles women empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood rural areas social networks Mouride culture Tanzania transition adulthood human identity
test-education-usuprmhbu-con02a	Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. affirmative action workplace inequality minority resentment merit assumption workplace discrimination policy effects minority representation workplace dynamics diversity hiring affirmative action impact minority perception workplace meritocracy negative workplace environment minority hiring affirmative action controversy workplace equality minority achievement affirmative action consequences workplace prejudice minority workplace challenges affirmative action workplace diversity minority representation workplace inequality employment discrimination meritocracy workplace perceptions minority hiring affirmative action impact workplace resentment workplace assumptions minority qualifications workplace equality affirmative action criticisms workplace dynamics minority inclusion workplace merit affirmative action effects minority workplace experience workplace stereotypes affirmative action workplace inequality minority discrimination merit perception workplace resentment policy impact minority representation workplace dynamics affirmative action consequences equality erosion workplace assumptions minority competence hiring practices workplace fairness affirmative action criticism minority group challenges workplace meritocracy affirmative action effects racial stereotypes workplace inclusivity affirmative action negative workplace minority groups perceived inferiority workplace resentment merit assumption inequality perpetuation policy backlash hiring practices workplace dynamics institutional bias cultural assumptions professional equality diversity policies social justice employment discrimination meritocracy debate workplace inclusion policy impact minority representation affirmative action workplace inequality minority discrimination workplace resentment perceived inferiority meritocracy workplace diversity policy impact employment discrimination social inequality affirmative action workplace inequality minority resentment perceived unfairness merit assumption workplace perception minority achievement policy impact workplace dynamics inequality perpetuation affirmative action workplace inequality minority resentment perceived inferiority work merit policy impact workplace dynamics minority representation employment equity social perception workplace discrimination merit-based hiring affirmative action criticism workplace culture minority hiring practices affirmative action workplace inequality minority resentment merit assumption workplace perception minority qualifications workplace resentment policy impact workplace dynamics minority representation inequality reinforcement affirmative action consequences workplace diversity minority integration merit-based hiring affirmative action criticism workplace environment minority achievement policy criticism workplace prejudice affirmative action workplace inequality minority hiring workplace resentment merit-based hiring affirmative action policy workplace diversity minority representation workplace assumptions minority qualifications workplace perception equal opportunity workplace discrimination policy impact social inequality workforce integration employment equity minority achievement workplace meritocracy affirmative action consequences affirmative action workplace inequality minority employment workplace perception merit-based hiring workplace resentment minority qualifications policy impact workplace diversity inequality reinforcement
test-international-ghwcitca-con03a	Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, cyber-attacks warfare regulation lethal non-lethal effectiveness Stuxnet Shamoon destruction property conventions Geneva Conventions ethics impact Iran Saudi Arabia ARAMCO US intelligence Israeli intelligence control systems gas centrifuges computers machines sabotage cyber-attacks warfare regulation death devastation effectiveness Stuxnet Iranian nuclear program Shamoon ARAMCO property destruction Geneva Conventions military ethics cyber warfare international law cyber security military strategy cyber防御 伊朗核计划 沙特国家石油公司 网络安全 国际法 军事伦理 网络战 军事战略 网络攻击 战争法规 网络武器 效果 破坏 规制 死亡 cyber-attacks warfare regulation Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO fatalities property destruction effectiveness international law Geneva Conventions cybersecurity military ethics cyber warfare cyber defense Iran US Israel centrifuges Riyadh Jim Garamone Ivanka Barzashka RUSI Journal American Forces Press Service defense department cyber conventions cyber security policy cyber weapons cyber espionage cyber sabotage cyber resilience cyber strategy cyber governance cyber norms cyber regulations cyber impact assessment cyber deterrence cyber conflict cyber threat analysis cyber incident cyber-attacks warfare regulation Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO Iranian nuclear program military ethics Geneva conventions cyber warfare effectiveness computer worms cyber defense US intelligence Israeli intelligence cyber security property destruction non-lethal attacks international law cyber weapon impact digital sabotage electronic warfare online threats national security cyber policies digital warfare regulations cyber-attacks warfare regulation Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO Iranian nuclear program US intelligence Israeli intelligence Geneva conventions effectiveness destruction of property casualties moral implications international law cyber security digital warfare non-lethal attacks cyber defense military ethics regulating cyber warfare cyber-attacks warfare regulation Stuxnet Shamoon effectiveness casualties property destruction international law Geneva conventions cyber-attacks warfare regulation lethal effects Stuxnet Shamoon Iranian nuclear program ARAMCO destruction of property effectiveness Geneva conventions military ethics cybersecurity international law conflict cyber warfare digital weapons intelligence operations cyber defense United States Israel Saudi Arabia cyber-attacks warfare regulation fatalities effectiveness Stuxnet Shamoon Iranian nuclear program ARAMCO computer worm destruction of property Geneva conventions military ethics cybersecurity national security digital warfare intelligence operations cyber defenses international law ethics in warfare cyber weapon efficacy cyber conflict cyber sabotage computer security malware cyber terrorism information warfare cyber crime cyber espionage cyber defense strategies digital disruption cyber attack impact cyber policy cyber-attacks warfare regulation effectiveness Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO destruction property deaths conventions Geneva Conventions military ethics international law cybersecurity impact Iranian nuclear program US intelligence Israeli intelligence cyber defense DOD roles Jim Garamone Ivanka Barzashka RUSI Journal American Forces Press Service cyber-attacks warfare regulation Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO Iranian nuclear program US intelligence Israeli intelligence Geneva conventions death toll property destruction effectiveness cyber defense military regulation ethical warfare international law cyber security digital warfare military ethics
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con04a	"Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. verification arms agreements trust monitoring commitments START New START telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles treaty compliance Russia United States arms control missile performance inspection bias elimination standards Verification arms control trust monitoring commitments robustness START treaty New START telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles flaws Heritage Foundation Baker Spring verification arms control trust monitoring commitments New START START treaty telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles Baker Spring Heritage Foundation verification arms agreements trust monitoring mechanisms commitment verification system START treaty New START telemetry inspections ICBMs submarine-launched ballistic missiles SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles compliance flaws Heritage Foundation Verification Arms control START treaty New START Trust Monitoring Commitments Telemetry Inspections Warheads ICBMs SLBMs Mobile ICBMs Delivery vehicles Treaty compliance Heritage Foundation Baker Spring Arms reduction International agreements Verification mechanisms Strategic arms reduction Treaty flaws Inspection bias Verification standards Problems with Verification Verification in Arms Agreements Trust in Nuclear Treaties Comprehensive Verification Mechanisms Faith in Agreement Bypassing Treaties START Verification Regime New START Verification Telemetry Requirements Inspection Effectiveness Verifying Deployed Warheads Mobile ICBMs Verification Standards Delivery Vehicle Elimination Baker Spring Heritage Foundation Twelve Flaws of New START Treaty Compliance Nuclear Arms Control Verification Shortcomings Treaty Monitoring Verification arms agreements trust monitoring commitments START New START telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles treaty compliance Russia missile performance electronic transmissions verification mechanisms Heritage Foundation Baker Spring flaws New START verification robustness treaty enforcement arms control security assurances international treaties compliance verification strategic stability nuclear disarmament bilateral agreements military transparency inspection bias verification standards elimination verification treaty adherence strategic arms ballistic missiles nuclear weapons defense policy international security diplomatic trust verification systems Verification arms control trust monitoring commitments New START START treaty telemetry inspections deployed warheads ICBMs submarine-launched ballistic missiles mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles Heritage Foundation Baker Spring Verification Arms control Trust START treaty New START Telemetry Inspections Warhead verification ICBMs SLBMs Mobile ICBMs Delivery vehicle elimination Treaty compliance Heritage Foundation Baker Spring verification trust arms control START treaty New START telemetry inspections warhead verification ICBMs SLBMs delivery vehicle elimination Baker Spring Heritage Foundation"
test-international-aglhrilhb-con03a	Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, fear prosecutions leaders damage continue fight disrupting country move prosecution Pol Pot armies regime overthrown killing amnesty country heal death Joseph Kony plague Uganda bush surrender ICC refuse indemnity crimes fear prosecutions leaders damage fighting country move on prosecution Pol Pot armies regime overthrown killing amnesty Joseph Kony Uganda bush land surrender ICC indemnity crimes BBC news Africa LRA leader CAR surrender talks Fear prosecutions leaders damage fighting country move on prosecution Pol Pot armies regime overthrown killing amnesty Joseph Kony Uganda bush land surrender ICC indemnity crimes BBC news Africa LRA leader CAR surrender talks fear of prosecution leaders continue fighting country healing post-conflict amnesty Joseph Kony LRA Uganda Pol Pot Cambodian civil war ICC international criminal court conflict resolution post-conflict justice surrender talks amnesty debates war crimes human rights violations peace negotiations leaders' reluctance to surrender continued violence post-conflict recovery impunity discussions political leaders civil wars African conflicts rebel leaders peace process judicial pressures conflict termination peacebuilding transitional justice warlord behavior prosecutions vs peace peace vs justice conflict dynamics post-conflict scenarios leaders prosecutions fear damage fighting country move on Pol Pot armies regime overthrow kill amnesty heal Joseph Kony Uganda bush land surrender ICC crimes LRA CAR news Africa agreement conflict resolution international law human rights justice peace negotiations war crimes atrocities political leaders amnesty programs post-conflict reconciliation rebuilding transitional justice impunity accountability victims perpetrators international criminal court surrender terms rebel groups armed conflict ceasefires peace talks human security governance state stability fear of prosecution leaders continue fighting disrupt country healing Pol Pot rebuild armies Joseph Kony ICC amnesty surrender talks Uganda war crimes indemnity LRA CAR continued conflict post-conflict resolution peace negotiations international justice political amnesty prosecute or pardon fear of prosecution leaders continued fighting country recovery disruption Pol Pot Khmer Rouge Joseph Kony LRA Uganda amnesty ICC surrender indemnity crimes healing death toll regime overthrow bush land LRA leader surrender talks Central African Republic fear of prosecution leaders continued fighting country healing amnesty Pol Pot Joseph Kony LRA ICC Uganda indemnity surrender talks disruption regime overthrow post-conflict justice peace war crimes amnesty debates humanitarian concerns political repercussions international law conflict resolution reconciliation transitional justice prosecution deterrent leadership accountability leaders prosecutions damage fighting country move on fear prosecution Pol Pot armies regime overthrow killing amnesty heal Joseph Kony Uganda bush land surrender ICC indemnity crimes BBC news Africa LRA leader surrender talks CAR amnesty prosecutions leaders fighting country healing Pol Pot Joseph Kony ICC LRA Uganda surrender talks indemnity crimes disruption move on fear regime overthrow armies bush land death toll
test-international-iwiaghbss-con03a	Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 sovereignty territory government in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government allies migrants citizenship Samoans population control state sovereignty without territory international recognition invasions Germany Japan sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government allies state recognition sovereignty without territory population migration citizenship Samoans international recognition state control migrant citizenship government legitimacy territorial sovereignty non-territorial governance exiled administrations sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government migrants citizenship Samoans population state control exclusive sovereign control wars revolutions Germany Japan state recognition populated territory sovereignty maintenance sovereignty governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government sovereign control territory population citizenship migrants Samoans exclusive control states invasions Germany Japan allies recognition territorial control sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government allies sovereign government recognition population citizenship migrants Samoans territory control state recognition Jose Ricardo T. Yu 2013 McAdam 2010 sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government sovereign control population migrants citizenship Samoans Ricardo Jose University of the Philippines Yu 2013 McAdam 2010 sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government sovereign control population citizenship migrants Samoans state recognition exclusive control sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government allies population citizenship migrants Samoans exclusive sovereign control state recognition invasions Germany Japan control over territory state sovereignty territorial sovereignty international recognition sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government allies state recognition populated territory migrants citizenship Samoans Ricardo Jose University of the Philippines Yu 2013 McAdam 2010 sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government sovereign government population citizenship migrants Samoans territories control states exclusive control invasions Germany Japan allies international recognition statehood sovereignty without territory
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con03a	Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 capital punishment Africa small issue human rights China secretive executions Western human rights groups good governance political rights socio-economic rights serious criminal offences Capital punishment Africa China secretive execution human rights Western groups good governance political rights socio-economic rights serious criminal offences Capital punishment human rights Africa China execution governance political rights socio-economic rights Amnesty International death penalty secretive practices criminal offences human rights groups Western organizations serious crimes improvement focus global comparison rights advocacy capital punishment small issue Africa China secretive manner offences executions Western human rights groups human rights good governance political rights socio-economic rights serious criminal offences capital punishment Africa China secretive executions human rights Western groups good governance political rights socio-economic rights serious criminal offences Amnesty International death sentences executions 2012 capital punishment human rights Africa China secretive execution serious offences Western human rights groups good governance political rights socio-economic rights Amnesty International death sentences executions capital punishment Africa China secretive offences executions human rights Western groups governance political rights socio-economic rights serious crimes capital punishment human rights Africa China execution rates Western human rights groups governance political rights socio-economic rights Amnesty International death penalty criminal offences serious crimes global issues human rights violations secretive executions international human rights legal reforms advocacy priorities capital punishment Africa small issue human rights China secretive offences execution rates Western human rights groups good governance political rights socio-economic rights serious criminal offences capital punishment Africa China secretive offences execution rate human rights Western groups governance political rights socio-economic rights serious crimes
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro01a	Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Views Ideals Subject Matter Brett Murray The Spear Exhibition Discontent Progress African National Congress Apartheid Opinion Goodman Gallery Visitors Art Forms External Pressure Government Censorship Free Actions Plural Discourse Democratic Discourse Zuma Art Censorship Political Art Contemporary Art South Africa Cultural Expression Artistic Rights Freedom of Speech Exhibition Rights Gallery Decisions Artwork Display Political Criticism Artistic Integrity Censorship Precedent Artistic Independence Creative Freedom artistic freedom expression artist rights censorship government intervention artistic expression public exhibition gallery rights democratic discourse Brett Murray The Spear Goodman Gallery African National Congress ANC Apartheid Nelson Mandela post-Apartheid South Africa political art controversial art free speech visual arts cultural criticism public reaction art and politics South African art artistic integrity creative freedom art curation artistic autonomy political commentary art and society artistic statement art controversy artisticbellion art world free expression art institutions art and government art and democracy art Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Artist's Rights Subject Matter Personal Views Ideals Brett Murray The Spear Exhibition Discontent Progress African National Congress Apartheid Art Galleries Visitors Free Actions External Pressure Government Censorship Artworks Pluralism Democratic Discourse Goodman Gallery Censorship Display Rights External Influence South Africa Political Art Creative Expression Artistic Integrity Public Opinion Artistic License Cultural Critique Social Commentary Political Criticism Free Speech Artistic Autonomy Exhibitions Art World Artistic freedom expression inhibition artist's rights subject matter personal views Brett Murray The Spear African National Congress ANC Apartheid Goodman Gallery censorship government interference democratic discourse art galleries public opinion cultural expression political art freedom of speech exhibition rights visitor attraction artistic integrity creative autonomy art criticism societal reflection post-Apartheid South Africa artistic controversy public reaction gallery autonomy artistic choice political commentary visual arts cultural discourse artistic censorship artistic principle public display 的艺术自由 表达 无抑制 Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Views Ideals Subject Matter Opinion Brett Murray The Spear Exhibition Discontent Progress African National Congress Apartheid 1994 Promulgate Idea Goodman Gallery Visitors Suitable Display External Pressure Censorship Government Free Actions Plural Democratic Discourse Artistic Freedom Expression of Views Artist's Rights Brett Murray The Spear African National Congress Post-Apartheid South Africa Goodman Gallery Censorship Government Pressure Plural Democratic Discourse Art Exhibitions Freedom of Expression Artist's Choice Subject Matter Art Censorship Public Exhibition Rights Gallery Decisions External Pressure Artistic Expression Political Art Cultural Commentary Art and Society Freedom of Art Democracy and Art Artist's Intent Viewer Interpretation Art and Politics Artistic Integrity Artistic Licenses Artistic Control Artistic Autonomy Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Artist's Views Ideals Subject Matter Personal Choice Opinion Brett Murray The Spear Exhibition Discontent Progress African National Congress Apartheid 1994 Promotion of Ideas Art Gallery Rights Visitors Suitable Art Goodman Gallery Display Rights External Pressure Government Censorship Free Actions Artists Galleries Plural Democratic Discourse Dangerous Precedent Removal Exhibit Censorship Du Toit 2 Ocean’s Vibe Robins Amandla The Spear that Div Artistic freedom expression censorship government interference democratic discourse artist rights gallery rights Brett Murray The Spear African National Congress Goodman Gallery Apartheid South Africa pluralism exhibition discontent progress opinion portrayal visitors attraction 外部压力 独立决策 危险先例 自由行动 艺术品审查 社会评论 展示权 创作权 观众反应 个人选择 主题表达 意见传播 自由展示 反映现实 文化 Artistic freedom expression inhibition views ideals subject matter opinion Brett Murray The Spear exhibition discontent progress African National Congress Apartheid art galleries visitors Goodman Gallery censorship government free actions plural democratic discourse Zuma Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Artist Rights Subject Matter Personal Views Ideals Brett Murray The Spear Exhibition African National Congress Post-Apartheid Progress Goodman Gallery Art Display Censorship Government Pressure Plural Democratic Discourse
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con03a	This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living coercion sacrificial donations abuse scared coercing sacrificing boundaries taking lives beyond hope recovery irreversible premature killing donor recipient status quo living coercion sacrificial donations abuse scared coercing sacrificing boundaries taking lives beyond hope recover irreversible prematurely kill vital organs status quo donor recipient ethical concerns moral implications living donors medical ethics patient rights informed consent end-of-life decisions organ donation life-saving treatments healthcare policies societal values human dignity bioethics legal frameworks medical professionalism patient autonomy public trust medical miracles exceptional recoveries terminal illnesses irreversible harm coercive practices healthcare vulnerabilities donor rights recipient responsibilities medical consent ethical dile coercion sacrificial donations abuse vulnerable scared coercion boundaries actively taking lives beyond hope recovery vital organs irreversible premature killing recipient luck miracles status quo donor dead living trade-off ethical concerns moral implications societal norms medical ethics organ donation end-of-life decisions human rights legal considerations public policy bioethics informed consent voluntary donation potential for exploitation life value death healthcare medical intervention patient rights autonomy dignity quality of life euthanasia assisted dying palliative care coercion sacrificial donations abuse vulnerability scared coercion sacrificing lives moving boundaries active taking of lives beyond hope recovery irreversible premature killing recipient luck miracles status quo donor dead trade-off living coercion sacrificial donations abuse vulnerability coercion in donations societal boundaries premature killing irreversible actions vital organs exceptional recoveries luck miracles status quo donor status living donors coercion sacrificial donations abuse vulnerable scared coercing sacrificing lives actively taking lives beyond hope exceptional recoveries irreversible prematurely killing recipient alive donor dead ethical boundaries luck miracles status quo living donors moral implications societal values healthcare ethics patient rights end-of-life decisions medical ethics humane treatment respect for life informed consent potential for misuse public trust legal considerations compassionate care societal norms ethical dilemmas medical community patient autonomy end-of-life care quality of life medical advancements ethical guidelines medical professionalism coercion sacrificial donations abuse vulnerability life sacrifice coercion into sacrifice societal responsibility illness ethical boundaries premature killing organ donation irreversibility hope recovery status quo living donors moral implications societal values medical miracles coercion sacrificial donations abuse vulnerability ethical boundaries life preservation irreversible actions premature killing vital organs exceptional recoveries luck miracles status quo donor recipient living deceased coercion sacrificial donations abuse coercion sacrificing lives boundaries taking lives beyond hope recovery vital organs irreversible prematurely kill donor recipient status quo living coercion sacrificial donations abuse vulnerability scared coercion sacrificing lives society ill boundaries active killing citizens hope recovery vital organs irreversible wrong prematurely kill recipient alive luck miracles status quo donor dead trade-off living
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con03a	Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Taiwan diplomatic recognition São Tomé and Principe RoC PRC international relations President visits attention benefits poverty aid legitimacy Taiwan ROC São Tomé diplomatic relations international recognition President Ma President Manuel Pinto da Costa PRC China attention visits bilateral relations aid legitimacy poverty African state diplomacy visits cancellations Taipei Times IPRIS Viewpoints international politics foreign policy Taiwan recognition diplomatic relations São Tomé and Principe ROC PRC President visits attention benefits aid legitimacy international relations African state China Taiwan relations diplomatic visits political recognition poverty global politics Taiwan recognition diplomatic relations São Tomé and Principe ROC visits Sao Tome President Minister of Finance Prime Minister trips PRC recognition international attention aid for legitimacy small African state diplomatic benefits bilateral relations Ma's visit ROC-Sao Tome relations scheduling conflict international relations poverty and recognition diplomatic focus Taiwan recognition diplomatic relations São Tomé and Principe President ROC attention visits PRC poverty international relations aid legitimacy economics politics Africa Asia foreign policy cooperation bilateral ties state visits government finance prime minister international community global politics diplomatic recognition trade development international support strategic partnerships foreign affairs global relations international diplomacy state actors geopolitics international aid international cooperation diplomacy international recognition state sovereignty political recognition international relations theory international system global governance international law statehood Taiwan recognition São Tomé and Principe diplomatic relations President of ROC attention benefits visits PRC poverty aid legitimacy Taiwan ROC São Tomé and Principe diplomatic relations recognition presidential visits international relations aid legitimacy PRC China attention impoverished countries African states bilateral ties foreign policy diplomacy international support economic assistance political benefits Taiwan recognition diplomacy São Tomé and Principe international relations ROC PRC President visits attention poverty aid legitimacy China foreign policy Taiwan recognition diplomatic relations São Tomé and Principe ROC PRC President visits attention benefits poverty aid legitimacy international relations diplomacy Africa China state visits foreign policy economic assistance political recognition bilateral relations global politics Taiwan-Africa relations small states international attention diplomatic trips government officials international support state recognition international community geopolitical importance diplomatic ties international affairs Asia-Africa relations diplomatic strategies foreign relations international cooperation global diplomacy state-to-state relations international engagement diplomatic acknowledgment global politics dynamics Taiwan São Tomé and Principe diplomatic relations ROC recognition President Ma visits aid legitimacy PRC international attention poverty African state diplomatic benefits international relations foreign policy
test-health-hdond-con04a	People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue religious freedom pressure reduced priority life-saving treatment religious beliefs violate edicts god losing life Shintoism Roma faiths transplants removing organs allowing transplants religious reasons organ donation major religions Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body intact religious freedom pressure reduced priority life-saving treatment violate beliefs religious beliefs families untenable position contravene edicts god losing life loved one bans receiving organs transplants Shintoism Roma faiths removing organs allow transplants religious reasons organ donation major religions Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body intact religious freedom pressure reduced priority life-saving treatment violate beliefs religious edicts choosing contravene losing life loved one Shintoism Roma faiths prohibiting removal allowing transplants religious reasons donate organs Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body intact religious freedom pressure reduced priority life-saving treatment violate beliefs individuals families choose contravene edicts lose life loved one religion bans receiving organs transplants Shintoism Roma faiths prohibit removing allow transplants religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue religious freedom pressure reduced priority life-saving treatment violate beliefs untenable position Shintoism Roma faiths transplants removing organs allow transplants religious freedom organ donation major religions Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue leaving body intact pressure policy reduced priority life-saving treatment religious beliefs violating edicts Shintoism Roma faiths prohibiting removal allowing transplants religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body intact religious freedom pressure reduced priority life-saving treatment violate beliefs moral dilemma religious edicts Shintoism Roma faiths transplant ethics religious practices medical ethics policy implications organ transplantation religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body intact religious freedom reduced priority life-saving treatment violating beliefs religious beliefs contravene edicts god losing life loved one banning transplants Shintoism Roma faiths prohibiting removal allowing transplants religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body intact religious freedom reduced priority life-saving treatment violate beliefs religious beliefs policy individuals families contravene edicts god losing life loved one religion bans organ donation receiving organs transplants Shintoism Roma faiths removing organs allow transplants religious reasons organ donation major religions Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body intact religious freedom pressure reduced priority life-saving treatment violate beliefs policy religious beliefs choose edicts god life loved one religion bans receiving organs transplants Shintoism Roma faiths prohibiting removing organs allowing transplants
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro03a	COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. Olympics regeneration economic impact political showcase media scrutiny Cold War Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 New York 2012 post-9/11 economic growth global community political maturity terrorism urban development legacy international relations sports diplomacy public relations city branding economic strength cultural significance hosting costs financial investment societal impact geopolitical strategy national identity urban regeneration infrastructure improvement international attention tourism boost investment attraction community development Olympics economic impact urban regeneration political statement international showcase media attention Cold War economic strength political maturity global community post-9/11 recovery city branding tourism infrastructure development legacy socioeconomic benefits cultural exchange international relations sports diplomacy regeneration economic stimulus large expenditure London 2012 Olympics cost political showcase media scrutiny Cold War Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 China global community economic growth New York post-9/11 healing process security terrorism urban development international relations cultural impact legacy public relations economic strength political maturity global acceptance western integration business confidence tourism infrastructure improvement societal change national identity media coverage sports diplomacy regeneration economic stimulus Olympic costs London 2012 political showcase media scrutiny Cold War Olympics Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 China's global acceptance New York 2012 bid post-9/11 recovery economic growth political maturity international relations Olympic legacy urban development global community economic strength political statement terrorism resilience city revival media attention sporting events international spotlight cultural impact infrastructure improvement tourism boost national pride regeneration economic stimulus large expenditure London 2012 Olympics cost media scrutiny political statement Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Cold War Seoul 1988 South Korea Beijing 2008 China global community economic growth New York 2012 bid post-9/11 healing process security economic strength international relations urban development legacy tourism infrastructure improvement cultural impact international spotlight economic benefits political leverage global stage national pride Olympic regeneration economic stimulus London 2012 cost media scrutiny political showcase Cold War Olympics Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 China global acceptance New York 2012 bid post-9/11 recovery urban development international prestige economic strength political maturity global community economic growth terrorism impact city revival Olympic legacy financial investment public relations international relations urban improvement event impact economic benefits political statement media attention global stage economic regeneration tourism boost infrastructure development cultural showcase economic Olympics economic regeneration political showcase media scrutiny Cold War Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 New York 2012 bid post-9/11 recovery global community economic strength political maturity international relations urban development tourism legacy infrastructure national pride security terrorism economic growth global acceptance West international sports cultural exchange political statement hosting costs public expenditure economic impact international attention city promotion economic revitalization international visibility economic regeneration media scrutiny political statement Cold War Olympics economic strength political maturity global community economic growth post-9/11 healing open for business international showcase urban development legacy impact tourism boost infrastructure improvement cultural exchange national pride global spotlight -terrorism resilience regeneration economic impact political significance media attention Olympic legacy urban development international relations tourism economic growth cultural showcase post-9/11 recovery global community sports diplomacy hosting benefits cost-benefit analysis Olympic legacy economic impact urban regeneration political statement international showcase media attention Cold War Olympics Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 New York 2012 bid post-9/11 recovery global economic strength political maturity China's global integration Olympic bid motivation Olympic games benefits cost-benefit analysis long-term regeneration economic growth political leverage international relations city revitalization hosting benefits Olympic impact assessment media scrutiny political symbolism economic development urban planning infrastructure improvement global community international exposure economic stimulation
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro04a	Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, drug legalization crime reduction price controls drug addiction dealer elimination criminal funding mafia cocaine smuggling GDP impact police raids Calabrian mafia illegal drug trade state-provided drugs addict theft criminal syndicate drug policy reform economic crime organized crime drug legalization benefits legal drug market legalisation crime reduction drug policy illegal drugs crime economics price controls addiction theft drug dealers criminal gangs drug legalization Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP law enforcement drug regulation public safety drug trafficking organized crime economic impact legalisation reduces crime illegality drugs fuels criminal activities price controls addicts theft state-provided services dealers out business starving gangs funding Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP police raids gangster Calabrian mafia legalisation crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction theft prevention state-provided drug services criminal gangs funding sources Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP impact police raids Calabrian mafia drug legalization effects crime syndicate economics legalisation reduces crime drug illegality fuels eliminate price controls addicts steal habits state-provided drug services dealers criminal gangs funding Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP Calabrian mafia police raids gangster legalisation crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction theft prevention state-provided drug services drug dealers criminal gangs funding Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP police raids Calabrian mafia legalisation crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction theft prevention state-provided services drug dealers criminal gangs funding reduction Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP impact crime syndicate police raids Calabrian mafia Tom Kington The Observer legalisation crime reduction drug policy price control addiction theft state-provided services drug dealers criminal gangs funding Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP police raids Calabrian mafia legalization crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction theft prevention state-provided services drug dealers criminal gangs funding切断 Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP impact police raids Calabrian mafia legalisation crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction state-provided services drug dealers criminal gangs funding sources Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP crime syndicate police raids Calabrian mafia
test-international-iiahwagit-con03a	Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ legalisation trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals hunters extinction protected status poaching demand supply price profitability farming rhino horn militarization intervention South Africa legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts effective hunters kill endangered animals protecting extinction protected status expensive harder obtain illegality rhino horns constrained supply demand Asia price profitable poaching militarization fail farming South Africa rhino horn war poachers statement intervention legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals poaching extinction protected status illegal trade rhino horns demand supply price reduction profit margin hunting farmed animals South Africa rhino horn farming militarization poaching war intervention strategies government seizure wildlife conservation legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals hunting protection poaching illegality demand supply price profitability farming rhino horn militarization conservation South Africa legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals protection extinction prices demand supply poaching militarization farming rhino horn South Africa seized goods profitability hunting legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts 狩猎合法化 保护濒危动物 物以稀为贵 高昂价格 需求超过供应 亚洲市场 物种保护政策 政府打击措施 非洲反偷猎 南非犀牛养殖 生物保护策略 野生动物贸易 犀牛角价格 法律与保护 自然资源管理 生态平衡 物种保护争议 野生动植物市场调节 legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals hunters protection poaching profitability demand supply Asian market rhino horns price reduction farming South Africa militarization conservation policy wildlife management economic incentives legal frameworks international trade poacher tactics wildlife conservation government intervention market dynamics species preservation ethical hunting sustainable practices legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals hunting extinction protected status poaching demand supply price profitability horn farming rhino horn South Africa wildlife conservation militarization poaching intervention legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts hunters killing endangered animals protecting extinction protected status expensive demand supply Asia price illegal rhino horns profit poaching militarization farming South Africa rhino horn war poachers intervention legal trade endangered species ivory horns furs pelts rhino horn poaching militarization wildlife conservation market demand supply constraints price regulation animal farming wildlife policy government intervention economic incentives conservation strategies South Africa wildlife protection laws
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro04a	Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. breakfast health children nutrition school meal education teaching healthy eating future benefits national health breakfast health children nutrition school meal education healthy benefits nation breakfast nutrition health children education school meals teaching healthy eating future benefits national health Breakfast health education children nutrition school meals teaching nutrition healthy eating habits future health benefits national health Breakfast health children nutrition school educational experience teaching healthy eating future benefits nation's health school breakfast programs childhood nutrition education healthy eating habits nutrition and health educational meals long-term health benefits teaching healthy choices nutritious school meals breakfast and learning health education in schools breakfast health education children nutrition school meals teaching healthy eating future health benefits national health health children nutrition school breakfast education healthy eating future benefits nation's health meal teaching grow up dietary habits wellness public health breakfast health children nutrition school meal education teaching healthy eating future benefits nation's health nutrition health education school meals child development healthy eating habits future health benefits meal programs educational meals dietary learning youth nutrition
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con04a	Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 unhealthy food schools ban interest forbidden everyday life benign junk food advertising ambivalent dietary choices vending machines policies popularity austere disciplinary measures compliance sweets outside hours Orange county school cafeteria demand candy cart income sports equipment regulation unsophisticated mindset food marketing diets unhealthy food school policies food prohibition vending machines dietary choices junk food advertising cafeteria changes candy cart student compliance food regulation pupil mindset food marketing dietary perspective Orange County school Edgar Coker New York Times federal effort junk food bans school nutrition 校外零食购买 食物禁令效果 学生饮食习惯 unhealthy food school ban junk food vending machines dietary choices advertising influence pupil compliance food marketing candy cart regulatory measures school policy prohibition effects dietary mindset 校外购买 Edgar Coker Orange County school New York Times federal effort junk food restriction unhealthy food school bans dietary restrictions vending machines junk food advertising pupil compliance disciplinary measures candy cart junk food consumption food marketing dietary mindsets unhealthy food school bans junk food vending machines dietary choices food marketing pupil compliance candy cart junk food consumption food regulation dietary mindset school policies pupil perspectives attractive advertising coercive measures external food purchases Orange County school sweets demand Edgar Coker federal effort New York Times unhealthy food school ban prohibition interest everyday life bans junk food advertising dietary choice restriction vending machines policies disciplinary measures compliance outside school hours sweets demand candy cart income junk food regulation pupil mindset food marketing perspective pupils unhealthy food schools ban interest prohibited everyday life dietary choices advertising vending machines policies disciplinary measures sweets outside school hours candy cart income sports equipment regulation junk food consumption mindsets food marketing diets unhealthy food school policies vending machines junk food advertising dietary choices pupil compliance candy cart Orange County food marketing dietary mindset prohibition effects junk food regulation New York Times Harris G. unhealthy food school bans vending machines junk food advertising dietary restrictions pupil compliance candy cart junk food regulation food marketing school policies Orange County school Edgar Coker New York Times Harris G. unhealthy food school bans junk food media prohibition vending machines dietary choices food marketing disciplinary measures candy cart junk food regulation pupil mindset food policy school nutrition advertising influence dietary restrictions student behavior health initiatives cafeteria changes vending machine policies school income sports equipment external food purchases regulation challenges policy effectiveness student compliance health education nutritional guidelines food environment dietary habits adolescent health policy impact school health programs youth nutrition food industry marketing to children food access public health school wellness dietary education adolescent diet nutrition policy
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro03a	Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy perspective legitimacy unquestionable assumptions inviolable rules unchallengeable voices normalization community voice alternative perspectives community cohesion voice empowerment radio democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East radio African radio democracy shift UNESCO World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters policy law regulation community broadcasting South-East Asia radio Siddharth Steve Buckley community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy democratic voice community cohesion radio democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty South-East Asia Middle East Africa UNESCO World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters policy regulation media diversity citizen journalism social change democratic participation voice empowerment broadcasting law community engagement alternative media free speech cultural expression media pluralism radio activism Community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy perspectives legitimacy assumptions rules voices normalization alternative voices community cohesion engaged communities respect homogeneity control Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa democracy South-East Asia UNESCO policy law regulation community broadcasting good practice World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy multiple perspectives unquestionable assumptions inviolable rules unchallengeable voices community cohesion democratic shift Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa democracy UNESCO World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters policy law regulation South-East Asia Siddharth Steve Buckley community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy single perspective unquestionable assumptions inviolable rules unchallengeable voices normalization multiple voices messages statement against autocracy community cohesion cohesive groups community respect homogeneity democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa democracy shift UNESCO World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters Siddharth Culture360.org Steve Buckley policy law regulation community broadcasting good practice Community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy single perspective unquestionable assumptions inviolable rules unchallengeable voices normalization alternative voices community cohesion engaged communities respect democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa UNESCO World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters policy regulation South-East Asia radio stations democratic shift broadcasting Siddharth Steve Buckley cultural diversity media pluralism community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy perspectives legitimacy unquestionable assumptions inviolable rules unchallengeable voices normalization alternative voices community cohesion engagement respect democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa South-East Asia policy law regulation World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters UNESCO Community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy legitimacy perspectives rules voices community voice community cohesion democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa South-East Asia UNESCO policy law regulation democratic shift media diversity social change communication rights broadcasting freedom civic engagement media pluralism community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy perspectives unquestionable assumptions inviolable rules unchallengeable voices normalization alternative voices community cohesion community respect democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa South-East Asia World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters UNESCO policy law regulation Community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy perspectives legitimacy assumptions rules voices normalization democracy community cohesion engaged communities respect radio stations Middle East Africa Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty democracy promotion UNESCO policy law regulation Siddharth Riding the radio wave South-East Asia Steve Buckley World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro02a	Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 consumer privacy personal information exploitation invasive marketing public backlash targeted advertising online marketing data misuse Amazon dynamic pricing marketing inefficiency privacy violation stereotyped marketing gender profiling race profiling customer trust data consent empirical studies privacy attitudes consumer behavior market response customer information policy consumer privacy personal information data exploitation invasive marketing personal data misuse public backlash online targeted advertising dynamic pricing Amazon data privacy concerns marketing inefficiency stereotype marketing data-based discrimination customer information ethics digital privacy issues consumer trust personal data collection data usage consent information privacy laws targeted advertising ethics consumer privacy personal information data exploitation invasive marketing public backlash targeted advertising online privacy dynamic pricing Amazon controversy marketing stereotypes customer information privacy concerns data misuse consumer trust ethical marketing privacy violation personal data use market outcomes stereotype reinforcement customer consent consumer alienation personal information spread profit motives invasive practices personal data exploitation marketing without consent public backlash online targeted advertising privacy concerns Amazon dynamic pricing marketing inefficiency stereotyped marketing race-based advertising gender-based advertising privacy demands customer information market consumers alienation personal information profit invasive unsettling violated exploitation marketing consent public outcry backlash empirical results widespread attitudes online targeted advertising Amazon.com dynamic pricing customer information business decline marketers uptake decline efficient reach information storage sale stereotyping race gender privacy demands Duke University Taylor C. privacy concerns personal information exploitation marketing backlash consumer alienation dynamic pricing Amazon controversy targeted advertising privacy invasion consumer consent marketing stereotypes race and gender profiling empirical evidence public outcry marketing efficiency decline customer information market Duke University study private demands customer data use consumers alienation personal information profit invasive unsettling violated exploitation personal lives marketing consent public outcry backlash empirical results widespread attitudes online targeted advertising Amazon.com dynamic pricing customer information severe backlash business loss marketing declines stereotypes broad brushstrokes race gender alienating privacy customer data marketing efficiency targeted marketing information storage information sale dynamic pricing system market for customer information private demands privacy demands Duke University Taylor C. consumer alienation personal information exploitation privacy invasion marketing backlash targeted advertising dynamic pricing Amazon customer information misuse stereotyped marketing privacy concerns consumer trust erosion data exploitation consequences public outcry unethical marketing practices race and gender stereotyping customer consent issues declining marketing effectiveness personal data sale online advertising controversy consumer privacy personal information exploitation invasive marketing targeted advertising public backlash Amazon dynamic pricing privacy concerns marketing stereotypes racial profiling gender profiling customer data misuse marketing efficiency decline consumer trust erosion consumer privacy personal information exploitation invasive marketing personal data misuse public backlash online targeted advertising Amazon dynamic pricing marketing efficiency decline stereotyped marketing privacy violation data consent empirical attitudes customer information use digital marketing ethics race and gender stereotypes
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con01a	Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. moral responsibility active participation passive inaction ethical dilemma trolley problem intentional harm natural causes accidental death human intervention moral consequences culpability passive vs active choice responsibility in death ethical decision making killing letting die moral responsibility active involvement passive inaction ethical dilemmas trolley problem moral choices human life value intent versus consequence moral responsibility active participation passive inaction ethical decision-making trolley problem consequentialism deontological ethics moral psychology deliberate harm indirect causation moral Philosophy human morality ethical theories moral disputes intentional killing unintentional death moral justification ethical dilemmas moral choices active participation passive inaction moral responsibility ethical dilemma trolley problem intentional killing letting die natural causes accidents human intervention moral distinction culpability consequences of action non-action ethics moral responsibility active participation passive inaction ethical dilemmas trolley problem culpability moral psychology philosophy of action intent versus consequence harm principle deontological ethics utilitarian ethics moral decision-making human values ethical theories moral philosophy voluntary versus involuntary harm moral agency ethical responsibility moral judgments moral philosophy ethics in action moral psychology ethical scenarios moral disputes death ethics moral implications active versus passive harm moral accountability moral reasoning ethical considerations moral stance moral controversy moral duty moral boundaries moral responsibility in action moral engagement moral responsibility active involvement passive inaction ethical dilemmas [train] trolley problem moral philosophy death by natural causes accidental deaths 主动性死亡 passive participation decision-making ethics consequence evaluation moral psychology human morality behavioral ethics killing letting die moral responsibility active participation passive inaction ethical dilemma trolley problem human life value intentional harm consequences of action moral philosophy decision making ethics morality ethics culpability active-participation passive-observance responsibility intention consequences harm-principle moral-dilemmas trolley-problem ethical-theories utilitarianism deontology moral-agent action-vs-inaction legal-liability moral-responsibility human-life-value philosophical-debates Killing letting die moral responsibility active involvement passive inaction ethical dilemmas train problem trolley problem moral philosophy consequence evaluation intentional harm unintended consequences moral psychology decision making ethical theories utilitarianism deontology virtue ethics philosophical debate moral psychology research human behavior moral judgments ethical responsibility life and death decisions active vs passive choices moral scenarios ethical analysis moral questions ethical perspectives moral reasoning human ethics moral disputes philosophical questions ethical dilemmas in society moral relativism universal ethics moral principles ethical considerations moral killing letting die moral responsibility active participation passive inaction ethical dilemmas trolley problem intentions consequences moral philosophy human life value casuistry death causes natural death accidental death voluntary action moral culpability ethics morality decision-making
test-international-iighbopcc-con02a	Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen government reluctance treaty negotiation environmental policy international relations global governance legal obligations diplomatic challenges climate change mitigation non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen failure government reluctance 谈判困难 international treaties environmental policy global cooperation climate change international law treaty ratification diplomatic challenges sustainable development emission reduction targets international relations UN climate conferences non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen failure government reluctance treaty negotiations international solutions climate deal binding international treaty negotiation challenges environmental policy global cooperation diplomatic efforts climate change mitigation international law treaty ratification political will non-binding agreement targets binding treaties compliance mechanisms gold standard international agreements treaty difficulties climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen failure government reluctance international solutions climate deal negotiations BBC News non-binding agreement targets binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen government reluctance international solutions climate deal failure BBC News non-binding agreement fully binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements treaty negotiation climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen climate conference government resistance binding international solutions climate deal failures international climate policy non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen governmental reluctance treaty negotiation environmental policy international relations climate change policy failure diplomatic challenges non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen government reluctance negotiation challenges treaty failures non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen government reluctance binding international solution climate deal failures non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen failure government reluctance treaty negotiation climate deal international solutions environmental policy diplomatic challenges global cooperation
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con01a	Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout youth voting celebrity endorsement political awareness Rock the Vote will.i.am Obama campaign third-person effects college voters political outcomes voter registration political accountability diverse voter base political participation information accessibility news consumption political blogs election impact celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout youth vote celebrity endorsement political awareness Rock the Vote election campaigns political participation voter registration political outcomes democratic process media influence social impact political system public interest news consumption political accountability voter diversity campaign strategies third-person effects college voters presidential elections political communication civic engagement voter mobilization political activism public figures media coverage political campaigns voter education social media political influence voter demographics political science electoral studies voting behavior political psychology media studies celebrity culture political sociology celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout youth voting political endorsement celebrity influence Rock the Vote Barack Obama 2008 election 2004 election third-person effects college voters political outcomes democratic participation news consumption political interest social accountability electoral participation diverse voter base political system impact celebrity involvement gateway to politics voter engagement celebrity endorsement political interest accessible information meaningful vote will.i.am Obama campaign Rock the Vote voter registration 2008 election young voters political participation news consumption voter diversity political accountability best political outcomes Jennifer Brubaker American Communication Journal 2004 presidential election 2008 presidential election third-person effects college voters Celebrity involvement political engagement voter registration youth voting Rock the Vote will.i.am Obama campaign political outcomes voter diversity news consumption political accountability celebrity endorsement election impact college voters third-person effects political interest information access meaningful voting political system benefits Celebrity involvement political engagement voter registration youth voting Obama campaign Rock the Vote celebrity endorsement political interest news consumption third-person effects college voters political outcomes voter base political accountability democratic participation information access political policies social influence election turnout young voters public figures political activism civic education media consumption voter mobilization political influence campaign strategies celebrity politics democratic engagement voter demographics political participation social media political awareness voter motivation political campaigns civic engagement political impact societal change voter turnout election dynamics political endorsements celebrity celebrity involvement gateway political engagement endorsement voter turnout youth participation Rock the Vote will.i.am Obama campaign political awareness news consumption democratic accountability voter base diversity political outcomes third-person effects college voters 2004 election 2008 election celebrity involvement gateway effect political engagement endorsement impact voter registration youth participation political awareness Rock the Vote media influence third-person effects political diversity electoral outcomes voter accountability political education social media celebrity campaigns political activism information accessibility election turnout civic engagement celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout young voters Obama campaign Rock the Vote celebrity endorsement political awareness media consumption political outcomes democratic accountability social impact election participation third-person effects college voters 2004 presidential election 2008 presidential election voter registration political interest news consumption political blogs diverse voter base political system candidate support informed voting political personalities policy awareness social influence civic engagement voter mobilization political campaigns celebrity influence political activism youth vote democratic participation electoral impact voter education political celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout youth voting celebrity endorsement political awareness Rock the Vote will.i.am Obama campaign democratic participation political accountability third-person effects college voters 2004 presidential election 2008 presidential election
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con03a	There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. Creationism empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticisms false criticisms science methodology positive claims intelligent agency designed organisms mutation natural selection irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules proto-life laboratory conditions speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology biology classroom Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby Creationism empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticisms science methodology intelligent design irreducible complexity Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby scientific disciplines biology classroom education natural selection mutation speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology laboratory conditions self-assembling molecules proto-life scientific proof educational content scientific consensus Creationism empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticisms science methodology intelligent design irreducible complexity Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology biological evidence classroom science empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence science intelligent agency design irreducibly complex proto-life speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence scientific method speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology irreducible complexity Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby TalkOrigins Archive Debating Design Darwin to DNA Action Bioscience laboratory conditions self-assembling molecules proto-life biology classroom Debate intelligent design natural selection mutation scientific observation data evolutionary theory Creationist claims scientific proof biological evidence scientific consensus educational curriculum scientific disciplines biological sense Evolution Creationism empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticism false criticisms science methodology positive claims intelligent design unambiguous design mutation natural selection irreducible complexity Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology classroom teaching scientific basis Debating Design Action Bioscience TalkOrigins Archive empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence scientific method Intelligent Design irreducibly complex Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby self-assembling molecules speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology scientific consensus classroom education natural selection mutation biological complexity scientific proof Origin of Life laboratory conditions flagellum Darwin biology scientific theories educational content scientific validation observational data scientific disciplines scientific community evolutionary biology critical thinking scientific argument scientific understanding evidence-based Creationism empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution positive evidence scientific method speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology irreducible complexity Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby intelligent design natural selection mutation proto-life laboratory conditions scientific disciplines biology classroom education scientific consensus Flagellum Unspun Debating Design Darwin DNA Action Bioscience TalkOrigins Archive Creationism empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticisms false criticisms science methodology positive claims intelligent agency designed organisms mutation natural selection irreducibly complex proto-life self-assembling molecules speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby Creationism abiogenesis evolution empirical evidence positive evidence vitriolic criticisms science methodology intelligent agency irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro02a	The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, rule of law state intervention social norms compliance plural societies child marriage effective government children's rights weak states corruption non-existent state child soldiers ICC jurisdiction commanders legal certainty accessibility fair law just law stable government transparent court system occupied territory Western rule-of-law developing nations isolated communities internecine conflicts community law convention on the rights of the child Rome Statute ethnic minority enclave state-sponsored education strongest law effective law stable law child commanders global context legal systems Asia Africa UNICEF rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage India state weakness corruption child soldiers ICC command responsibility juristic principles underdeveloped states conflict Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities legal systems Global Report child rights armed conflict state-sponsored education legal norms community law tradition international law enforcement government trust court systems transparency accessibility legal education legal awareness human rights international justice legal pluralism rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies children's rights Indian Child Marriage Restraint Act weak states corruption child soldiers International Criminal Court commander responsibility legal certainty accessibility stable government trusted government reliable court system transparent advocacy system conflict zones underdeveloped states internecine conflicts isolated communities state influence Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities immediate authority legal norms state-sponsored education counter-narratives strongest law effective rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention societal identity legal compliance plural societies India child marriage law enforcement weak states child soldiers ICC jurisdiction commanders legal certainty accessibility stable government reliable court system transparent advocacy state corruption underdeveloped states conflict zones African regions central southern Asia isolated communities internecine conflicts Convention Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities immediate authority community laws state-sponsored education counterpoint strongest law source effectiveness stability obeying rule of law state intervention social norms state custodian law compliance plural societies children's rights child marriage state weakness child soldiers ICC jurisdiction command definition underdeveloped states conflict zones Western rule-of-law isolated communities armed conflict community authority state-sponsored education legal systems UNICEF Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers International Criminal Court DRC South Sudan Myanmar legal enforcement legal norms state trust court system armed aggressor Rome Statute Convention on the Rights of the Child ethnic minorities internecine conflicts rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention plural societies child marriage restraint act compliance with law weak states child soldiers International Criminal Court commanders state authority legal systems underdeveloped states conflict zones accessibility of laws stability government trust court systems isolation community laws armed conflict DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities legal norms state-sponsored education global context legal systems of Asia and Africa UNICEF child rights legal enforcement corruption poverty armed aggressors Western notions developing nations internec rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies children's rights Indian child marriage law enforcement child soldiers weak state corruption ICC jurisdiction command responsibility legal certainty fair justice state trust court system armed conflict developing nations community law DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minority local authority state sponsorship global context legal systems UNICEF child protection international law human rights rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage India child soldiers weak states corruption international criminal court command responsibility legal authority accessibility state trust court system armed conflict isolated communities Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities legal enforcement global context legal systems UNICEF child soldier recruitment international law human rights rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage India law enforcement weak states corruption child soldiers International Criminal Court command responsibility legal certainty accessibility Western rule-of-law developing nations isolation internecine conflicts Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities community law state-sponsored education rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies children's rights Indian child marriage restraint act weak states child soldiers International Criminal Court command responsibility jurisdiction law enforcement corruption poverty conflict underdeveloped states Western rule-of-law developing nations state influence internecine conflicts ethnic minorities Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar community laws state-sponsored education legal norms strongest authority effective law stable law immediate environment
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con03a	"Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing Queen's head banknotes British identity economic control anti-Euro sentiment Alan Clark British tradition national symbol European Commission Euro banknotes British Sovereign single currency EU Member states British psyche political symbolism economic sovereignty currency change public opinion Euroscepticism national identity economic policy cultural heritage monetary union political debate British currency economic nationalism financial symbolism British monarchy European integration currency symbolism economic identity political resistance economic tradition national currency British economy European currency Euro adoption British voters economic autonomy traditional values British identity national control economic sovereignty Queen's head banknotes anti-Euro sentiment British tradition fear of change European Commission euro banknotes British psyche single currency EU member states Alan Clark Tory party national symbol currency of the realm British electorate European squabbling Euroscepticism Losing Queen's head banknotes British identity economic control Euro national symbol anti-Euro sentiment British tradition fear of change European Commission currency sovereignty Alan Clark Tories EU Member states single currency British psyche national identity economic sovereignty Losing Queen's head banknotes Britain identity economic control anti-Euro sentiment British tradition fear of change national symbol Alan Clark European Commission euro banknotes British psyche single currency EU member states Tory politics national sovereignty Queen's head banknotes British identity economic control national symbol anti-Euro sentiment British tradition Alan Clark European Commission euro banknotes British sovereignty single currency EU Member states British psyche European squabbling currency of the realm British electorate European integration national currency British sceptics Losing Queen's head banknotes British identity economic control not petty nostalgia outdated tradition fear of change national symbol Alan Clark European Commission Euro banknotes British psyche anti-Euro sentiment single currency EU Member states Tories nation state Losing Queen's head banknotes Britain identity economic control not minor issue not petty nostalgia outdated British tradition fear of change national symbol British identity control economy Alan Clark European Commission Euro banknotes British electorate anti-Euro sentiment British psyche single currency EU Member states not convinced Tories Conservatives nation state Losing Queen's head banknotes Britain identity economy control not petty nostalgia British tradition fear of change national symbol Alan Clark European Commission Euro banknotes British psyche anti-Euro sentiment single currency EU Member states conservatives nation state British identity economic control Queen's head banknotes anti-Euro sentiment national symbol British tradition change resistance European Commission euro banknotes Alan Clark British electorate European Union single currency Euroscepticism British identity economic control Queen's head banknotes anti-Euro sentiment Alan Clark British tradition national symbol European Commission euro banknotes British electorate European Union single currency British sovereignty national identity fear of change cultural symbolism economic symbolism political symbolism British psyche euroscepticism"
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro03a	This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes dissent voices of reform oppressors impunity democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China policy tyranny justice fairness West international ridicule reform investment democratic countries public condemnation dissident bloggers amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes stifle dissent voices of reform impunity democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China policy protect justice fairness international ridicule reform investment democratic countries public condemnation dissident bloggers Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom U.S. Department of State Fifth National People’s Congress amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes stifle dissent voices of reform oppressors impunity democracies unwillingness to challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China policy proactive protection justice fairness international ridicule shaming regimes reform investment democratic countries public condemnation dissident bloggers Clinton internet freedom U.S. Department of State Fifth National People’s Congress amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes stifle dissent voices of reform impunity democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China protect justice fairness international ridicule road to reform investment democratic countries public condemnation dissident bloggers amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes dissent voices of reform impunity democracies authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China justice fairness international ridicule road to reform investment democratic countries public condemnation dissident bloggers Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom U.S. Department of State Fifth National People’s Congress amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes stifle dissent voices of reform oppressors democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China justice fairness international ridicule policies reform investment democratic countries dissident bloggers Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom U.S. Department of State amnesty public statement free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes stifle dissent voices of reform oppressors impunity democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China policy protect justice fairness international ridicule shame reform investment democratic countries companies public condemnation dissident bloggers consequences Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom U.S. Department of State Fifth National People’s Congress amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes dissent voices of reform oppressors impunity democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China policy protect justice fairness international ridicule reform investment democratic countries companies public condemnation dissident bloggers amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes stifle dissent voices of reform impunity democracies challenge oppressors freedom of press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China policy protect justice fairness international ridicule shame regimes reform investment democratic countries condemning dissident bloggers public statement human rights global influence political leverage moral authority international relations diplomatic pressure authoritarian rule democratic values civil liberties press freedom legal protections international law ethical foreign policy amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes silence dissent voices of reform impunity democracies authoritarian regimes freedom of press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China policy protect dissidents justice fairness international ridicule shame regimes reform investment democratic countries public condemnation dissident bloggers
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro01a	An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs health care costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs fat tax government regulations health policy economic impact public health obesity-related illnesses healthcare burden obesity prevention health economics chronic disease management healthcare interventions medical expenses societal impact health choices personal responsibility obesity-associated costs health insurance BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US health care costs obesity consequences Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs government intervention fat tax obesity prevention public health economic impact obesity-related illness healthcare spending obesity prevalence chronic conditions obesity policy public health measures health economics societal impact of obesity obesity research health policy obesity management obesity global medical costs health care United States economic impact Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity absenteeism premature death societal costs fat tax government intervention public health policy obesity-related conditions obesity prevention healthcare economics healthcare spending chronic disease management obesity epidemic health economics health policy obesity costs societal impact individual responsibility public health measures obesity control health expenditure obesity epidemic global medical costs US health care costs obesity-related diseases chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical consultations emergency interventions productivity loss restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs fat tax government intervention obesity prevention public health policy economic impact of obesity healthcare burden obesity and Type 2 Diabetes obesity and cancer obesity and heart disease obesity and stroke obesity and asthma obesity and chronic back pain obesity and hypertension BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US health care costs obesity-related diseases Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs individual choices fat tax government action obesity prevention public health healthcare burden economic impact chronic disease management obesity-related healthcare obesity policy obesity costs obesity prevention strategies healthcare expenditure obesity epidemic consequences health policy BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US health care costs obesity-related diseases Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke heart failure asthma back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs individual choices weight gain government action fat tax obesity prevention societal impact public health policy obesity consequences economic consequences chronic disease management obesity interventions health economics obesity research healthcare expenditure obesity statistics public health measures health policy BMI personal matter obesity epidemic global medical costs US health care costs obesity consequences Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs individual choices fat tax government action obesity prevention societal responsibility healthcare spending economic impact public health obesity-related diseases chronic conditions healthcare burden obesity policy healthcare economics obesity management health policy health BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US healthcare costs obesity consequences Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical consultations emergency interventions productivity loss restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs fat tax government intervention obesity prevention public health policy economic impact healthcare spending chronic disease management obesity-related illnesses healthcare economics obesity public health obesity economic burden health policy health economics obesity prevention strategies healthcare cost containment obesity public policy obesity BMI obesity global medical costs health care US economic impact Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions productivity loss restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs government intervention fat tax public health policy healthcare economics obesity prevention chronic disease management healthcare spending obesity-related conditions health economics policy measures Obesity Costs fat tax debate individual responsibility societal responsibility health policy obesity epidemic economic consequences BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs health care costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions income lost decreased productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs government intervention fat tax obesity prevention public health policy
test-education-usuprmhbu-con03a	"Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. affirmative action prejudice minority society merit assumption resentment free-ride stereotypes backlash unfair America mid-1990s Black experience Philip Aka American Bar Association affirmative action prejudice minorities societal impact merit resentment stereotypes backlash unfairness American society mid-1990s policy effects underqualification perception value judgment racial dynamics social equity opportunity distribution legal perspectives historical context affirmative action prejudice minorities society merit assumptions resentment free-ride less worthy damaging stereotypes backlash unfair American Bar Association Philip Aka 1990s affirmative action prejudice minority merit assumption de-facto resentment free-ride unworthy damaging stereotypes societal level backlash unfair 1990s America Philip Aka American Bar Association affirmative action prejudice minorities society merit free-ride resentment stereotypes backlash unfair America mid-1990s Philip Aka American Bar Association affirmative action prejudice minorities society merit resentment free-ride qualification stereotypes backlash unfair 1990s America ABA Philip Aka affirmative action prejudice minorities societal impact merit free-ride resentment less worthy damaging stereotypes backlash unfair mid-1990s America Philip Aka American Bar Association affirmative action prejudice minority groups societal impact merit resentment stereotypes backlash unfairness policy effects American society mid-1990s ABA Philip Aka affirmative action prejudice minorities society merit de-facto assumption resentment free-ride less worthy damaging stereotypes societal level backlash mid-1990s America unfair Aka Philip American Bar Association Black experience affirmative action prejudice minorities societal impact merit resentment free-ride less worthy damaging stereotypes backlash unfairness mid-1990s America ABA Philip Aka Black experience policy effects"
test-international-ghwcitca-con02a	A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military hardware internet connection defense poor nations arms treaties nuclear non-proliferation recognized nuclear states disarmament asymmetric warfare nuclear weapons international security digital arms race state power global governance treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military hardware internet connection arms treaties Nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear weapons states disarmament asymmetric warfare international security digital arms race global power balance conventional military threats cyber security policy state-sponsored hacking international relations technology imbalance strategic stability cybersecurity legislation diplomatic negotiations international law military strategy technological warfare cyber defense asymmetric threats global governance disarmament negotiations cyber deterrence international treaties cyber norms cybersecurity international cooperation technology access nuclear weapons non-prol cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations military hardware internet connection arms treaties nuclear non-proliferation discrimination disarmament asymmetric warfare credible threat conventional military treaty system nonproliferation regime treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military hardware internet connection arms treaties Nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear weapons states disarmament asymmetric warfare conventional military cyber security international relations global power dynamics technological asymmetry cybersecurity policy state power military strategy treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare internet military Nuclear non-proliferation treaty weapons states disarmament asymmetric warfare defense international relations security studies arms control treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military internet equipment nuclear non-proliferation nuclear weapons disarmament discrimination arms treaties asymmetric warfare small powers big targets security technology international relations global politics military strategy cyber security digital threats state power geopolitical imbalance technological access military equipment cyber threats international agreements nuclear states non-nuclear states treaty systems international law weaponization technological advantage strategic balance global security military dominance cyber defense cyber offense asymmetry small states treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military hardware internet connection arms treaties Nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear weapons states disarmament asymmetric warfare military threats international security technological imbalance global power dynamics diplomatic agreements cybersecurity weapons regulation state discrimination treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker states cyber warfare military internet equipment defense poor nations arms treaties nuclear non-proliferation recognized nuclear weapons states disarmament discrimination international relations security technology asymmetric warfare treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military hardware internet connection arms treaties nuclear non-proliferation treaty recognized nuclear weapons states disarmament asymmetric warfare conventional military cybersecurity international relations power dynamics global security technology access defense strategies military imbalance treaty flaws nonproliferation international law geopolitical tensions cyber threats global governance state power military technology strategic weapons international agreements security studies cyber defense asymmetric threats conventional weapons nuclear weapons international security cyber policy treaty compliance military equipment treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military hardware internet connection arms treaties Nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear weapons states disarmament asymmetric warfare international security technological imbalance state power cyber defense global politics military strategy international relations cyber security policy
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con04a	The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life death medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person organ donation euthanasia Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life voluntarily purpose medical professionals kill healthy person death curing sick organ donation euthanasia growing epidemic Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay 2013 society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life voluntary death medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person society complicit organ donation euthanasia epidemic Joe Tremblay Catholic News Agency society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life death medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick organ donation euthanasia growing epidemic Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damage health end life voluntary medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person organ donation euthanasia Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay ethical responsibility medical ethics life preservation healthcare ethics moral obligations assisted suicide debate euthanasia controversy health care professions societal roles medical practice ethical standards life termination health preservation patient rights doctor responsibilities voluntary euthanasia health sector ethics medical norms ethical dilemmas health and society medical ethics controversy health sector comp society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person organ donation euthanasia Catholic News Agency society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damage health end life voluntarily death medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person organ donation euthanasia Catholic News Agency Tremblay Joe 2013 role of society save lives assist in suicide purpose of society health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending of a life voluntarily death medical professionals kill a healthy person cure the sick person society complicit organ donation euthanasia growing epidemic Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay 2013 society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life voluntary death medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person organ donation euthanasia Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life voluntary death medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person complicit killing organ donation euthanasia epidemic Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay 2013
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con02a	There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poach countries El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan China foreign media Diplomat China Post diplomatic truce taipei beijing recognition issue poaching countries el salvador honduras prc recognition gambia taiwan ties hong lei prc foreign ministry the gambia china official diplomatic relations taiwan china international relations diplomatic recognition truce maintenance foreign media china post the diplomat international politics asia diplomacy truce over recognition politics asian relations china taiwan relations gambia taiwan break diplomatic ties international diplomacy asian foreign policy prc taiwan truce taiwan china truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poaching countries El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan China foreign ties diplomatic truce The Diplomat China Post recognition politics international relations Asia-Pacific diplomatic relations bilateral agreements non-recognition foreign policy state recognition diplomatic maneuvers geopolitical strategy truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poaching countries El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan China foreign media diplomatic truce Joel Atkinson J Michael Cole Peter Enav The Diplomat The China Post diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition issue poaching countries El Salvador Honduras PRC recognition Gambia Taiwan ties Hong Lei PRC Foreign Ministry foreign media diplomatic relations China Taiwan diplomatic truce over Beijing diplomatic stance Gambia’s break Joel Atkinson The Diplomat J Michael Cole Peter Enav The China Post truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poach countries El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan Hong Lei PRC Foreign Ministry foreign media diplomatic truce Joel Atkinson Peter Enav J Michael Cole The Diplomat The China Post truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poaching countries El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan China Hong Lei foreign media diplomatic truce Joel Atkinson The Diplomat China Post Peter Enav international relations foreign policy truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poaching countries El Salvador Honduras PRC recognition Gambia Taiwan ties China Foreign Ministry diplomatic truce The Diplomat The China Post Joel Atkinson diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition poach countries El Salvador Honduras Gambia Taiwan PRC foreign media diplomatic relations China Taiwan recognition politics international relations truce maintenance diplomatic ties termination diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition issue poaching countries El Salvador Honduras PRC recognition Gambia Taiwan ties Hong Lei PRC Foreign Ministry foreign media diplomatic relations China-Taiwan truce Gambia recognition Joel Atkinson J Michael Cole Peter Enav
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con02a	African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values human rights cultural contexts community individual western legal tradition capital punishment serious crimes murder religious offenses traditional African legal culture Yoruba example Oladele Abiodun Balogun Journal of Pan African Studies African values human rights cultural contexts community emphasis individual rights western legal tradition capital punishment serious crimes religious offenses traditional African legal culture Yoruba example community protection deterrence effect philosophical defense pan African studies African legal culture Yoruba example cultural relativism community-oriented justice traditional African punishment human rights in Africa capital punishment in Africa religious offenses in African law deterrence in African legal systems African traditional values Western vs. African legal traditions serious crimes in African context communal vs. individual rights Philosophical Defence of Punishment Oladele Abiodun Balogun African values Human rights Cultural contexts Community protection Capital punishment African legal tradition Yoruba culture Serious crimes Religious offenses Community welfare Individual rights Legal philosophy Traditional punishment Pan-African studies African values human rights cultural contexts community emphasis individual rights capital punishment traditional African legal culture Yoruba example serious crimes religious offenses legal tradition philosophical defense pan African studies oladele abiodun balogun African values human rights cultural contexts community protection dangerous offenders deterrence effect capital punishment African legal traditions individual vs community serious crimes religious offenses Yoruba example traditional punishment legal culture African values human rights cultural contexts community emphasis individual rights capital punishment traditional African legal culture Yoruba example serious crimes religious offenses communal protection deterrence moral responsibility legal traditions western legal tradition African values Human rights Cultural contexts Community protection Capital punishment African legal tradition Yoruba example Serious crimes Religious offenses Community welfare Individual rights Traditional justice Legal philosophy Pan African studies African values human rights cultural contexts community protection capital punishment African legal tradition Yoruba example serious crimes religious offenses community welfare individual rights traditional punishment legal culture philosophical defense pan African studies African values human rights cultural contexts community protection dangerous offenders deterrence effect capital punishment African legal traditions individual vs community serious crimes religious offenses Yoruba example traditional African law legal culture Oladele Abiodun Balogun Pan African Studies
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro04a	Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. economic benefits hosting olympics regeneration infrastructure tourism revenue jobs skills training local people cost profits losses global showcase post-olympic impact sydney 2000 paris 2012 new york 2012 economic benefits hosting Olympics profit regeneration infrastructure tourism revenue jobs skills training local people Paris 2012 New York 2012 Australia Sydney 2000 economic benefits hosting Olympic Games tourism boost job creation infrastructure improvement cost regeneration immediate profit host nation international showcase local employment skills training post-Olympic revenue tourist revenue Sydney 2000 Paris 2012 New York 2012 economic growth job creation tourism increase infrastructure improvement global exposure skills development long-term benefits immediate profit hosting advantages Olympic impact local employment tourist revenue post-Olympic benefits urban regeneration economic boost cost justification hosting justification sustainable benefits economic regeneration visitor attraction economic benefits hosting Olympic Games profit regeneration infrastructure tourism job creation skills training local economy international exposure post-Olympic effects tourism revenue employment opportunities urban development legacy impact economic growth cost-benefit analysis event hosting global showcase Hosting economic benefits economic boost Olympics profit regeneration infrastructure tourism tourist revenue jobs skills training local people economic benefits hosting Olympic Games profit regeneration infrastructure tourism post-Olympic tourist revenue job creation skills training local workforce Paris 2012 New York 2012 Sydney 2000 Hosting economic benefits economic boost Olympics regeneration infrastructure tourism extra revenue job creation skills training local people cost profit losses Paris 2012 New York 2012 Sydney 2000 showcase host nation world immediate profit long-term gains economic benefits hosting Olympic games infrastructure improvement tourism boost job creation local employment skills training global showcase post-Olympic revenue cost regeneration immediate profit long-term economic impact Hosting economic benefits economic boost Olympics profit regeneration infrastructure tourism extra revenue jobs skills training local people Paris 2012 New York 2012 Sydney 2000
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro03a	A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal low sugar hunger prevention lunchtime child nutrition school learning study performance Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast habits attention-concentration memory improvement school achievement test scores health benefits nutrition and education cognitive function meal planning educational outcomes morning meal academic performance dietary habits child development mental focus breakfast importance meal composition learning efficiency nutritional impact school breakfast cognitive enhancement dietary recommendations student wellness nutritional research educational psychology brain function food and learning academic success school meals cognitive health breakfast quality healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal no sugar hunger lunchtime child learning school studies Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast habits attention concentration memory school achievement test scores health benefits healthy breakfast student concentration school learning balanced meal low sugar hunger prevention lunchtime academic performance Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast habit attention-concentration memory improvement test scores health benefits childhood nutrition educational achievement meal planning nutritional value cognitive function academic success breakfast consumption nutrient intake healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal no sugar avoid hunger lunchtime child hunger studies test scores Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast eating habit immediate memory school achievement attention-concentration health benefits healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal sugar content hunger lunchtime child nutrition study Indian National Institute of Nutrition test scores attention-concentration immediate memory school achievement breakfast habits nutritional benefits academic performance healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal no sugar avoid hunger lunchtime child hunger studies school performance Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast regularity test scores health benefits attention memory school achievement healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal no sugar hunger prevention lunchtime child hunger studies focus Indian National Institute of Nutrition regular breakfast test scores health benefits breakfast habits attention concentration immediate memory school achievement healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal low sugar hunger prevention lunchtime school learning attention concentration immediate memory school achievement Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast habit test scores health benefits healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal no sugar not hungry lunchtime child hungry studies Indian National Institute of Nutrition regular breakfast test scores health benefits breakfast eating habit attention-concentration immediate memory school achievement healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal low sugar hunger prevention lunchtime child nutrition academic performance test scores Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast habits attention concentration memory school achievement
test-international-iiahwagit-con02a	Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths Fewer large beasts Endangered animals Animal aggression Hippopotamus attacks Elephant attacks Lion attacks Kruger National Park Animal-human conflict Tourist safety Wildlife protection Human fatalities Animal danger Most dangerous animals Rampaging bull elephant British tourist car human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamus elephant lion fatalities Kruger National Park tourist attack animal protection increased risk human safety fewer human deaths fewer large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals human attacks hippopotamus elephant lion fatalities animal danger Kruger National Park tourist attack bull elephant tougher protection increased risk human lives Fewer human deaths Fewer large beasts Endangered animals Aggressive animals Hippopotamuses Elephant attacks Lion attacks Human fatalities Kruger National Park Bull elephant Tourist car Animal protection Increased animal population Human-animal conflict Animal danger Most dangerous animals Withnall Rampaging bull elephant Human deaths Large beasts Africa Endangered animals Aggressive animals Hippopotamuses Elephants Lions Kruger National Park Animal attacks Tourist safety Wildlife conservation Human-wildlife conflict Animal protection Risk to human lives Tropical regions Safari parks Wildlife management Predatory animals Carnivores Mammals African wildlife Conservation efforts Animal fatalities Human fatalities Animal behavior Public safety Environmental policy Wildlife habitats Ecosystem balance Biodiversity Animal rights Human encroachment Natural reserves Wildlife reserves Animal threats Predation human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephant lion fatalities tourist attack Kruger National Park protection animal threat human safety expanded animal population increased risk conservation wildlife management human-wildlife conflict Fewer human deaths fewer large beasts endangered animals aggressive animals human attacks hippopotamus attacks elephant attacks lion attacks animal fatalities Kruger National Park tourist safety animal protection increased animal population human-animal conflict most dangerous animals rampaging elephant tourist car attack South Africa Withnall Animal Danger human deaths large beasts fewer deaths Africa endangered animals aggressive attack humans hippopotamuses kill three hundred year Africa elephant lion fatalities footage 2014 bull elephant tourist car Kruger National Park South Africa threat animals tougher protection higher numbers increased risk human lives Animal Danger Most Dangerous Animals Withnall A. Rampaging bull elephant flips British tourist car Kruger Park human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephant lion fatalities tourist Kruger National Park South Africa protection animal threat human lives animal danger most dangerous animals rampaging bull elephant tourist car Human deaths Large beasts Africa Endangered animals Aggressive animals Hippopotamuses Elephants Lions Fatalities Tourist attacks Kruger National Park Animal protection Human safety Animal danger Most dangerous animals Wildlife conservation Human-wildlife conflict
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro03a	Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, legalization regulation drug purity adulterants ecstasy amphetamine MDMA chalk talcum powder drug safety controlled substances harm reduction street drugs United Kingdom Drugscope legal drugs drug regulation drug purity illegal Amphetamine ecstasy purity MDMA content drug adulteration chalk in drugs talcum powder in drugs drug substitution drug safety legalised drugs state drug regulation minimising drug risks Drugscope street drug purity drug legalization regulation drug purity illegal drugs amphetamine ecstasy MDMA drug adulteration chalk talcum powder risk minimization substance safety drug policy UK drug scene controlled substances harm reduction street drugs drug enforcement pharmaceutical standards public health drug legalization drug purity illegal amphetamine ecstasy purity drug adulteration regulated drug sale safe drug use drug regulation drug safety controlled substances legal drugs illegal drugs drug policy public health harm reduction drug enforcement substance abuse drug control pharmaceutical regulation drug markets drug testing consumer safety drug contaminants drug legislation drug reform UK drug laws street drugs drug contamination drug quality drug safety standards drug market regulation drug purity testing drug enforcement agency drug safety measures drug adulterants drug composition drug traceability drug purity levels drug legalization drug regulation drug purity illegal drugs amphetamine purity ecstasy purity drug adulteration drug safety public health harm reduction UK drug policy Drugscope street drugs controlled substances legal drugs substance regulation drug enforcement drug market drug contamination drug substitution chalk adulteration talcum powder adulteration MDMA presence drug testing clean drugs safe drugs minimising risk drug user safety pharmaceutical regulation controlled sale drug legislation drug control government intervention drug market oversight drug quality drug standards drug legalization safer drugs UK drug purity illegal amphetamine purity ecstasy purity drug adulteration drug regulation clean drugs minimising drug risk drug safety state drug regulation drug market purity legalised drug sale drug control drug policy harm reduction illegal drug market drug contamination drug enforcement public health and drugs drug regulation drug purity illegal drugs legal drugs drug safety drug adulteration drug legalization state control drug contamination MDMA Amphetamine ecstasy chalk talcum powder Drugscope street drugs drug risk user safety drug enforcement controlled substances legal drugs drug purity UK illegal drugs amphetamine purity ecstasy purity drug adulteration drug regulation state-regulated drugs safe drug use minimising drug risks drug policy reform Drugscope street drug purity illegal drug composition drug safety controlled substances drug legislation harm reduction drug quality public health and drugs drug legalization drug regulation drug purity illegal drugs amphetamine purity ecstasy adulteration drug adulteration drug safety state regulation drug control substance purity drug contaminants legal drug market illegal drug market drug policy reform harm reduction drug legalization drug purity illegal substances amphetamine ecstasy MDMA adulterated drugs drug regulation state control user safety drug policy Drugscope street drugs substance contamination public health harm reduction
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con03a	Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. debt cycles microfinance subprime lending financial instability poverty credit access loan repayment India microcredit crisis suicide early mortality financial regulation credit distribution default threats microfinance industry free market ideologies lending practices economic crises financial stress borrower protection microfinance organizations regulatory measures financial sustainability poverty alleviation credit management financial inclusion economic development social impact financial ethics lending standards borrower vulnerability financial literacy microfinance regulation credit default repayment pressure financial health microfinance sustainability economic policy financial services credit availability microfinance debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises debt intensification impoverished borrowers lending practices microcredit repayment stress suicide early mortality financial regulation microfinance industry credit distribution default threats borrower protection debt cycles microfinance subprime lending credit access poverty repayment pressures financial crises regulation credit distribution default threats India microcredit suicide early mortality market ideologies unstable crises debt intensification lending practices microfinance industry borrower stress Debt cycles microfinance subprime lending financial crises poverty credit access repayment stress suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats Debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises debt intensification poverty credit access loan repayment India suicide early mortality microcredit microfinance crisis regulation credit distribution default threats financial regulation borrower protection microfinance impact socioeconomic issues financial stress rural lending financial inclusion economic development microfinance institutions lending practices financial ethics microfinance sustainability community finance financial literacy microfinance policies credit management debtor protection microfinance reforms financial stability microfinance governance microfinance oversight microfinance accountability microfinance debt cycles microfinance subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access lending practices financial stress suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats microcredit repayment pressure Biswas 2010 microfinance industry crisis free market ideologies poorest borrowers microfinance regulation debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises debt intensification poverty credit access repayment pressure suicide early mortality microcredit stress microfinance regulation credit distribution default threats debt cycles microfinance subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access repayment pressure suicide early mortality microcredit crisis regulation credit distribution default threats financial stress India Biswas 2010 microfinance industry societal impact economic policy financial inclusion risk management borrower protection lender responsibility financial education poverty alleviation strategies credit policies microfinance regulation borrower rights ethical lending sustainable finance financial sustainability microfinance impact credit availability low-income populations financial services microfinance challenges regulatory framework financial crisis borrower vulnerability debt cycles microfinance subprime lending poverty credit access repayment stress suicide early mortality financial regulation credit distribution default threats India financial crises free market ideologies lending practices microcredit microfinance industry regulatory control debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access repayment pressure suicide early mortality microcredit crisis regulation credit distribution default threats
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro04a	Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. incentive profit benefits society motivation reward effort work contribution wealth private property artificial safety net standard of living productivity standard material wealth individual success overall productivity charities theory of justice history of Plymouth plantation anarchy state and utopia socialism failure university of michigan mark j perry incentive profit benefits society motivation reward work productivity wealth private property safety net standard of living equality productivity material wealth individual success social contract justice socialism capitalism economic theory Rawls Nozick Bradford Perry Incentive profit benefits society motivation reward effort work contribution wealth private property artificial safety net standard of living productivity inequality justice Rawls Bradford Nozick socialism failure charities economic theory moral philosophy human behavior social contract incentive profit benefits society motivation reward effort work wealth private property productivity standard of living artificial safety net equality charity John Rawls A Theory of Justice William Bradford History of Plymouth Plantation Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Mark J. Perry Why Socialism Failed incentive profit societal benefit motivation reward effort productivity wealth private property work ethic social contract fairness justice Rawls Nozick socialism capitalism economic theory productivity incentives social productivity charitable benefits economic motivation work-reward correlation social welfare economic efficiency theoretical frameworks historical perspectives economic philosophy profit sharing societal benefit work motivation reward system economic incentives productivity enhancement social productivity income distribution fair reward work ethic economic justice wealth generation individual success societal improvement material wealth charity John Rawls Theory of Justice William Bradford History of Plymouth Plantation Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Mark J Perry Why Socialism Failed profit benefits society motivational force work potential reward effort hard work contribution increased wealth private property artificial safety net standard of living productivity incentives material wealth success drive overall standard charities John Rawls William Bradford Robert Nozick Mark J. Perry socialism failure economic incentives social productivity reward systems public welfare economic theories political philosophy distributive justice property rights motivation in workforce social contract free market economic growth social benefits wealth distribution individual achievement collective welfare income inequality work ethic incentive profit benefit society motivation reward work productivity wealth private property artificial safety net standard of living Rawls justice Bradford Plymouth plantation Nozick Anarchy State Utopia Perry socialism failure fairness economic theory social contract moral philosophy capitalism inequality public good charities social welfare work ethic distributive justice incentive profit benefits society motivation work reward effort productivity wealth private property safety net standard of living equality Rawls justice Bradford Plymouth plantation Nozick Anarchy State Utopia Perry socialism failure charities overall productivity material wealth individual success societal interest historical perspectives economic theories political philosophy profit society motivation work reward wealth private property safety net productivity incentives material wealth success justice Rawls Bradford Nozick socialism charity economic theory moral philosophy
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con03a	“Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 junk food school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports non-core programs soda vending snack vending discretionary funds school performance obesity ban extracurricular activities yearbook clubs field trips instructional uses computers Beltsville MD soft drink company snack vending company Junk food school funding vending machines incentives standardized tests PE sports extracurricular activities soda contracts snack contracts discretionary funds school performance ban effectiveness child obesity educational resources junk food school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports vending machines soda snacks discretionary funds computers extracurricular activities ban children's obesity school finances public health educational resources policy implications junk food sales school funding standardized test performance non-core programs PE and sports soda and snack vending school contracts soft drink companies discretionary funds instructional uses extracurricular activities ban ineffectiveness children's obesity school finances Junk food school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports vending machines soda snacks discretionary funds instructional uses extracurricular activities computers yearbook clubs field trips ban children's obesity school finances National Bureau of Economic Research junk food school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports soda vending snack vending discretionary funds school performance ban children's obesity school finances extracurricular activities instructional uses Beltsville MD soft drink contract snack vending contract resource allocation non-core programs Junk food school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports soda vending snack vending discretionary funds school performance extracurricular activities ban children's obesity school finances educational resources computer purchases field trips clubs yearbook Beltsville MD soft drink contract snack contract instructional uses non-core programs educational policy health policy economic research National Bureau of Economic Research reading writing raisinets P. M. Anderson junk food school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports non-core programs soda snack vending discretionary funds school performance extracurricular activities instructional uses computers yearbook clubs field trips ban children's obesity school finances junk food school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports vending machines soda snacks discretionary funds school performance obesity educational resources extracurricular activities policy ban pupil welfare Junk food sales funding schools incentives standardized tests PE sports activities soda snack vending discretionary funds ban children's obesity school finances National Bureau of Economic Research
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro04a	The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordinated chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda influence outcomes common foreign policy positions authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative EU catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordination chairing meetings foreign ministers agenda influence outcomes common foreign policy authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making catalyst facilitator spokesman coordination chairman agenda setting influence common foreign policy UN Security Council authority External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative EU foreign policy catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers shaping agenda influencing outcomes common foreign policy authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordination chairing meetings foreign ministers agenda outcomes influence member states common foreign policy UN Security Council authority EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers shaping agenda influencing outcomes common foreign policy UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity European Union foreign and security policy High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping influence outcomes common foreign policy authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity European Union foreign and security policy High Representative EU decision-making catalyst facilitator foreign policy spokesman EU nations coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping outcome influence common foreign policy UN Security Council EU authority External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement global representation foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity European Union external action policies High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making catalyst facilitator spokesman coordination external policy EU foreign ministers agenda setting influence common positions UN Security Council authority EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative EU catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings foreign ministers agenda influence outcomes common foreign policy authority UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement representatives foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign policy security policy European consciousness political unity European Union European Union External Action Policies
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro02a	Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . economic stability Democrats GOP boom and bust balanced budget Republican unemployment rate OPEC shocks post-war period deficits wages Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability balanced budget post-war period unemployment rates presidential economics fiscal policy political economy economic performance party comparison economic cycles OPEC shocks Republican economics Democratic economics Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability balanced budget Republican Democrat unemployment rate fiscal policy economic performance presidential terms economic growth budget deficits OPEC shocks post-war period Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor political economy economic cycles party affiliation economic indicators historical analysis wages fiscal management political impact on economy economic stability balanced budget unemployment rate post-war period Republican presidencies Democratic presidencies OPEC shocks Larry Bartels economic performance fiscal policy political economy party comparison deficit levels wage growth Christian Science Monitor Democrats economic stability GOP boom and bust balanced budget Republican unemployment rate OPEC shocks post-war period deficits wages Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability balanced budget Democratic presidents Republican presidents unemployment rates budget deficits post-war period OPEC shocks Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic performance political parties economic comparison fiscal policies boom and bust lower wages economic growth presidential administrations economic trends historical analysis economic stability balanced budget post-war period unemployment rate Republican presidencies Democratic presidencies OPEC shocks fiscal policy economic performance presidential leadership political economy economic cycles budget deficits wage growth economic indicators partisan differences economic research Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability Democrats GOP boom and bust balanced budget Republican unemployment rate OPEC shocks post-war period deficits wages Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability balanced budget unemployment rate post-war period Republican presidencies higher unemployment bigger deficits lower wages Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability balanced budget unemployment rate fiscal responsibility OPEC shocks post-war period deficit wages economic performance political party presidential administration economic policy Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con03a	The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, EU UK member state influence European External Action Service representation foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative Middle East Quartet Israel Palestine global voice member states diplomacy international relations foreign office embassy Djibouti Ethiopia policy leadership cooperation international influence strategic partnership united front enhanced representation EU UK force multiplier bang for buck European External Action Service Foreign Office Djibouti representation influence Catherine Ashton High Representative Union for Foreign Affairs Security Policy Middle East Quartet Israel-Palestine global influence member states foreign policy Ethiopia United Nations Russia USA EU UK force multiplier bang for the buck European External Action Service representation Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative Middle East Quartet Israel-Palestine global influence member states United Nations Russia USA EU force multiplier UK bang for buck EU membership benefits European External Action Service UK representation extension Djibouti representation UK foreign policy leadership Catherine Ashton EU global influence Middle East Quartet UK influence Israel Palestine EU member states support UK diplomatic advantage EU diplomatic representation EU force multiplier UK member European External Action Service representation Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative influence global Middle East Quartet Israel Palestine member states diplomacy international relations European Union foreign affairs security policy UK diplomacy extended influence international presence diplomatic representation global impact enhanced representation strategic advantage international cooperation foreign affairs Quartet global diplomacy EU member benefits international representation diplomatic support global representation foreign policy leadership EU UK force multiplier bang for the buck European External Action Service Foreign Office Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Middle East Quartet USA Russia United Nations Israel Palestine global influence member states representation diplomacy international relations EU UK force multiplier bang for the buck European External Action Service representation Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton member states global influence Middle East Quartet USA Russia United Nations Israel Palestine EU UK force multiplier bang for the buck European External Action Service Foreign Office Djibouti Ethiopia representation influence foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative member states global influence Middle East Quartet USA Russia United Nations Israel Palestine EU UK force multiplier bang for the buck European External Action Service representation influence Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative member states global voice Middle East Quartet Israel Palestine USA Russia United Nations EU UK force multiplier bang for the buck European External Action Service Foreign Office Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative member states global influence Middle East quartet USA Russia United Nations Israel Palestine
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro03a	Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 advertising social attitudes public space global reach internet advertising television advertising UK content analysis media influence societal values advertising mediated messages social attitudes public space technology global reach internet advertising television advertising UK advertiser spending content analysis societal impact media studies marketing ethics consumer behavior digital media media influence cultural studies advertising regulation media consumption patterns advertising social attitudes public space global advertising internet advertising television advertising content analysis media influence marketing ethics societal impact consumer behavior digital marketing media studies advertising regulation cultural impact advertising influence social attitudes pervasive advertising public space global advertising technology impact internet advertising television advertising UK advertising trends advertising content societal values media influence ad dominance attitude shaping marketing impact digital ads traditional media ad expenditure media consumption cultural impact advertising social attitudes public space internet advertising television advertising UK influence values media technology global content society Sweney The Guardian 2009 advertising influence social attitudes pervasive advertising public space global ads internet advertising television advertising UK advertising content of advertising societal values advertising dominance media messages technology impact ad exposure cultural influence marketing strategies digital advertising traditional media media consumption consumer behavior advertising social attitudes public space global reach internet advertising television advertising UK market trends content influence societal values media impact technological advancement advertising expenditure media consumption digital advertising traditional media media landscape consumer behavior cultural impact regulatory attention advertising social attitudes public space global reach technology internet advertising television advertising UK content analysis media influence societal values marketing communications digital media media consumption consumer behavior cultural impact media studies advertising regulation media literacy media environment advertising influence social attitudes public space global advertising internet advertising television advertising UK advertising trends media dominance content analysis societal values advertising impact media consumption digital advertising growth traditional media decline advertising expenditure media studies communication studies marketing strategies consumer behavior cultural impact advertising social attitudes public space technology global advertising internet advertising television advertising UK advertising content analysis media influence societal values marketing impact digital media media studies advertising trends cultural impact media consumption media landscape advertising expenditure media economics
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro02a	There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 sin taxes precedent unhealthy food obesity epidemic fat tax cigarette taxes consumption reduction societal vice health costs junk food pricing tax effectiveness public health strategy economic policy behavioral economics taxation impact obesity prevention nutrition policy fiscal measures health economics price elasticity sin taxes vice taxes unhealthy food tax obesity epidemic fat tax cigarette taxes smoking reduction junk food pricing health costs consumption reduction policy solutions public health strategies economic incentives dietary choices taxation impact behavioral economics societal vices Vatican history tobacco control food policy health economics obesity prevention taxation effectiveness public health interventions economic disincentives health promotion fiscal policies regulatory measures consumer behavior price elasticity health outcomes social issues government intervention tax strategies health reform nutritional regulation economic tools public welfare sin tax history obesity control sin taxes cigarette taxes obesity epidemic unhealthy foods fat tax taxation public health consumption reduction societal vices economic incentives policy solutions health costs food pricing behavioral economics government intervention dietary choices junk food taxation impact health outcomes research evidence historical precedents Pope Leo X licensed prostitutes smoking cessation alcohol taxation gambling regulation socioeconomic factors health promotion fiscal policy regulatory measures sin taxes precedent unhealthy food obesity epidemic fat tax societal vice health costs consumption reduction junk food price increases tobacco taxes smoking reduction Pope Leo X historical context policy effectiveness public health strategy dietary habits economic measures regulatory approaches sin taxes precedent vices smoking gambling drinking Pope Leo X 16th century Vatican prostitutes US federal cigarette taxes consumption reduction price increase societal vice unhealthy food obesity epidemic health costs Archives of Internal Medicine 5000 people 20 years biological metrics junk food fat tax sensible solution obesity research tradition effectiveness public health economic measures behavioral change policy intervention sin taxes precedent unhealthy foods obesity epidemic fat tax consumption reduction health costs societal vice junk food pricing strategy tobacco taxes smoking reduction historical context Vatican Pope Leo X licensed prostitutes US federal cigarette taxes Archives of Internal Medicine food consumption biological metrics incremental price increases sensible solution effective strategy research evidence policy recommendation sin taxes precedent unhealthy food obesity epidemic fat tax tobacco taxes cigarette taxes consumption reduction price increase societal vice health costs policy solution public health economic measures behavioral economics tax efficacy long-term health dietary choices fiscal policy obesity prevention public policy health intervention economic disincentives food pricing taxation strategy health reform regulatory measures nutritional impact consumer behavior fiscal strategy legislative actions health economics tax legislation health promotion economic tools government intervention health-related taxes consumer protection obesity crisis economic sanctions health regulations tax policies sin taxes vice taxes precedents historical context Pope Leo X 16th century Vatican US federal cigarette taxes consumption reduction societal vices obesity epidemic health costs unhealthy food junk food fat tax taxation effectiveness public health economic incentives behavioural change policy solutions sin taxes cigarette taxes obesity epidemic unhealthy foods fat tax consumption reduction health costs societal vices tobacco taxes junk food pricing policy effectiveness public health strategy economic incentives behavioral change taxation impact obesity prevention consumer choices health promotion price elasticity food policy sin taxes precedent historical context Pope Leo X US federal cigarette taxes consumption reduction obesity epidemic unhealthy food Archives of Internal Medicine fat tax health policy economic incentives public health tobacco control behavioral economics nutrition policy societal vices health costs food pricing consumer behavior
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro05a	The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. practicality risk balancing disingenuous opposition dangers government duty save lives civil liberties court protection life and death prudent citizen willingly given up practicality risks disingenuous opposition dangers government save lives primary duty protect citizens civil liberties courts life and death proposition willingly given up prudent citizen practicality balancing risks government duty protecting citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen opposition concession great dangers save lives willingly given up practicality balancing risks opposition concession government duty protect citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen willingly give up practicality balancing risks disingenuous opposition great dangers government duty save lives civil liberties judicial protection life and death prudent citizen willing sacrifice practicality balancing risks opposition concession great dangers save lives government duty protect citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen willingly given up practicality risk balancing opposition dangers government duty protect citizens civil liberties courts life and death proposition prudent citizen practicality balancing risks government duty protect citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen willingly give up disingenuous opposition acknowledge dangers save lives expansion keywords search efficacy practicality risk balancing opposition acknowledgment government duty protecting citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen sacrifice willingness practicality risk balancing opposition concession great dangers government responsibility save lives civil liberties court protection life and death prudent citizen willingly give up liberties
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro02a	Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. democracies shield people encourage dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world’s democracies democratic countries liberty system of government human dignity offer amnesty bloggers forefront democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries low-cost action security safety bravest people public arena stop kowtowing oppression umbrella of protection development dissent blogosphere ground nurturing dissent take root overcome authoritarian government promise protection safety net empowered speak out oppressors courage guarantee amnesty randomness offerings democracies obligation shield people encourage dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world’s democracies vocal liberty system of government protection human dignity offer amnesty bloggers democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries security safety kowtowing oppression umbrella of protection development dissent blogosphere authoritarian government nurturing take root overcome powers safety net empowered speak out oppressors cowed fear courage guarantee inconsistency fear dissidents policy justice offering amnesty democr democracies obligation shield encourage dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world’s democracies vocal liberty superiority system of government protection human dignity amnesty bloggers democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries security safety kowtowing oppression umbrella of protection development dissent blogosphere authoritarian government nurturing safety net empowered speak out oppressors courage guarantee randomness inconsistency fear dissidents policy justice change human civilization democracies obligation shield encourage dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world's democracies liberty system of government human dignity offer amnesty bloggers democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries security safety kowtowing oppression umbrella of protection development dissent blogosphere authoritarian government nurturing dissent safety net speak out courage guarantee amnesty perceived randomness inconsistency fear dissidents policy justice change human civilization democracies obligation shield dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world’s democracies liberty system of government human dignity amnesty bloggers democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries security safety kowtowing oppression umbrella of protection development dissent blogosphere nurturing dissent overcome authoritarian government promise of protection safety net empowered speak out oppressors courage guarantee of amnesty perceived randomness Cuba bloggers asylum US inconsistency dissidents policy justice catalyst change paramount aim democracies obligation shield encourage dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world’s democracies liberty system of government protection of human dignity offering amnesty bloggers democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries security safety kowtowing oppression umbrella of protection development of dissent blogosphere authoritarian government nurturing dissent safety net empowered speak out courage guarantee of amnesty perceived randomness inconsistency fear dissidents policy catalyst change human civilization Contradictory Results Visa Petitions Fox News Latino democracies obligation shield encourage dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world’s democracies vocal liberty superiority system of government protection human dignity offer amnesty bloggers forefront democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries low-cost action security safety bravest people public arena stop kowtowing oppression umbrella of protection crucial development dissent blogosphere ground overcome authoritarian government promise safety net empowered speak out oppressors courage guarantee removes randomness inconsistency fear democracy human rights freedom of speech due process dissent bloggers oppressive regimes amnesty security safety protection authoritarian government asylum inconsistency justice catalyst change civilization international relations political asylum refugee policy free expression civil liberties global democracy digital activism political refugees human dignity international law freedom of information democratic values political persecution blogger rights government accountability democracies obligation shield people encourage dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world’s democracies vocal liberty superiority system of government protection human dignity offer amnesty bloggers democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries security safety kowtowing oppression umbrella of protection development dissent blogosphere ground nurturing take root overcome authoritarian government promise safety net empowered speak out oppressors fear courage guarantee perceived randomness inconsistency Cuba asylum US contradictory results democracies obligation shield encourage dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world’s democracies liberty system of government human dignity offer amnesty bloggers democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries low-cost action security safety kowtowing oppression umbrella protection development dissent blogosphere ground nurturing overcome authoritarian government protection powerful safety net empowered speak out oppressors courage guarantee randomness inconsistency fear dissidents policy justice change avow paramount aim human
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con01a	Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy sport racial quotas racial tensions religious tensions political tensions team selection non-white players racial abuse Peter de Villiers Springboks racial equality athletic performance merit-based selection Meritocracy sport social ills racial tension religious tension political tension merit-based selection racial quotas non-white players Peter de Villiers Springboks racial abuse player selection diversity coaching sports ethics team composition racial representation equality sportsmanship meritocracy sport racial quotas racial abuse Peter de Villiers Springboks racial tensions religious tensions political tensions team selection non-white players merit-based selection racial suspicion Meritocracy sport social ills racial tensions religious tensions political tensions merit-based selection racial quotas non-white players team selection racial suspicion Peter de Villiers Springboks racial abuse player selection quota-based selection sports ethics Meritocracy Sport Social ills Racial tensions Religious tensions Political tensions Merit-based selection Racial quotas Non-white players Team selection Racial suspicion Peter de Villiers Springboks Racial abuse Ethnic diversity Sports coaching South African rugby Quota systems Equality in sports Meritocracy sport racial quotas social ills racial tensions religious tensions political tensions merit-based selection team composition racial abuse Peter de Villiers Springboks coaching player selection racial suspicion performance evaluation equality diversity inclusion sports ethics quota systems South African rugby BBC Sport James Peacock 2013 Meritocracy sport racial quotas social tensions racial abuse Peter de Villiers Springboks team selection athletic performance racial diversity coaching perspectives sport ethics race in sports South African rugby merit-based selection quota systems athletic talent racial suspicion sport integrity Meritocracy Sport Values Social ILLS Racial Tensions Religious Tensions Political Tensions Talent-Based Selection Racial Quotas Non-White Players Team Selection Racial Suspicion Racial Abuse Peter de Villiers Springboks Racial Equality Sports Integrity Merit-Based Advancement Diversity in Sports Inclusion Policies Racial Quotas Criticism Meritocracy Sport Values Social Ills Racial Tensions Religious Tensions Political Tensions Racial Quotas Non-White Players Team Selection Peter de Villiers Springboks Racial Abuse Performance-Based Selection Equality Diversity Meritocracy racial quotas sport social ills racial tensions religious tensions political tensions merit-based selection team selection racial abuse Peter de Villiers Springboks racial diversity sports quotas equality in sport athlete selection criteria racial suspicion sports ethics fair play
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con04a	Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism pseudoscience religious belief scientific method empirical evidence presupposition designer evolution gaps backpedal evidence religion politics belief science experimentation peer review scrutiny real scientists politics courts popularity law Intelligent Design education classroom creationism religion science empirical evidence presupposed answer designer evolutionary theory gaps evidence belief opposition to evolution experimentation peer review scrutiny politics courts popularity expertise law Intelligent Design pseudoscience education classroom Creationism religion scientific explanation empirical evidence presupposed answer designer evolutionary theory gaps new evidence natural explanation belief politics experimentation peer review scrutiny real scientists politics courts popularity expertise law pseudoscience education Intelligent Design rebranding respectable public eyes illegitimacy creationism religious explanation not science lacks empirical evidence presupposed answer assumes designer gaps in evolutionary theory evidence-resistant belief-driven opposition scientific method peer review fears scrutiny political agenda courts pseudoscience intelligent design education classroom inappropriate Creationism religion science empirical evidence presupposition designer evolutionary theory gaps evidence belief politics experimentation peer review scrutiny scientists politics courts popularity expertise law Intelligent Design pseudoscience education classroom Creationism religious explanation not scientific presupposed answer designer gaps in evolutionary theory no empirical evidence opposition to evolution politics courts Intelligent Design pseudoscience education classroom scrutiny peer review experimentation rebranding appearance of respectability natural explanations backpedaling new evidence popularity law expertise scientific proof fear of scrutiny real scientists furthering agenda Dawkins 2006 religious scientific explanation reality definition science empirical evidence presupposed answer designer evolutionary theory gaps evidence belief politics experimentation peer review scrutiny scientists politics courts popularity expertise law pseudoscience education Intelligent Design rebranding respectable public illegitimacy Creationism pseudoscience religious belief scientific explanation empirical evidence presupposition designer gaps evolutionary theory backpedal natural explanation evidence-based opposition to evolution political agenda scientific scrutiny peer review experimentation Intelligent Design rebranding public perception education classroom Dawkins 2006 creationism religious scientific explanation reality presupposed answer designer evolutionary theory empirical evidence natural explanation phenomenon scrutiny experimentation peer review politics courts popularity expertise law rebranding intelligent design pseudoscience education classroom pseudoscience religious belief empirical evidence scientific method evolution creationists intelligent design peer review political agenda legal strategies education classroom scientific scrutiny natural explanations gaps in theory presupposed answers designer empirical proof scientific experimentation religious opposition popularity expertise rebranding respectable illegitimacy science vs religion
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro02a	The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. ICC war crimes international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability justice lasting peace victims reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation criminal judges application establishment peace step direction ICC war crimes international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability justice lasting peace victims reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges application establishment ICC war crimes international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability justice peace victims reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges criminal establishment lasting peace ICC international criminal court war crimes justice victims multilateral international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace rebuild lives serious international crimes reparations criminal victim restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges lasting peace establishment ICC power ICC international criminal court war crimes justice victims perpetrators international law multilateral accountability human rights violations lasting peace Amnesty International reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges criminal peace establishment ICC war crimes justice victims international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges application establishment ICC international criminal court war crimes justice victims Amnesty International international law perpetrators human rights violations accountability lasting peace reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges criminal peace establishment ICC war crimes justice victims international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace rebuild lives message serious international crimes reparations victim suffered restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges apply lasting peace establishment step right direction ICC international criminal court war crimes justice victims perpetrators international law Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges establishment criminal court ICC war crimes international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace victims reconstruction message criminals reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges application establishment
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con02a	The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists dangerous dictators nuclear weapons defense intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East destabilization threat to Israel nuclear security developing countries technology lack national instability government corruption nuclear weapons loss misuse military coercion interstate crises organizational accidents nuclear safety limits nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists dangerous dictators nuclear weapons defense nuclear intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East destabilization Israel security nuclear weapons security developing countries nuclear weapons loss nuclear weapons misuse nuclear safety military coercion nuclear accidents organizational safety nuclear security risks non-proliferation treaty international nuclear policy nuclear deterrence global nuclear threats nuclear terrorism weapons-grade material smuggling nuclear arms control nuclear safeguards nuclear technology government corruption national instability nuclear disarmament international security nuclear stability nuclear crisis management strategic nuclear weapons nuclear balance of power nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist acquisition dictators nuclear intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East destabilization Israel security nuclear security developing countries nuclear misuse nuclear safety government corruption military coercion nuclear accidents organizational limits nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist acquisition nuclear weapons dangerous dictators nuclear intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East destabilization nuclear security developing world nuclear safety government corruption nuclear loss nuclear misuse military coercion nuclear accidents organizational safety nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists dangerous dictators nuclear weapons for intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East destabilization threat to Israel nuclear material security developing countries nuclear capacity technology lack national instability government corruption nuclear weapons loss nuclear weapons misuse military coercion interstate crises organizational accidents nuclear safety limits nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist access nuclear weapons dictators Iran nuclear program Middle East stability Israel security weapons security developing countries nuclear materials national instability government corruption nuclear rights international safety nuclear accidents military coercion interstate crises Scott Sagan Branislav Slantchev nuclear proliferation rogue states nuclear terrorism weapons security nuclear disarmament Iran nuclear program Middle East stability Israel security developing countries nuclear safety government corruption nuclear accidents international security nuclear non-proliferation treaty global arms control nuclear deterrence military coercion interstate crises nuclear materials weapons-grade uranium international safety standards state security terrorist access nuclear threats regional tensions strategic weapons arms race nuclearoprojects nuclear materials smuggling international safeguards nuclear weapons programs nuclear policy defense strategies international relations nuclear ethics disarmament negotiations peacekeeping nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists dangerous dictators nuclear weapons defense intimidation Iran clandestine nuclear program Middle East destabilization threat to Israel weapons-grade material national instability government corruption nuclear security increased risk loss or misuse developing countries technology lack Scott D. Sagan Branislav Slantchev nuclear safety organizational accidents international crises military coercion political science nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists dictators nuclear weapons program Iran Middle East stability Israel security weapons-grade material developing countries nuclear security government corruption nuclear accidents organizational safety international crises military coercion nuclear rights state instability nuclear misuse proliferation risks nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists dangerous dictators nuclear intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East destabilization nuclear security weapons-grade material nuclear safety developing countries nuclear misuse nuclear rights military coercion nuclear accidents organizational safety nuclear weapons policy
test-international-ghwcitca-con01a	It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, treaty cyber-attacks international cooperation internet governance state control UN security council Syria cyber-attack attribution proxy computers South Korea North Korea misattribution cyber security hacking global agreement political deadlock cyber warfare digital forensics international law cybersecurity policy cyber-attacks treaty challenges international cooperation internet governance Russia China US Western Europe UN Security Council Syria attribution proxy computers misattribution South Korea North Korea cyber security hacker tracing state control global agreement civil war digital forensics international relations cyber policy cyber warfare diplomatic conflict security council deadlock cyber governance state-sponsored attacks cyber defense cyber intelligence geopolitical tensions internet regulation cyber crime cyber espionage cyber terrorism technological warfare international cybersecurity norms network security cyber deterrence strategic cybersecurity digital sovereignty international cooperation cyber-attacks treaty internet governance state control UN security council civil war Syria misattribution proxy computers cyber security South Korea North Korea hack tracing cyber warfare international security digital forensics political conflict cyber policy cyber-attacks treaty internet governance Russia China US Western Europe UN security council Syria proxy computers misattribution South Korea North Korea cyber security trace back hackers state control international cooperation security concerns civil war cyber-attack attribution global agreement deadlock cyber defense digital forensics state-sponsored hackers cyber warfare international law cyber diplomacy online anonymity cyber crime cyber espionage network security digital evidence cyber strategy geopolitical tensions internet freedom online sovereignty cyber policy international relations cyber conflict digital security cyber-attacks treaty challenges international cooperation internet governance Russia China US Western Europe UN security council civil war in Syria misattribution proxy servers trace back hackers South Korea North Korea cyber security cyber-attacks international treaty state cooperation internet governance Russia China US Western Europe UN Security Council Syria civil war proxy computers cyber-attack attribution South Korea North Korea cyber security hack tracing state control global agreement cyber warfare diplomatic challenges technical difficulties cyber defense international relations cyber policy geopolitical tensions digital forensics cyber attribution misattribution cyber conflict cybersecurity governance international cooperation cyber threats cybercrime cyber espionage internet security digital attacks cyber strategy cyber diplomacy cyber vulnerability cyber resilience cyber treaty cyber-attacks challenges cooperation internet governance Russia China state control US Western Europe UN security council civil war Syria proxy computers misattribution South Korea North Korea cyber security hackers trace back detailed plans wrong country ban Nebehay Reuters Black The Guardian Greenemeier Scientific American Koo The Diplomat cyber-attacks treaty international cooperation internet governance state control UN security council civil war in Syria attack attribution proxy computers misattribution cyber security South Korea North Korea hackers trace back cyber-attacks treaty challenges international cooperation internet governance Russia China state control US Western Europe UN Security Council civil war in Syria attribution of attacks proxy computers misattribution South Korea North Korea cyber security hacker tracing international law digital forensics cyber warfare political conflicts cybersecurity policy international relations cyber defense cybercrime network security information warfare diplomatic tensions global cybersecurity norms technological challenges legal frameworks cyber espionage cyber terrorism digital security measures international security strategic interests cyber intelligence cyber diplomacy cyber regulations cyber-attacks treaty international cooperation internet governance state control UN security council civil war Syria cyber-attack attribution proxy computers misattribution South Korea North Korea Twitter
test-health-hdond-con02a	This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. punishment past decisions irreversible donor status registered organ donor patient prior registration atonement survival psychological distress state policy justice moral judgment health equity organ allocation ethical considerations regret health rights citizenship public health bioethics punishment past decisions irreversible choices organ donor policy donor status assessment registered donor requirement patient regret atonement impossibility deprivation of life psychological distress state justification moral judgment health equity bioethics consent issues public health policy organ transplantation ethics medical justice societal values legal implications human rights considerations healthcare access moral hazard incentive structures organ donation rates patient rights medical ethics fairness in healthcare organ allocation criteria compassionate care societal norms health disparities policy implications ethical dilemmas informed consent patient autonomy healthcare decisions organ donation organ donation donor registration policy reform moral dilemma psychological impact healthcare ethics life-saving treatment societal values decision-making consequences atonement opportunities state-enforced justice patient rights health equity public health policy ethical formulations donor status assessment organ allocation criteria regret and punishment passive decision-making active vs passive consent organ donation policy donor registration punishment for non-donors moral distress psychological impact healthcare ethics policy reform regret and atonement state-imposed justice life-saving treatment denial punish past decision undo policy donor status registered organ donor patient sick regret atone citizens deprived living psychological distress passive decision register state justice organ donation donor registration patient rights medical ethics punitive healthcare policies psychological impact regret healthcare justice policy criticism organ allocation moral responsibility health equity punish past decision undo formulations policy assessing donor status patient registered organ donor sick person tortuous situation regret decision atone past act citizens deprives continue living psychological distress passive decision register doomed state well just organ donation donor status policy formulation past decisions irreversible choices punitive measures psychological distress moral dilemma state intervention justice in healthcare atonement for past acts living continuation health equity ethical implications public health policy civil liberties informed consent donor registration healthcare rationing societal values moral responsibility organ donation donor registration policy impact psychological distress moral dilemma regret atonement justice fairness health policy patient rights donor status life-saving treatment ethical considerations societal values informed consent healthcare ethics public health organ allocation medical decision-making organ donation policy donor status assessment past decisions irreversible choices psychological distress state-imposed justice moral dilemma health equity punitive healthcare systems atonement for past actions registered organ donor patient rights healthcare ethics survival opportunity societal values policy criticism organ allocation criteria informed consent regret in medical decisions life-saving treatments
test-environment-ehwsnwu-pro02a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground nuclear storage safety nuclear waste subterranean storage environmental impact water contamination radiation leakage above ground storage public perception nuclear accidents international safety subterranean containment research focus nuclear waste management radioactive materials explosive containment failures irradiated dust particulates spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste nuclear safety crises panic risk assessment storage solutions broad approach specialized training serious release nuclear material environmental protection radiation exposure public health long-term storage geological disposal nuclear policy safety regulations contamination prevention nuclear waste repositories European Union nuclear underground nuclear waste storage nuclear waste safety subterranean containment radiation leak prevention water source contamination underground vs above-ground storage nuclear safety crises cross-border safety subterranean containment failures spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste storage explosive containment failures irradiated dust particulate release nuclear material release environmental impact public safety radiation exposure risks underground nuclear storage safety waste leakage water sources contamination animals above-ground radiation air panic crises cross-border research training subterranean containment failures specialization diverse Infowars Ireland EU permanent repositories explosive containment failures spent fuel rods medical release substantial risks material Underground nuclear waste storage nuclear waste containment subterranean storage facilities nuclear waste leak prevention environmental contamination radiation protection above-ground nuclear storage nuclear safety crises cross-border nuclear safety subterranean containment failures nuclear waste research nuclear waste training radioactive material leakage irradiated dust nuclear power station failures spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste storage water source contamination nuclear storage safety public radiation fears environmental impact of nuclear waste international nuclear waste management nuclear waste disposal methods long-term nuclear waste solutions nuclear waste repository design nuclear waste transport risks nuclear waste environmental safeguards nuclear waste underground nuclear storage nuclear waste deep geological repositories radiation containment environmental safety water contamination subterranean storage above ground storage nuclear safety cross-border safety radioactive leakage nuclear waste management public perception radiation panic containment failure subterranean research nuclear material release explosive containment failures spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste storage Underground nuclear storage safe storage nuclear waste 300m underground limited harm no water sources contamination prevention environmental safety above ground storage radiation leak air contamination public panic nuclear safety crises cross-border safety subterranean containment research focus training specialization underground facilities nuclear material release water source contamination Underground nuclear storage safe nuclear waste 300m underground limited harm no water contamination animal contamination above ground storage greater danger radiation leakage panic nuclear safety crises cross-border safety subterranean containment research training broad approach distinct storage radioactive material air leakage irradiated dust explosive containment water source contamination Underground nuclear storage safety nuclear waste 300m depth leak limitations water contamination animal contamination above ground storage radiation leak panic nuclear safety crises cross-border safety subterranean containment research focus training radioactive leakage air contamination exploded containment spent fuel rods medical waste water source contamination Underground storage nuclear waste safety environmental impact water contamination radiation above-ground storage panic public perception nuclear accidents cross-border safety research focus subterranean containment explosive containment failures irradiated dust spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste substantial risks water source release Underground nuclear storage safety nuclear waste subterranean containment radiation leak water contamination above-ground storage public panic nuclear safety crises cross-border safety specialized research subterranean failures broad approach spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste radioactive material air contamination explosive containment failures substantial risks release into water sources
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con01a	The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. vulnerable children left behind voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities inadequate home support access to best schools lack of knowledge funding issues worst schools vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities inadequate home support access to best schools desire and knowledge school funding worst schools educational inequality vulnerable children voucher scheme parental involvement educational opportunities inadequate home support school funding access to best schools lack of parental knowledge desire for education funding disparities educational equity policy impact social mobility disadvantaged students school choice educational resources community support government assistance educational reform public school funding vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities inadequate home support access to best schools funding shortage worst schools vulnerable children education vouchers parental involvement best educational opportunities inadequate home support access to schools funding disparities educational inequality vulnerable children education voucher scheme parental involvement educational opportunities inadequate home support school funding best schools parent knowledge educational access funding disparities vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities inadequate home support school funding worst schools access barriers educational inequality parental involvement school choice policy impact vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities inadequate home support school access funding disparity educational equity socioeconomic factors school choice policy impact educational reform disadvantaged students parental engagement school quality resource allocation vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities inadequate home support access to best schools parent knowledge funding issues worst schools vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities home support school funding access barriers educational inequality
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro03a	Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition The Spear Dehumanisation Black People President Zuma Personal Life Criticism Vulgar Tactics Dog-Whistle Tactics ANC White Critics Government Criticism Past Injustices Poor Black Voters Julius Malema Incendiary Statements Double Standards Murray Black Artists Ayanda Mabulu Artwork Criticism Goodman Gallery City Press White South Africans Government Criticism Race-Based Slander Autocracy Institutionalised Racism Free Speech Intimidation Far-Right Activity Apartheid Sarah Baartmanisation Racialised criticism dehumanisation President Zuma personal life criticism dog-whistle tactic ANC white critics political opposition Julius Malema incendiary statements racial tension double standards Brett Murray Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press free speech race-based slander Apartheid institutionalised racism political art South African politics artistic freedom government criticism racial oppression political expression art controversy media pressure political art censorship racial stereotypes political satire media responsibility political discourse racial sensitivity art and politics public opinion racial injustice Racialised opposition critics The Spear dehumanises black people President Zuma personal life vulgar dog-whistle ANC white critics government injustices past distrust poor black voters Julius Malema incendiary hatred whites double standards criticism Murray Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press pressure government criticism White South Africans Apartheid Far-Right autocracy institutionalised racism Brett Murray free speech intimidation race-based slander Racialised opposition The Spear dehumanisation black people President Zuma personal life vulgar means dog-whistle tactic ANC white critics government Democratic Alliance injustices of the past poor black voters Julius Malema hatred against whites double standards criticism Murray white artist black artists Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press White South Africans Apartheid Far-Right activity free speech intimidation race-based slander Racialised opposition dehumanisation black people President Zuma personal life dog-whistle tactic ANC white critics government Democratic Alliance injustices past poor black voters Julius Malema incendiary statements hatred whites double standards criticism Murray Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press White South Africans Apartheid Far-Right autocracy institutionalised racism Brett Murray free expression intimidation race-based slander Racialised opposition The Spear dehumanises black people President Zuma personal life vulgar means dog-whistle tactic ANC white critics government Democratic Alliance injustices past distrust poor black voters ANC support Julius Malema incendiary statements hatred whites double standards criticism Murray white artist black artists denigrate Ayanda Mabulu Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense Goodman Gallery City Press pressure criticism government White South Africans superiority Apartheid Far-Right activity aut Racialised Opposition The Spear Dehumanisation Black People President Zuma Personal Life Policy Vulgar Means Dog-Whistle Tactics ANC White Critics Government Democratic Alliance Past Injustices Poor Black Voters Julius Malema Incendiary Statements Hatred Against Whites Double Standards Criticism Murray White Artist Black Artists Ayanda Mabulu Ngcono ihlwempu kenesibhanxo sesityebi Graphic Depiction Goodman Gallery City Press Intimidation Race Based Slander White South Africans Apar Racialised opposition The Spear Brett Murray ANC Zuma dehumanisation dog-whistle tactic Julius Malema White critics Black artists Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press free speech race-based criticism Apartheid institutionalised racism South African politics artistic freedom censorship racial dynamics political art public opinion government criticism institutional racism cultural sensitivity racial tension political expression black voters white supremacy artistic censorship racial discourse political activism historical context current affairs South African art political satire racial stereotypes racial prejudice Racialised opposition dehumanisation black people President Zuma personal life policy vulgar means dog-whistle tactic ANC white critics government Democratic Alliance injustices past poor black voters ANC support Julius Malema incendiary statements hatred against whites double standards Brett Murray The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Ayanda Mabulu Ngcono ihlwempu kenesibhanxo sesityebi white South Africans criticism government superiority Apartheid Far-Right activity autocracy institutionalised racism free Racialised criticism The Spear Brett Murray ANC dog-whistle tactic white critics Julius Malema Murray criticism Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press racial slander South African politics artistic freedom racial discrimination government criticism apartheid free expression political artwork racialised opposition black artists political censorship white artists racialised discourse art controversy South African art political art race-based criticism freedom of speech racial tensions South African government political opposition racial sensitivity artistic representation public opinion racial politics South African society political commentary
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con02a	"The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. New START Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs expired START erector-launcher mechanism flatcar START restrictions limitations advertised warhead-reduction targets heavy bomber unilateral reductions treaty limits balance of power world peace opposition to New START New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs erector-launcher mechanism nuclear warheads strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions balance of power world peace opposition to New START strategic offensive arms Heritage Foundation The Foundry Boston.com 2010 nuclear arms control international security US-Russia relations military strategy nuclear deterrence ballistic missile launchers strategic bombers New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers undercount missiles long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs expired START Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms erector-launcher mechanism treaty limitations unequal treaty strategic nuclear warheads launcher reductions unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Treaty opposition 2010 Boston.com Heritage Foundation The New START treaty Russia's tactical nuclear advantage missile loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits multiple warhead missile bombers Russian long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles railcar flatcar ICBM launchers expired START strategic nuclear warheads heavy bomber rail-mobile ICBMs unilateral reductions treaty limits balance of power world peace New START opposition Boston.com Heritage Foundation The Foundry New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START strategic nuclear warheads warhead-reduction targets heavy bomber unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms Heritage Foundation The Foundry flaws fix Boston.com 2010 1991 New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs erector-launcher mechanism flatcar nuclear launchers strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions unequal treaty balance of power world peace Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms Heritage Foundation The Foundry New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage warhead multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs erector-launcher mechanism ICBM launchers missile launchers strategic nuclear weapons reduction unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Mitt Romney Flint Spring Baker Heritage Foundation The Foundry Boston.com 2010 1991 START strategic offensive arms limitation reduction targets New Heavy Bomber flaws opposition negotiation loopholes New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs strategic nuclear warheads advertised warhead-reduction targets unilateral reductions unequal treaty balance of power world peace nuclear arms control Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty START nuclear disarmament international security US-Russia relations global security strategic stability nuclear non-proliferation New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers warhead counting long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs START treaty erector-launcher mechanism ICBM launchers strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms Heritage Foundation The Foundry twelve flaws New START opposition New START Russia US tactical nuclear weapons loopholes Mitt Romney 2010 warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs START treaty strategic nuclear warheads launcher reductions strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms Heritage Foundation The Foundry Baker Spring twelve flaws New START treaty unequal treaty opposition to New START"
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro02a	Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook information point opportunity life improvement connectivity social media job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities social media campaign YouTube views Facebook posts Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion event price online cheap efficient info point Facebook information point opportunities life improvement staying connected job opportunities social events platform users companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discounts music festival football tournament community social networks TV commercials free Kony 2012 campaign Uganda atrocities YouTube video views Facebook posts Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion price social media online cheap efficient info point Facebook information point life improvement opportunities stay connected social platform users interaction companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 campaign Uganda atrocities social media YouTube video Kony Facebook posts Apple iPad TV ads radio commercials billboards social media marketing cost-effective promotion online info point Facebook information point life improvement opportunities world connection job opportunities sporting competitions social events efficient platform user interaction company tool event planning customer engagement Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament community connection social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities social media impact Youtube views Facebook posts March 6th 7th Apple iPad promotion costs advertising alternatives online info point social media benefits Facebook information point improve life opportunities stay connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users companies event planners customers Google Toyota music festival football tournament individuals community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda Youtube Facebook posts TV ads radio commercials billboards event promotion online cheap efficient info point Facebook information point improve life opportunities stay connected world around job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users get in touch companies event planners direct customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament informing community social networks TV commercials free Kony 2012 campaign Uganda Youtube Facebook posts TV ads radio commercials billboards promote population social media online cheap efficient info point Facebook information point improve life opportunities stay connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events social network platform users communication companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament amateur players informing community social media Kony 2012 campaign Uganda atrocities Youtube video views posts Facebook posts March 6th 7th Apple iPad TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion price population online cheap efficient info point Facebook information point opportunities social events job opportunities sporting competitions social media connectivity community event planners companies customers users platform communication free Kony 2012 campaign Uganda atrocities social awareness Youtube views posts TV commercials radio commercials billboards promotion cost-effective online info point social networks efficiency conventional media alternatives marketing outreach engagement audience impact viral awareness dissemination information sharing digital media advertising public relations social impact global reach user-generated content viral marketing Facebook information point opportunity life improvement stay connected world around job opportunities sporting competitions social events community platform users companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament social networks conventional means TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities Youtube views Facebook posts Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion event population social media online cheap efficient info point Facebook information point improve life opportunities stay connected world job opportunities sporting competitions social events community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities social media YouTube views Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promote event price online cheap efficient equivalent
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro02a	Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, prohibition glamorizes drugs legalization impressionable teenagers cannabis use declined legal change problematic drug users UK underground activity attractive Home Affairs Select Committee government policy working statistics Travis Alan Guardian October 2007 May 2002 Prohibition Legalization Drug Policy Glamorization Underlying Issues Drug Users Teenagers Cannabis Classification Statistics Home Affairs Select Committee The Guardian Drug Trends Legal Change UK Drug Use prohibition ineffectiveness drug glamorization illegal drug use legalization drug policy problematic drug users cannabis use UK drug statistics drug classification underground activity teenager drug use drug attractiveness Home Affairs Select Committee Travis Alan The Guardian legal change impact Prohibition drug glamorization drug legalization UK drug users cannabis classification cannabis use decline Home Affairs Select Committee drug policy effectiveness Alan Travis Guardian Prohibition drug policy glamorization legalization drug users UK statistics cannabis classification teenagers impressionable drug attractiveness Home Affairs Select Committee Alan Travis The Guardian legal change drug use decline prohibition drug use glamorization legalization problematic drug users UK cannabis classification teenage drug use statistics policy effectiveness legal change impact Prohibition drug policy glamorization drug use legalization teenagers cannabis UK statistics Home Affairs Select Committee Travis Alan The Guardian 1970 2002 2007 problematic drug users classification legal change drug attractiveness underground activity drug users legalization benefits drug laws drug enforcement public health drug treatment social impact crime black market prohibition glamorizes drugs illegal drugs drug legalization drug users problematic drug use UK drug statistics cannabis use decline drug policy Home Affairs Select Committee Travis The Guardian drug classification Class B Class C impressionable teenagers underground activity drug attractiveness legalization benefits drug use reduction prohibition drug glamorization drug legalization drug users UK drug statistics cannabis classification cannabis use trends Home Affairs Select Committee drug policy effectiveness Alan Travis legal change impact Prohibition legalization drug policy UK problematic drug users glamour underground activity impressionable teenagers cannabis use legal change statistics Home Affairs Select Committee The Guardian
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con04a	Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving EU UK regional influence Europe foreign policy EU relations United States UK ally European Union strong UK divorce outside group influence EU states key voice EU exit UK regional influence European geography UK foreign policy EU relations US-UK alliance EU membership benefits post-Brexit diplomacy European power dynamics international influence Brexit impact European integration UK-EU cooperation transatlantic relations geopolitical strategy European Union politics UK strategic position international relations global politics European community diplomatic influence Brexit consequences UK international standing European partnership political alliances US foreign policy European security EU decision-making UK-EU negotiations European cooperation international cooperation EU member states UK-European relations European governance UK global role EU UK regional influence foreign policy European powers US-UK relations EU membership international relations diplomatic influence European Union Brexit political relations geographically Europe strong ally Josh Earnest White House Press Briefing March 2016 key voice outside influence divorce from EU Leaving EU UK regional influence UK-Europe geography UK foreign policy EU relations damage UK-EU divorce US-UK alliance EU internal influence UK external influence EU states cooperation EU exit regional influence UK foreign policy European relations US-UK alliance EU membership benefits international diplomacy post-Brexit diplomacy European Union impact UK-European partnership EU exit UK regional influence geographic proximity EU foreign policy international relations EU member states US-UK alliance Josh Earnest White House EU decision-making UK diplomatic impact Europe's key voices political divorce international influence EU membership benefits Leaving EU UK regional influence UK-Europe geographical connection UK foreign policy EU relations damage UK-US alliance strong UK in EU UK influence outside EU EU states listening to UK Josh Earnest statement White House briefing March 2016 EU UK regional influence foreign policy Europe leaving EU damage relations EU members United States UK ally strong UK European Union outside influence key voice EU states listening to UK international relations Brexit geopolitical impact European powers UK-EU relations EU UK regional influence foreign policy relations European powers United States divorce key voice influence membership alliance diplomacy international relations trade cooperation negotiations political impact strategic importance geographical proximity EU exit UK regional influence European foreign policy Brexit impact UK-EU relations US-UK alliance post-Brexit diplomacy European Union dynamics international relations geopolitical strategy
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro03a	Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats wages consumers quality customers purchasing power job creation economic stimulation labor wage levels worker respect progressive economics quality economy Mark Pash Brad Parker Democrats wages consumers quality customers economy stimulation job creation survival wages economic principles progressive economics labor collaboration wage levels worker respect economic impact Brad Parker Mark Pash CFP Democrats wages consumers quality customers purchasing power job creation economic stimulation labor wage levels worker respect progressive economics quality economy Mark Pash Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Democrats increasing wages better consumers quality customers paying people purchase goods services affordable survival stimulate economy working with labour wage levels respect worker positive economic effect Progressive Economic Principles Mark Pash Brad Parker Quality Economy Democrats wages consumers quality customers purchasing power job creation economic stimulation labor wage levels worker respect progressive economics quality economy Mark Pash Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Democrats wages better consumers quality customers purchasing power job creation economic stimulation labor rights wage levels worker respect progressive economics quality economy Mark Pash Brad Parker progressive principles economic policy Democrats increasing wages better consumers quality customers paying people purchase goods services affordable survival stimulate economy working with labour respect workers positive economic effect Mark Pash Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Quality Economy Democrats increasing wages better consumers quality customers paying people purchase goods services survive stimulate economy working with labour respect worker positive effect economy Mark Pash CFP Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Quality Economy Democrats wages consumers quality customers economy jobs survival stimulation labour wages levels worker respect progressive economics quality economy Mark Pash CFP Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles economic stimulus wage growth consumer spending job quality labor rights progressive economics quality employment fair wages economic prosperity worker dignity economic policy fiscal responsibility income distribution economic equity sustainable employment
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro01a	Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. community radio voices people powerful Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication democracy diversity opinions autocratic regime mass communication democratic voices commercial radio public service listener base authority political cultural lowest common denominator AMARC World Association of Community Radio community radio voices people powerful Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication democracy diversity opinions autocratic regime Orwell universal deceit truth subversive act mass communication democratic voices commercial radio public service listener base commercial advertisers authority cultural bland lowest common denominator AMARC World Association of Community Radio 1998 Arab Spring revolutions 1989 diversity of opinions autocratic regime Orwell universal deceit democratic voices public service commercial radio lowest common denominator community radio AMARC mass communication listener base political authority cultural authority subversive act truth telling monopolies of perspective voicing the people powerful voices Community radio voices to the people Arab Spring revolutions of 1989 communication democracy diversity of opinions Orwell universal deceit subversive act autocratic regime mass communication democratic voices commercial radio public service listener base AMARC World Association of Community Radio community radio voices people powerful Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication democracy diversity opinions autocratic regime Orwell truth subversive act mass communication democratic voices commercial radio public service profit listener base commercial advertisers authority political cultural bland lowest common denominator community radio voices to the people Arab Spring revolutions 1989 effective communication break monopoly Orwell tell the truth democracy diversity of opinions mass communication democratic voices commercial radio public service listener base authority AMARC World Association of Community Radio community radio voices to the people Arab Spring revolutions of 1989 effective communication break monopoly universal deceit tell the truth subversive act encourage democracy diversity of opinions autocratic regime mass communication democratic voices commercial advertisers public service listener base cultural authority lowest common denominator commercial radio AMARC World Association of Community Radio Community radio voices people powerful Arab Spring revolutions communication democracy diversity opinions autocratic regime Orwell universal deceit truth subversive act mass communication democratic voices commercial advertisers authority public service listener base cultural AMARC World Association of Community Radio community radio voices to the people Arab Spring revolutions 1989 effective communication break monopoly Orwell universal deceit truth subversive act democracy diversity of opinions autocratic regime mass communication democratic voices commercial advertisers upset authority public service listener base commercial radio AMARC World Association of Community Radio booklet 1998 Community radio democracy Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication monopoly breaking Orwell truth subversion diverse opinions autocracy mass communication democratic voices public service profit listener base commercial advertisers authority cultural bland content AMARC World Association of Community Radio
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con01a	The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 presumption of innocence fair trial jury duty past convictions relevance re-offending treatment criminal defense reasonable doubt sex offenders public safety legal rights defendant's rights criminal justice legal presumption innocence guilt verdict evidence criminal history judicial process legal principles judicial fairness legal ethics crime prevention rehabilitation criminal behavior legal standards judicial decision-making legal assumptions offender treatment legal protections trial procedures legal arguments legal systems judicial transparency judicial accountability presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury duty irrelevant past re-offending criminal defense reasonable doubt treatment for offenders public safety canada presumption of innocence jury verdict past convictions irrelevant evidence re-offending treatment programs criminal defense reasonable doubt fair trial defendant rights legal ethics judicial fairness criminal justice system offender rehabilitation public safety sex offender treatment presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury duty relevant evidence defendant's rights criminal defense reasonable doubt treatment for offenders repeat offenders legal principles judicial process crime prevention rehabilitation programs presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury duty relevant evidence re-offending treatment criminal defense reasonable doubt sex offenders presumption of innocence fair trial jury's duty irrelevant past repeated crimes Criminal Defense legal rights treatment for offenders Parkes Law Group Public Safety Canada presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury duty relevant evidence rehabilitation repeat offenses legal rights criminal defense treatment programs sex offenders reasonable doubt legal principles judicial process defendant's rights presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions relevant evidence jury duty defendant's rights criminal defense reasonable doubt rehabilitation treatment for offenders recidivism legal principles justice system 无辜推定 公平审判 既往犯罪 相关证据 陪审团职责 被告权利 刑事辩护 合理怀疑 康复 罪犯治疗 再犯 法律原则 司法系统 presumption of innocence fair trial jury duty relevant evidence past convictions re-offending treatment programs criminal defense reasonable doubt legal rights defendant's past irrelevant information presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury verdict irrelevant past re-offend prevention criminal defense treatment programs legal rights defendant's rights reasonable doubt public safety sex offender treatment legal ethics judicial fairness justice system impartial jury legal culpability criminal justice reform
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro01a	These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers China Cuba Zhai Xiaobing imprisonment information control external help democratic states reform justice threat justice internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers Cuba China crackdown imprisonment Zhai Xiaobing information control external help democratic states reform dissent repressive regimes internet freedom of speech censorship surveillance oppression bloggers democracy human rights activism social media political prisoners China Tunisia Jasmine Revolution Twitter Bloggers' arrests Zhai Xiaobing external support democratic states information control public awareness technological control reform justice internet dissent repressive regimes technology control high-tech surveillance physical oppression Jasmine Revolution Twitter Revolution bloggers dissent Cuba China government crackdown bloggers imprisonment Zhai Xiaobing information denial external help democratic states pursuit of reform justice threat justice internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers China Cuba imprisonment Zhai Xiaobing information repression external help democratic states reform human rights free speech digital activism censorship social media political prisoners internet dissent repressive regimes Jasmine Revolution Twitter Revolution bloggers China Zhai Xiaobing surveillance technology physical oppression democratic states information control human rights free speech digital activism cyber dissent regime control technological oppression external intervention pursue justice political bloggers Internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Twitter Revolution bloggers China Cuba Zhai Xiaobing imprisonment censorship external help democratic states reform justice internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers China Cuba Zhai Xiaobing imprisonment external help democratic states reform justice internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers China Cuba Zhai Xiaobing imprisonment information control external support democratic states justice reform cyber activists digital dissent online censorship free speech human rights political bloggers internet freedom authoritarian control technological oppression social media activism digital surveillance political persecution cyber repression online mobilization digital resistance governmental crackdown internet as dissent platform technological surveillance political reform external intervention democratic support cyber safety online activism political blogging internet governance Information control digital democracy
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro04a	"Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality Australia government advisory board advertising standards fashion industry body image code sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality Australia government advisory board fashion industry body image code sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe gender equality Australia government advisory board principles fashion industry body image code sexist advertising policies gender equality Norway Denmark UN Committee United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe Australia government advisory board fashion industry body image code restrictions principles guidelines action discrimination women sex objects Scandinavian BBC ABCNews Stefanie Holmes Jean Kennedy 2008 2011 2010 April May June report standards methods barrier eliminate promote sexist attitudes advertising fashion industry code body image principles guide adopted asked establish sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee eliminate discrimination women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality standards methods Australia advisory board principles fashion industry body image code Policies ban promotion sexist attitudes advertising Norway Denmark UN Committee Elimination Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality standards methods Australia government advisory board principles fashion industry body image code sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee discrimination women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality standards methods Australia government advisory board principles fashion industry body image code sexist advertising gender equality policy restrictions Norway Denmark UN Committee Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe Equal Opportunity for Women advertising standards methods to combat sexist advertising Australia government advisory board fashion industry body image code sexist attitudes advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee Elimination of Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality Australia government advisory board fashion industry body image code Scandinavian split Stefanie Holmes Jean Kennedy BBC news ABCNews Object.com restrictive policies sexist advertising standards coping methods gender equality barriers state action women's rights international efforts media representation feminist policies body positivity advertising regulation gender discrimination public policy women's advocacy media ethics societal norms cultural impact policy development legislative measures sexist attitudes advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality Australia government advisory board fashion industry body image code restrictive measures gender discrimination media regulation women's rights international standards policy development advocacy awareness campaigns legislative actions cultural norms societal impact media representation gender stereotypes public policy equality promotion regulatory frameworks industry guidelines sexual objectification anti-discrimination feminist perspectives media studies social policy advertising ethics consumer protection human rights legal frameworks policy recommendations"
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro03a	A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce University of Washington study junk foods prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food prices socioeconomic status obesity price incentive consumption unhealthy fatty food tax levy fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce University of Washington study junk food prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food prices harmful food prices obesity lower socioeconomic status price of food incentive for consumption levy tax unhealthy food fatty food healthy food fighting chance fat tax healthy food unhealthy food junk food fresh produce socioeconomic status obesity price inflation food prices tax policy nutrition public health food affordability eating habits dietary choices economic incentives food economics health economics food cost nutritional value fat tax healthier food cheaper unhealthy food fresh produce junk food prices inflation socioeconomic status obesity tax on unhealthy food healthy food cost food consumption incentives University of Washington study Australian researchers price of food health and economy nutritional affordability food pricing trends economic barriers to healthy eating fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce University of Washington junk foods prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food risen socioeconomic status obesity tax unhealthy fatty food consumption economic incentives nutritional equality public health policy fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce University of Washington junk food prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food risen 20 per cent harmful counterpart obesity lower socioeconomic status price of food substantial incentive levy a tax unhealthy fatty food healthy food fighting chance fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce University of Washington junk foods prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food cost increase socioeconomic status obesity price incentive consumption tax unhealthy fatty food economic barriers nutritional inequality fat tax healthier food playing field unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce University of Washington junk foods prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food prices obesity lower socioeconomic status price of food consumption unhealthy fatty food tax fighting chance fat tax healthy food unhealthy food price comparison inflation socioeconomic status obesity food prices junk food fresh produce taxation dietary habits economic incentives nutrition public health price inflation junk food healthy food socioeconomic status obesity tax unhealthy food fresh produce nutrition public health economic factors food policy dietary choices cost of living
test-education-usuprmhbu-con01a	Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. meritocracy fairness societal order reward skill effort injustice discrimination affirmative action positive discrimination negative discrimination just system distribution criteria meritocracy fairness societal order reward individual merit unjust systems skill effort criteria discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action injustice distribution equality societal justice ethical systems merit-based selection reverse discrimination meritocracy fairness society reward individual skill effort justice criteria selection discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmation action injustice distribution fairness criteria merit-based selection meritocracy fairness societal order reward individual merit unjust systems discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action reverse discrimination just distribution merit-based selection meritocracy fairness society reward individuals merit unjust skill effort criteria discrimination positive negative position achievement affirmative action reverse injustice distribution truly fair system determination benefits equality opportunity performance potential bias equity selection policy social justice ethical principles merit-based outcomes fairness impartiality objectivity meritocracy fairness social order reward skill effort injustice discrimination affirmative action positive discrimination negative discrimination just system merit-based selection equality social justice ethical distribution unbiased evaluation performance-based rewards societal structure non-merit criteria meritocracy fairness society reward skill effort justice discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action inequality distribution earned merit reverse discrimination unjust systems fair criteria social ordering ethical systems merit-based selection non-merit factors fairness in opportunity societal values equitable treatment systemic justice individual achievement merit-based rewards non-discriminatory practices ethical governance social equity merit-based advancement just society fairness in selection reverse injustice merit-focused systems unbiased evaluation social meritocracy fair distribution earned achievements non-preferential treatment meritocracy fairness society reward skill effort unjust discrimination affirmative action positive discrimination negative discrimination just system distribution merit criteria equality social order justice reverse discrimination ethical systems moral philosophy societal values merit-based selection non-merit criteria unfair advantage disadvantaged groups privilege equal opportunity systemic injustice impartiality fairness in selection social engineering equitable treatment human rights legal frameworks social policies meritocratic principles societal norms ethical governance impartial justice fair distribution societal equity merit system moral imperatives social meritocracy fairness societal order justice reward system skill effort discrimination affirmative action positive discrimination negative discrimination social distribution equality moral philosophy ethics social justice merit-based selection fair treatment societal values equitable systems meritocracy fairness societal ordering reward individual merit injustice non-merit criteria discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action reverse discrimination just distribution merit-based selection
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con02a	IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules racial quotas World Rugby Union breach of rules South African rugby SARU intervention governing body sanctions expulsion political rows instability sport governance rugby regulations quota system South Africa Rugby Union policies international sports regulations sports administration athlete selection policies IRB rules racial quotas breach International Rugby Board SARU South African rugby governing body intervention interference sanction expulsion instability political rows SARugbymag.co.za 3 December 2013 IRB rules racial quotas breach Rugby Union International Rugby Board South African rugby intervention governing body SARU political rows sanction expulsion instability sport avoidance IRB rules Racial quotas World governing body Rugby Union International Rugby Board South African rugby Negative impact Governing body interference SARU Political rows Sanction Expulsion Long term instability Sport management Rugby governance Quota systems Rugby regulations International sports law South African Rugby Union Sports policy Athlete selection Racial diversity in sports IRB rules racial quotas breach world governing body Rugby Union International Rugby Board negative impact South African rugby IRB intervention SARU political rows sanction expulsion long term instability sport SARugbymag.co.za SARU quotas IRP rules IRB rules racial quotas breach International Rugby Board South African rugby governing body SARU political rows intervention sanction expulsion instability sport rugby union IRB rules racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board South African rugby SARU interference governing body political conflicts sanctions expulsion sports instability rugby regulations quota systems racial policies sports governance international regulations rugby sanctions South Africa sport politics IRB rules racial quotas World Rugby breach governing body South African Rugby Union SARU intervention embarrassment political issues sanctions expulsion instability sport policy rugby governance racial policy sports regulation international rules rugby union South Africa quota system regulatory compliance sports administration racial diversity athletic policy IRB rules racial quotas breach International Rugby Board South African rugby SARU intervention governing body interference sanction expulsion instability political rows SARugbymag.co.za December 2013 IRB rules racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board South African rugby SARU intervention governing body sanctions expulsion instability sport political issues SARugbymag.co.za quotas breach 3 December 2013
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro03a	The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan gift of hope human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts justice criminals prosecution Nuremberg World War II ICC universal jurisdiction war criminals legal environments Amnesty International Nuremberg Trials Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts war criminals universal jurisdiction Nuremberg Trials International Criminal Court ICC Amnesty International Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan gift of hope universal human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts criminals prosecution justice Nuremberg World War II ICC universal jurisdiction war criminals legal environments Amnesty International Nuremberg Trials Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan universal human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts criminals states prosecute justice Nuremberg World War II ICC universal jurisdiction war criminals anarchy legal environments Amnesty International Nuremberg Trials Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan international Criminal Court universal human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts war criminals Nuremberg Trials universal jurisdiction Amnesty International Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts justice war criminals Nuremberg World War II ICC universal jurisdiction trials legal environments Amnesty International Nuremberg Trials Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts justice war criminals Nuremberg ICC universal jurisdiction anarchy legal environments Amnesty International Nuremberg Trials Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts war criminals prosecution universal jurisdiction Nuremberg Trials ICC legal environments deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts justice war criminals Nuremberg trials ICC universal jurisdiction legal environments Amnesty International Spiegel International Crossland international criminal court fact sheet universal human rights prosecution accountability peace security perpetrators victims global justice legal deterrent war crimes crimes against humanity genocide international tribunal judicial power legal framework state sovereignty national prosecutions international cooperation legal reform judicial reform legal precedents law enforcement deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts war criminals international justice universal jurisdiction Nuremberg Trials Amnesty International Spiegel International
test-education-egtuscpih-pro05a	Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. online courses academic information sharing MOOCs content sharing educational materials access to education course design university cooperation shared courses educational standards financial stress less prestigious universities expand knowledge credit earners non-credit learners decrease duplication quality of education online courses MOOCs academic information sharing educational content university collaboration open access educational resources course design educational standards financial constraints higher education learning materials credit earning non-university learners educational quality duplication reduction institutional cooperation shared courses access expansion knowledge dissemination online courses academic information sharing MOOCs educational materials free access knowledge expansion non-university learners course design improvement less prestigious universities shared courses university cooperation educational standards financial stress educational resources higher education open education collaborative learning course duplication reduction quality improvement educational equity MOOCs online courses academic information sharing educational material access university cooperation course design improvement shared courses reduced duplication increased education quality financial benefits expanded education access higher educational standards online courses MOOCs academic information sharing content sharing universities learners educational materials knowledge expansion course design educational services shared courses duplication reduction educational quality financial stress educational resources access to education university cooperation educational standards online courses MOOCs academic information sharing educational resources university cooperation shared courses educational standards less prestigious universities financial stress course design educational materials non-credit learners access to education decrease duplication quality of education online courses MOOCs academic information sharing educational materials university cooperation course design shared courses educational standards access to education less prestigious universities financially stressed institutions credit earning knowledge expansion duplication reduction quality improvement online courses MOOCs academic information sharing educational materials open access university cooperation course design shared courses educational standards financial stress less prestigious universities non-credit learners expanded knowledge quality of education resource sharing educational services duplication reduction higher education global learning collaborative learning online courses MOOCs academic information sharing educational materials university cooperation course design educational standards shared resources financial benefits expanded access credit earning less prestigious universities course duplication quality education MOOCs online courses academic information sharing educational materials free downloadable content university cooperation shared courses educational standards access to education less prestigious universities course design educational resources financial stress credit earning knowledge expansion quality of education duplication reduction
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con03a	"The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. New START treaty US deterrence nuclear weapons global security disarmament proliferation nuclear powers reduction arsenals leadership treaties Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack allies rogue states rising powers Russia Iran China North Korea international relations defense capabilities diplomacy security policy military strategy international security arms control strategic stability nuclear deterrence global zero non-proliferation strategic environment alliances geopolitical strategic interests bilateral relations international cooperation national security strategic defense military power diplomatic relations security challenges New START treaty US deterrence changing world nuclear disarmament global zero nuclear proliferation nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack rogue states rising powers US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program China North Korea defense capabilities international security strategic stability nuclear policy arms control military strategy diplomatic relations national security nuclear arms reduction strategic defense nuclear deterrence international politics security studies military studies nuclear studies international relations US foreign policy nuclear strategy treaty flaws disarmament negotiations strategic environment international community New START treaty US deterrence changing world nuclear weapons arms reduction global zero proliferation nuclear powers US drawdown rivals great powers war prevention leadership disarmament Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty protection strategic attack rogue states rising powers Russia Iran Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA China North Korea defense capabilities diplomatic fortitude nuclear-armed Iran disadvantages support New START treaty US deterrence global nuclear disarmament nuclear proliferation US nuclear arms reduction international security strategic stability nuclear non-proliferation Russia-US relations Iran nuclear program China-North Korea relations US defense capabilities international diplomacy nuclear policy rogue states great power politics strategic attack defense nuclear club nuclear disarmament treaties Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty US national security international incentives global nuclear order strategic arms control US-Russia bond international non-proliferation efforts New START treaty US deterrence nuclear weapons disarmament global zero nuclear proliferation leadership nuclear arms reduction Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack allies rogue states rising powers Iran Russia defense capabilities China North Korea international relations security policy military strategy nuclear policy treaty flaws diplomatic leverage Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA Peter Brookes Baker Spring Elizabeth Weingarten The Hill Heritage Foundation The Atlantic Foundry New START treaty bad approach changing world US deterrence global arming sixty years prevented war great powers US drawdown undermine deterrence rivals catch United States reductions US decline reducing nuclear weapons global zero nuclear weapons states non-proliferation leadership reduction no effect new powers reducing nuclear arms disarmament nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty protecting defending US allies strategic attack deterrence US-Russia policy rogue states rising powers precedent sacrifice interests bribe Russia Iran New START treaty deterrence US nuclear policy global arms race nuclear disarmament international security great power relations rogue states rising powers Iran nuclear program Russia-US relations China-US relations North Korea Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic defense military strategy international diplomacy defense capabilities US national security nuclear proliferation nuclear reduction US leadership international treaties global zero nuclear arms control strategic attack allied defense US interests diplomatic fortitude Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs international efforts Russian support Iran's nuclear ambitions Chinese intentions defense sacrifice international New START nuclear deterrence US defense policy global nuclear proliferation nuclear disarmament strategic arms reduction Russia-US relations Iran nuclear program China-North Korea relations international security nuclear non-proliferation treaty rogue states rising powers US-Russia bond deterrence strategy Cold War legacy strategic attack defense Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA diplomatic incentives security alliances global strategic stability nuclear arms control New START nuclear deterrence US-Russia relations global disarmament nuclear proliferation strategic attack rogue states rising powers Iran nuclear weapons program Russia-US bond China North Korea defense capabilities international security disarmament treaties nuclear club Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA US interests international diplomacy strategic nuclear policy global zero US military drawdown international relations nuclear security strategic defense non-proliferation efforts US leadership nuclear arms reduction international cooperation New START flaws US sacrifice Russian incentives New START US deterrence global disarmament nuclear weapons proliferation US-Russia relations international security strategic attack rogue states rising powers Iran nuclear program China North Korea defense capabilities policy flaws treaty impact world stability nuclear arms reduction international diplomacy US leadership global zero nuclear club nuclear non-proliferation treaty US interests Russian incentives strategic partnerships military drawdown global nuclear policy international relations security alliances strategic defense nuclear strategy US foreign policy international treaties arms control nuclear disarmament global arms race defense sacrifice"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con03a	Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya rebels nuclear warheads political costs human costs international community nuclear retaliation military coercion interstate crises Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons states civil wars genocide human rights UN United States international coalitions Libya rebels nuclear warheads intervention costs human costs political costs tyrants international community nuclear retaliation military coercion interstate crises Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights Libya nuclear warheads political costs military coercion interstate crises Branislav Slantchev 2005 American Political Science Review Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons United Nations United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya nuclear warheads intervention costs human costs political costs nuclear retaliation tyrants international community nuclear disarmament global security non-proliferation peacekeeping military coercion interstate crises Branislav Slantchev American Political Science Review Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons states UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya rebels nuclear warheads intervention costs human costs political costs tyrants crimes international community nuclear retaliation Branislav Slantchev Military Coercion Interstate Crises American Political Science Review Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights Libya nuclear warheads military coercion interstate crises political costs nuclear retaliation international community Branislav Slantchev American Political Science Review Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya nuclear deterrence political costs human costs military coercion interstate crises nuclear proliferation international community tyrants nuclear retaliation Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya nuclear deterrence military coercion international crises nuclear retaliation political costs human costs global security non-proliferation nuclear disarmament international law state sovereignty intervention ethics conflict resolution peacekeeping armed conflict nuclear strategy crisis management humanitarian aid international relations global governance nuclear proliferation arms control state violence civilian protection international sanctions diplomatic intervention nuclear threats regional stability military intervention political tyranny human rights defenders international norms Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights Libya nuclear warheads intervention costs human costs political costs nuclear retaliation tyrants Branislav Slantchev Military Coercion in Interstate Crises American Political Science Review Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons United Nations international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya nuclear deterrence military coercion political costs international community nuclear retaliation
test-science-eassgbatj-pro01a	Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] animal rights animal suffering human-animal comparison speciesism ethical treatment pain perception behavioral similarities physiological similarities moral consideration anti-cruelty species equality racism sexism ethical dilemma animal testing moral philosophy sentient beings cognitive capabilities emotional similarity human-animal relationship ethical obligations moral status anthropomorphism compassion non-human rights animal welfare laws ethical veganism animal ethics moral psychology empathy cognitive ethology pain awareness emotional expression fear response pleasure activities companionship pet care moral reasoning ethical treatment standards species discrimination animal rights speciesism ethical treatment animal testing pain perception emotional capacity moral consideration physiological similarity behavioral similarity human-animal comparison anti-cruelty species equality ethical philosophy animal welfare moral obligations animal rights speciesism anthropomorphism pain perception ethical treatment non-human animals moral consideration physiological similarity behavioural indicators emotional capacity suffering ethical obligations species equality animal experimentation cruelty compassion humanitarianism philosophical ethics sentience dignity justice animal rights speciesism ethical treatment of animals pain and suffering in animals animal cognition Comparative anatomy animal behavior moral consideration for animals animal testing ethics anti-racism anti-sexism humane treatment animal welfare non-human rights moral status of animals empathy towards animals ethical veganism animal liberation bioethics human-animal relationship animal rights harm speciesism morality ethics pain suffering empathy physiological similarity behavioral similarity consciousness sentience testing racism sexism equality humanitarian treatment animal experimentation compassionate ethics non-human rights animal rights cruelty-free speciesism ethical treatment animal testing moral consideration pain perception empathy sentience behavior similarity physiological resemblance non-human animals anthropocentrism ethical veganism humane alternatives animal welfare compassionate living intrinsic value interspecies justice rights of animals animals harm difference degree type bodies conveying meaning pain fear tormentor pleasure activities pet dog walk people feelings appearance behaviour anatomical physiological characteristics right harmed species testing racism sexism animal rights animal suffering speciesism ethical treatment animal cognition physiological similarities behavioral resemblance pain perception moral consideration anti-cruelty species equality compassionate treatment ethical responsibility sentient beings non-human emotions animal testing humane society animal welfare laws ethical veganism interspecies empathy animal rights speciesism ethical treatment pain perception cognitive similarities behavioral indicators moral consideration sentient beings cruelty prevention welfare advocacy ethical philosophy human-animal relationship compassion empathy non-human rights scientific ethics animal testing species equality moral obligations ethical dilemmas animal rights ethical treatment speciesism moral consideration sentient beings pain perception emotional capacity physiological similarity behavioral resemblance animal testing human-animal comparison moral rights ethical obligations species differences anti-racism anti-sexism
test-health-hdond-con03a	Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. organ donation non-donors coercion mandatory donation body integrity UNDHR Article 3 security of person body rights social tolerance government compulsion ethical concerns voluntary donation medical ethics human rights bodily autonomy organ allocation public policy moral obligation legal boundaries organ donation coercion state intervention bodily integrity mandatory donation ethical considerations human rights UNDHR Article 3 social policy body rights consent death medical ethics public health individual autonomy organ donation bodily integrity coercion state intervention mandatory donation human rights UNDHR Article 3 body rights social ethics voluntary donation personal autonomy medical ethics legal rights organ allocation public policy moral obligation individual freedom healthcare justice bioethics end-of-life decisions organ donation non-donors coercive practices state intervention mandatory donation body integrity personal rights UNDHR Article 3 social ethics civic duties government overreach bodily autonomy death threats social policies human rights violations organ donation non-donors coercive practices state intervention mandatory donation body integrity personal rights UNDHR Article 3 security of person body ownership governmental compulsion social policy ethical concerns moral rights healthcare ethics public tolerance legal voyeurism bodily autonomy human dignity organ donation body rights coerced donation mandatory donation body integrity UNDHR Article 3 state compulsion ethical considerations personal autonomy post-mortem rights social tolerance government overreach voluntary donation human dignity organ allocation medical ethics legal boundaries public policy donor consent bodily sovereignty organ donation non-donors coercion state mandate body integrity UNDHR Article 3 security of person body rights organ allocation ethical concerns medical ethics societal tolerance government intervention personal autonomy post-mortem rights compulsory organ donation public policy health law organ donation non-donors coercive policies state intervention bodily integrity mandatory donation ethical concerns human rights UNDHR Article 3 security of person body rights social policy organ allocation voluntary donation autonomy government overreach medical ethics public health societal norms legal ethics human dignity personal freedom compulsory donation organ procurement health system medical law bioethics informed consent altruism healthcare policy organ scarcity transplant ethics organ donation non-donors coercive practices state intervention mandatory donation body integrity UNDHR Article 3 security of person personal autonomy ethical concerns government overreach body rights social policy medical ethics voluntary donation consent human rights bioethics public health legislative mandates personal choice organ allocation healthcare policy moral obligation individual freedoms legislative ethics organ transplantation societal norms coercive systems voluntary systems legal implications moral philosophy human dignity bodily autonomy organ procurement public trust ethical dilemmas health law patient rights organ donation non-donors coercion state mandate body integrity right to possession death social utility government compulsion body rights UNDHR Article 3 security of person ethical concerns public tolerance legal implications moral philosophy bioethics healthcare policy donor awareness organ shortage voluntary donation informed consent medical ethics human rights personal autonomy
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro02a	Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism Political Interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association Free Speech Free Association Freedom of Intimidation South African Government Art Galleries Newspapers Criticism Government Political Action Intimidation South African Context Free Exchange of Ideas Constitutional Rights Chapter Two Statutes of the Republic of South Africa pluralism political interference art censorship Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Goodman Gallery City Press South African Constitution Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association government criticism political intimidation constitutional rights public protest media boycott artistic freedom South African politics state power free speech principles constitutional protection political campaigning government criticism public opinion democratic values legal framework human rights media freedom political influence artistic expression societal norms government accountability constitutional law political resistance public discourse freedom of expression state-sanctioned intimidation democratic principles political opposition government Pluralism Political Interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association Free Exchange of Ideas Intimidation Criticism of Government South African Context Free Speech Free Association Freedom of Intimidation Protection of Rights Government Response Criticism Public Protest Boycott Art and Politics Media Freedom State Power Political Campaign Public Opinion Constitutional Rights Legal Protections Democratic Principles Political Expression Artistic Freedom South African Democracy Political Activism Government Pluralism Political Interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU South African Constitution Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association Art Censorship Government Criticism Free Exchange of Ideas Constitutional Rights Intimidation Free Speech Free Association Freedom from Intimidation South African Context Jackson Mthembu Protest Boycott Government Response to Criticism Constitutional Protections pluralism political interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association intimidation art galleries newspapers free exchange of ideas government criticism public opinion legal protection artistic expression political pressure state power civil liberties democratic principles South African politics media freedom protest boycott social movements legal framework human rights societal norms cultural sensitivity public discourse political campaigning constitutional law artistic freedom government response public policy democratic values societal impact legal enforcement free pluralism political interference art censorship freedom of speech Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Goodman Gallery City Press South African Constitution free association intimidation government criticism public protest legal protection artistic expression political campaign state power constitutional rights media boycott public opinion criticism of government freedom of expression social pluralism political action legal freedoms South African state public discourse government response artistic freedom political pressure constitutional protection public reaction media freedom political intimidation South African politics artistic criticism government action public opinion political opposition constitutional pluralism political interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association intimidation art galleries newspapers free exchange of ideas criticism of government right to criticise South African context political action state power protection of freedoms public opinion boycott protest constitutional principles free speech free association freedom of intimidation pluralism political interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU South African state Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association Freedom of Intimidation criticism of government free exchange of ideas artistic expression media intimidation government accountability constitutional rights public protest boycott artistic freedom political campaigning state power minority opinions majority ideals legal protections South African context government criticism public opinion political action constitutional principles legal framework artistic criticism media freedom government response public discourse political influence state control pluralism political interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU South African state Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association intimidation Art Galleries Newspapers Free Speech Free Association Freedom of Intimidation government criticism public opinion constitutional rights protest boycott criticism of government South African context free exchange of ideas pluralism political interference art censorship constitutional rights free speech freedom of association government criticism public protest intimidation South African politics Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Goodman Gallery City Press The Spear
test-international-appghblsba-con03a	It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, South Africa Lesotho annexation poverty underdevelopment instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population South African problems unemployment inequality black workforce infrastructure economic burden social issues segregation racial disparity development indicators WSJ Huffington Post South Africa annexation Lesotho poverty underdevelopment instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population domestic issues unemployment racial inequality infrastructure sanitation economic challenges black majority social problems segregation national priorities international relations regional stability development indicators performance monitoring policy evaluation economic policy social welfare human rights governance public services economic growth national security international law sovereignty territorial integrity demographic challenges political stability economic integration development aid poverty reduction unemployment rate social inequality economic disparity public health South Africa Lesotho annexation poverty instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population unemployment inequality black workforce racial disparities infrastructure sanitation economic challenges political priorities human rights social development national interests international relations poverty rates unemployment statistics socioeconomic indicators development indicators performance monitoring black majority segregation racial segregation economic segregation social issues public policy governance national priorities population management financial burden state capacity economic planning regional stability demographic challenges fiscal responsibility economic growth social welfare public services South Africa annexation Lesotho poverty underdeveloped instability resources cost-benefit analysis responsibilities Basotho population domestic problems unemployment inequality black workforce infrastructure toilets racial disparity protection incapable self-management economic burden political burden social issues development challenges international relations regional stability South Africa Lesotho annexation cost-benefit analysis Basotho population poverty unemployment inequality flush toilet black workforce rainbow nation Collins Chabane Development Indicators 2012 Report Patrick Mcgroarty The Wall Street Journal Craig Kielburger Marc Kielburger Huffington Post segregation resources instability responsibilities underdeveloped country protection black majority South Africa annexation Lesotho poverty underdevelopment instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population unemployment inequality black workforce flush toilet rainbow nation protection segregation racial disparity socio-economic issues policy focus domestic challenges international relations regional stability development indicators performance monitoring economic burden political implications social services fiscal responsibility demographic pressures public opinion strategic interests humanitarian concerns governance challenges international aid sustainable development economic integration border management cultural integration national priorities economic disparities social welfare policy-making South Africa Lesotho annexation underdeveloped country economic burden instability resource scarcity cost-benefit analysis government responsibility Basotho population domestic issues poverty unemployment socioeconomic inequality black workforce racial disparities flush toilet access white population Indian population rainbow nation developmental challenges segregation historical context policy priorities international relations regional stability governance demographic pressures economic development social services infrastructure political decision-making public opinion national interests strategic considerations human rights international law territorial expansion economic integration cross-border cooperation economic partnership mutual South Africa Lesotho annexation poverty underdevelopment instability resources cost-benefit analysis Basotho population domestic issues unemployment inequality black workforce flush toilet segregation rainbow nation additional responsibilities national problems economic burden social issues political decision international relations development indicators government priorities public policy socio-economic challenges regional dynamics national interests strategic considerations South Africa annexation Lesotho poverty underdevelopment instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population domestic problems unemployment inequality infrastructure black majority social issues economic challenges protection population management segregation rainbow nation minister statement development indicators Wall Street Journal Huffington Post Kielburger Mcgroarty Chabane South Africa Lesotho annexation poverty underdevelopment instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population domestic issues unemployment inequality black workforce infrastructure flush toilet rainbow nation protection poverty alleviation socioeconomic challenges segregation development indicators black majority WSJ Huffington Post
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con02a	Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. well-off families increased freedom of choice failing schools school deprivation non-native English speakers incentive for companies school setup voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit low-profit schools well-to-do middle class areas parental support exam success rich children subsidised schools poorest in society educational inequality well-off families increased freedom current system failing schools deprivation high levels non-native English incentive companies voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit well-do middle class profitable parental support exam success subsidised schools poorest society failed well-off families increased freedom of choice failing schools deprivation non-native English speakers incentive for companies voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit middle class areas parental support exam performance subsidised schools poorest in society well-off families increased freedom failing schools school deprivation non-native English speakers company incentives school vouchers funding equality extra facilities specialist tutors middle-class areas parental support exam success subsidised schools poorest children educational inequality well-off families increased freedom voucher scheme failing schools deprivation English as second language extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit middle class areas parental support exam success subsidised schools poorest society well-off families benefit increased freedom choice current system failing schools struggling deprivation area high levels children English not native companies incentive set up schools voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit well-to-do middle class areas highly profitable parental support exams rich children subsidised schools poorest society failed well-off families increased freedom of choice failing schools deprivation non-native English speakers lack of incentive companies school setup voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit well-do-do middle class areas parental support exam success rich children subsidised schools poorest society educational inequality well-off families increased freedom school choice failing schools deprivation high levels non-native English children companies school setup voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit schools middle class areas parental support exam success rich children subsidised schools poorest society educational inequality public school funding socioeconomic status educational opportunities resource allocation education policy school vouchers profit margins educational attainment disadvantaged students educational reform school diversity economic barriers academic performance community resources teacher allocation language support educational equity school investment socioeconomic disparities well-off families increased freedom school choice failing schools deprivation high levels non-native English speakers companies school setup voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit well-to-do middle class subsidised schools parental support exam performance poorest children societal failure well-off families benefit increased freedom current system failing schools deprivation non-native English speakers companies school setup voucher scheme funding extra facilities teachers specialist language tutors potential profit well-to-do middle class areas rich children subsidised schools poorest society parental support exam success
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro01a	Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction self-esteem confidence problem-solving friendship maintenance global communication shared interests social networks online friendships chat conversations shared photos status updates self-appreciation happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence peer interaction globalized world friendship maintenance social networks shared interests chat conversations photo sharing status updates Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell online social networks self-control positive self-views experimental investigation peer influence social engagement happiness youth connectivity distance communication hobby groups opinion sharing social circles network size social support emotional well-being socialization child development self-esteem self-confidence trust problem-solving peer interaction globalized world long-distance friendships shared interests hobby groups chat conversations photo sharing status updates happiness positive self-views online social networks self-control consumer research experimental investigation Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction self-esteem confidence problem-solving globalized world friend circles social networks teenagers maintaining friendships distance communication shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness positive self-views online social networks self-control Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence globalized world friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates social networks Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell positive self-views online social networks self-control happiness social engagement peer interaction 青少年 青少年发展 社交网络影响 远程友谊维护 兴趣社群 社交互动 自我认知 社会支持 青少年心理健康 社交平台效应 社交技能发展 同伴关系 Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence social networks globalized world friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates self-control positive self-views experimental investigation peer interaction social media impact youth engagement Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving globalized world friend retention distance communication shared interests friend expansion chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness social networks Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem confidence globalized world friend circles distance communication shared interests social networks mental health online interaction peer relationships social support digital communication youth socialization online friendships 聊天 共享照片 状态更新 Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Journal of Consumer Research Brittany Gentilea Jean M. Twengeb Elise C. Freemanb W. Keith Campbella positive self-views online social networks experiment 社交网络 自我控制 自我价值感 青少年发育 社会联系 友谊 Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving social networks teenagers friend circle globalized world physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness positive self-views consumer research experimental investigation Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem confidence globalized world friend circles social networks shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates self-control positive self-views experimental investigation
test-international-iiahwagit-con04a	Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” poaching motivations heavy-handed approaches tougher responses thrill illegal hunting game reserves necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition alternative livelihood socio-economic factors terrorist funding West Africa lions conservation strategies community involvement legal employment wildlife protection heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses poacher deterrence illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers close calls challenges independence increased protection game reserves necessity-driven poaching rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition source alternative livelihood poacher economics illegal ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa heavy handed motivations poaching tougher responses deter illegal hunting thrill status close calls challenges independence protection game reserves necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition opportunities Africans licit work alternative livelihood protection animals heavy-handed approaches solving motivations poaching deterrents thrill-seeking poachers illegal hunting motivations increased protection game reserves poaching for necessity rhinoceros horn value bush meat nutrition alternative livelihoods illegal ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa motivations poaching tough responses deterrence thrill illegal status challenges independence necessity livelihood rhinoceros horn bush meat alternative employment sociological analysis ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses poachers illegal hunting thrill illegal status close calls challenges sense of independence increased protection game reserves necessity poachers rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition opportunities Africans licit work alternative livelihood animal protection poaching motivations illegal hunting thrills challenges independence necessity bush meat rhinoceros horn livelihood alternative employment sociological analysis terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa heavy-handed approaches tougher responses deterrence game reserves protection conservation economic opportunities sociological factors illegal ivory trade al-shabaab wildlife crime human-wildlife conflict sustainable solutions community engagement policy reform international cooperation environmental justice poverty alleviation legal frameworks enforcement education awareness cultural practices traditional hunting economic incentives rehabilitation restoration biodiversity heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers close calls challenges independence increased protection game reserves necessity-driven poaching rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition alternative livelihood economic opportunities licit work sociological analysis ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses illegal hunting thrill of poaching illegal status close calls challenges sense of independence game reserves poachers out of necessity rhinoceros horn value bush meat nutrition source alternative livelihood poaching opportunities illegal ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa sociological analysis poaching thrills skills licit work protection of animals livelihood provision motivations poaching heavy-handed approaches tougher responses illegal hunting thrill illegal status close calls challenges independence game reserves necessity bush meat nutrition livelihood alternative sociological analysis ivory trade terrorist attacks extinction West Africa
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro01a	People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. drug legalization personal freedom individual sovereignty choice pleasure risk assessment state legislation resource allocation education public health campaigns drug awareness harm reduction self-determination government intervention personal responsibility drug regulation informed decision-making societal impact moral autonomy legislative reform drug legalization personal autonomy individual sovereignty harm reduction drug education state intervention personal choice subjective well-being public health approach drug policy reform drug legalization personal autonomy harm reduction individual rights state intervention drug education subjective well-being public health approach criminalization of drugs personal choice government control drug policy reform informed consent risk awareness freedom of choice substance abuse education legal regulation drug harms personal responsibility prevention strategies drug legalization personal freedom bodily autonomy individual sovereignty subjective pleasure risk assessment state intervention education over enforcement drug awareness harm reduction freedom personal sovereignty individual choice pleasure subjective experience state intervention drug legislation resource allocation education risk awareness public health harm reduction drug legalization personal freedom bodily autonomy individual rights pleasure vs risk subjective experience state interference drug education harm reduction resource allocation drug legalization personal autonomy bodily sovereignty individual choice pleasure vs risk subjective experience state intervention resource allocation drug education public health approach harm reduction policy reform ethical governance civil liberties substance use informed decision-making drug policy reform personal autonomy harm reduction individual rights state intervention drug education legalization substance abuse public health approach personal responsibility drug risks informed choice government role freedom of choice drug use consequences subjective pleasure moral autonomy legal regulation drug-related harm societal impact policy effectiveness resource allocation public safety health campaigns drug awareness substance misuse individual sovereignty voluntary drug use legislative alternatives drug control social harm personal decision-making ethical governance drug prohibition self-determination risk management health education substance information legal framework autonomy vs. regulation drugs personal freedom individual sovereignty choice pleasure risk state legislation resource allocation education drug awareness harm reduction public health policy reform legalize regulate 瘾品安全使用 药物相关知识普及 自主权 个人责任 社会议论 政策讨论 自由意志 政府角色 健康教育 风险评估 利弊权衡 法律干预 社会伦理 个人权益 公共安全 社会福利 预防措施 drug legalization personal autonomy harm reduction education campaigns state intervention individual rights drug policy reform substance abuse education public health approach drug regulation
test-politics-dhwem-con03a	PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs private military companies human rights violations international agreements profit power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang mercenary organizations British Government sovereignty armed forces training moral questions nation states conflict ethics mercenary activities illegal interventions security contractors international law governance military support private armies political influence corporate responsibility PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit power abuse of power Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News mercenary organisations British Government moral questions sovereignty armed forces training combat involvement PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News 2008 mercenary organisations British Government sovereignty nation states armed forces training moral questions PMCs human rights violations International agreements profit pursuit power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang mercenary organisations British Government nation state sovereignty armed forces training moral questions legitimacy corruption opportunism PMCs human rights violations International agreements profit power abuse of power Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News 2008 British Government corrupt opportunists sovereignty nation states armed forces training fighting alongside armed forces PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit power Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News 2008 mercenary organisations British Government corrupt opportunists sovereignty nation states armed forces training moral questions PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit power abuse of power Simon Mann EO Sandline International coup attempt President Obiang Equatorial Guinea BBC News 2008 mercenary organizations British Government sovereignty armed forces training moral questions legitimacy corruption opportunism PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News 2008 mercenary organisations British Government corruption opportunism sovereignty armed forces training moral questioning PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit power Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News mercenary organisations British Government sovereignty nation states armed forces training moral questions PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit power Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News mercenary organisations British Government sovereignty armed forces training moral questioning
test-international-ehbfe-con03a	The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership benefits European Union public opinion European Parliament trust national Parliaments ordinary people Eurobarometer Directorate-General for Communication federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership public opinion European Parliament trust national Parliaments connection ordinary people Eurobarometer federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership positive perception trust European Parliament national Parliaments public opinion Eurobarometer European Union citizen benefit Italy Austria Sweden Bulgaria federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership benefits European Parliament public opinion trust national Parliaments connection ordinary people Eurobarometer federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership citizen benefit European Parliament public trust national Parliaments ordinary people Eurobarometer 71 public opinion European Union federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership belief benefits Italy Austria Sweden Bulgaria European Parliament trust public opinion Eurobarometer national Parliaments connection ordinary people federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership public opinion European Union benefits trust European Parliament national Parliaments connection ordinary people Eurobarometer Directorate-General for Communication federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership belief benefits Italy Austria Sweden Bulgaria European Parliament trust respect national Parliaments ordinary people Eurobarometer 71 public opinion European Union federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership belief benefit Italy Austria Sweden Bulgaria European Parliament trust national Parliaments connection ordinary people Eurobarometer 71 public opinion European Union federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership public opinion European Parliament trust national Parliaments connection ordinary people Eurobarometer 71 Directorate-General for Communication
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con03a	Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, racial quotas cricket rugby union player migration South Africa England Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati domestic competition non-white players sports policy ethnic diversity player selection sports administration quota systems athletic careers sports nationality rules multi-sport issues South African sports English sports racial quotas cricket rugby union Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati South Africa England non-white players domestic competition player migration sports policies ethnic quotas player selection sports administration athletic career international sports sports nationality rules racial quotas cricket rugby union player migration Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati South Africa England domestic competition non-white players sports policies athlete decisions career moves sports diversity selection policies racial quotas drive players away cricket policies Kevin Pietersen South Africa England career rugby union Brian Mujati fill racial quota sports migration athlete nationality domestic competition requirements racial quotas cricket rugby union Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati South Africa England non-white players domestic competition sports policies player migration athletic career national team eligibility sports diversity team composition rules international sports transfers quota systems athlete dissatisfaction sports governance racial representation racial quotas driving players abroad cricket Kevin Pietersen South Africa England rugby union Brian Mujati selection policies non-white players sports migration quota-based selection athletic careers international sports player eligibility sports diversity racial representation racial quotas sports policies player migration cricket rugby union Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati South Africa England non-white players team composition eligibility rules career moves sports governance racial diversity athletic talent retention Quotas players racial quotas cricket Kevin Pietersen South Africa England non-white players rugby union Brian Mujati selection policies sports migration athletic careers quota effects player development domestic competition international sports sports governance racial policies sports administration racial quotas cricket rugby union Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati South Africa England player migration sports policies non-white players domestic competition team selection sports careers policy impact athlete decisions racial quotas players abroad cricket Kevin Pietersen England career Brian Mujati rugby union non-white players domestic competition South Africa England sports policies racial diversity athlete migration sports administration
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro03a	Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism USA patriotism world's people western-liberalism erosion of liberties state protection Kim Zetter The Patriot Act Wired Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism world's people western-liberalism erosion of liberties protecting the state Patriot Act Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism western-liberalism erosion of liberties state protection Patriot Act Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism healthy western-liberalism erosion of liberties protecting state existence Patriot Act Kim Zetter Wired Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism western-liberalism Patriot Act erosion of liberties state protection Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism western-liberalism world's people erosion of liberties state protection Patriot Act Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism western-liberalism erosion of liberties state protection Patriot Act Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism US measures world's people western-liberalism erosion of liberties protecting state Patriot Act Kim Zetter Wired 2004 Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism US measures western-liberalism erosion of liberties state protection Patriot Act Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism world's people western-liberalism erosion of liberties protecting state The Patriot Act
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro01a	Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. suicide rational choice chronic pain terminal illness loss of self assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulated procedures medical supervision personal autonomy choice murder denial of choice future potential rational beings legal ban social ban fear of death modern thinking long-lived humans Andy Bloxham assisted suicide film not murder suicide rational choice chronic pain terminal illness loss of self assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulated medically supported personal choice freedom murder denial of choice future potential rational beings legal ban social ban modern thinking long-lived humans ethical considerations end-of-life decisions humane options dignity in dying personal autonomy palliative care quality of life terminal conditions compassionate response ethical debate legal reform patient rights death with dignity assisted dying ethical dilemmas moral philosophy human rights public policy healthcare ethics end-of-life care suicide rational choice chronic pain disease sense of self assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulated medically supported social rejection murder denial of choice rational beings legal ban social ban mature judgement human rights autonomy dignity end-of-life decisions palliative care ethical considerations mental health legal ethics humanitarian approach quality of life personal freedom philosopher's perspective moral philosophy bioethics terminally ill palliative sedation advance directives living wills euthanasia laws compassion suffering healthcare policy medical ethics patient autonomy suicide rational choice chronic pain terminal illness self-awareness assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulation medical supervision personal autonomy murder denial of choice future potential rational beings legal restrictions social stigma death with dignity end-of-life decisions humane practices palliative care ethical considerations patient rights mental capacity informed consent compassionate response societal norms moral philosophy terminal conditions pain management quality of life humane death decision-making capacity healthcare policy end-of-life options assisted dying euthanasia laws ethical dilemmas dignity in death rational choice chronic pain loss of self assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulated procedures medically supported freedom of choice denial of choice murder potential rational beings blanket ban primeval fear mature judgement long-lived humans Andy Bloxham The Daily Telegraph suicide rational choice chronic pain terminal illness loss of self assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulated procedures medical supervision individual freedom social rejection of murder denial of choice future potential painless death rational beings legal restrictions social norms fear of death mature judgement modern society suicide rational choice chronic pain diseases sense of self death sensible option assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulated medically supported social rejection murder denial of choice future potential rational beings legal ban social ban mature judgement modern humans fear of death unwanted death dark of the night long-lived humans ethical considerations end-of-life decisions personal autonomy humane practices pain management terminal illness quality of life dignity in dying mental capacity informed consent legal ethics medical ethics compassionate care assisted dying humane death palliative care suicide rational choice chronic pain terminal illness self-awareness death sensible option assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulated medically supported individual choice social rejection murder denial of choice future potential freedom rational beings blanket ban legal social mature judgement modern humans Andy Bloxham assisted suicide murder suicide rational choice chronic pain terminal illness loss of self death assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulation medically supported choice freedom murder denial of choice future potential rational beings blanket ban legal social fear mature judgement modern society Andy Bloxham assisted suicide wife husband murder Telegraph 2011 suicide rational choice chronic pain diseases sense of self death sensible option assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulated procedures medically supported environments social rejection murder denial of choice future potential freedom of choice virtuous act rational beings blanket ban legal and social primeval fear mature judgement modern humans Andy Bloxham assisted suicide film not murder
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con03a	Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, political stability market confidence economic growth leadership transparency succession planning investment certainty business environment leader quality economic parameters policy predictability market rumours leadership transition bureaucratic efficiency energy prices transport infrastructure national leadership economic growth volatility political stability market transparency leadership health succession planning economic impact business environment tax policies subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport infrastructure leader quality national leadership economic growth World War II investment decisions market rumour secrecy in governance leadership change effects Markets stability business political stability leader illness transparency succession investment decisions economic impact leader quality growth national leadership World War II Benjjamin F. Jones Benjamin A. Olken Quarterly Journal of Economics political stability economic growth leader transparency business environment market confidence succession security investment decisions leader quality bureaucratic impact energy prices transport availability leadership change economic parameters rumor spread secrecy effects markets stability political transparency illness leader succession secrecy rumours investment economy parameters business taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy transport leadership growth quality change impact Benjaminer Olken World War II Quarterly Journal Economics Markets stability business political stability leader illness transparency succession investment decisions economic impact leader quality growth national leadership economic growth World War II leadership quality economic parameters taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links Markets stability business political stability leader illness transparency succession investment decisions political environment economy business environment taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leader quality economic growth national leadership World War II Benjjamin F. Jones Benjamin A. Olken Quarterly Journal of Economics political stability market transparency economic parameters leader quality business environment investment decisions succession security leadership impact economic growth market uncertainty political environment subsidies taxes bureaucracy energy prices transport links rumor spread leadership change business investment economic decision-making political stability business environment market transparency leader health succession planning economic growth investment certainty leader quality national leadership policy predictability bureaucratic efficiency tax policies subsidy programs energy pricing transportation infrastructure leadership impact economic parameters market rumors investment decisions leader succession growth change business and markets leader influence economic stability market conditions political environment future predictability business investment economic variables leadership change market reactions economic outcomes leader effectiveness market confidence leadership continuity market volatility economic policies business strategy leader effects market security political uncertainty economic development political stability transparency leader health succession planning market uncertainty investment decisions economic impact leadership quality economic growth policy parameters taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport infrastructure leadership change Benjamins F. Jones Benjamin A. Olken National Leadership post-World War II growth
test-education-egtuscpih-pro04a	Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses resource allocation teaching research administrative costs traditional universities facilities maintenance student accommodation transportation meal provision campus supervision lecture halls professor work from home cost reduction academic credentials academic output societal benefit University of Connecticut public universities administrative spending resource efficiency educational transformation higher education innovation virtual learning campus-less education educational cost management academic excellence student learning experience online learning benefits university financial sustainability online courses resource allocation teaching research traditional universities administrative costs facilities maintenance student support accommodation transportation meal subsidies university supervision lecture halls online teaching academic credentials academic output societal benefits online courses universities resource allocation teaching research administrative costs facilities maintenance student support accommodation transportation meals supervision lecture halls remote learning academic credentials academic output societal benefits cost reduction public universities University of Connecticut budget optimization educational technology virtual classrooms faculty work-from-home student accommodation higher education innovation online courses university resources teaching enhancement research funding administrative cost reduction facility maintenance student support services university infrastructure cost efficiency academic improvement societal benefit remote learning professor flexibility educational investment public university spending online courses resource allocation teaching enhancement research improvement administrative costs facility maintenance student accommodation transportation costs lecture halls academic credentials societal benefit cost reduction university efficiency remote education academic output online courses university resources teaching research traditional universities administration costs facilities student support accommodation lecture halls professor work from home academic credentials academic output societal benefits online courses universities resources teaching research traditional universities administrative costs facilities buildings parking lots student support accommodation student halls transport costs meals supervision university areas US public universities lecture halls student accommodation professors working from home academic credentials academic output students society online courses resource allocation teaching enhancement research funding administrative costs facility maintenance student accommodation transportation expenses meal subsidies university supervision cost reduction lecture halls professor work-from-home academic credentials academic output societal benefits online education resource allocation university administration cost reduction teaching quality research funding higher education innovation academic performance student benefits societal impact online courses teaching resources research funding administrative costs facility expenses student accommodation university expenses lecture halls professor work from home academic credentials academic output societal benefits cost reduction public universities University of Connecticut administrative spending student support transport costs meal subsidies university maintenance online education benefits
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro02a	The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, EU High Representative foreign policy consultation consensus unified voice state by state significance united front collaboration debate common values identity commitment Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm Gulf War European unity EU Representative High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Voice State-by-State Foreign Minister Mark Eyskens Economic Giant Political Dwarf Military Worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War European Unity Common Values Identity Formation Collaboration Debate Policy Making International Relations EU Foreign Affairs European Integration Decision Making Diplomacy European Politics Consultative Mechanism United Front Policy Consensus Institutional Development European Governance International Cooperation European Security Foreign Affairs Trade Policy Environmental Policy Political Integration European Identity Commitment EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Voice State Consultation Foreign Minister Mark Eyskens Economic Giant Political Dwarf Military Worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War European Unity Common Values Identity Formation Collaboration Debate Commitment Trade Policy Environmental Policy EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy consultation and consensus united front foreign policy European unity trade policy environmental policy political dwarf military worm collaboration and debate common values European identity Mark Eyskens Gulf War Craig R Whitney EU consultation consensus EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy unified voice state by state consultation foreign policy united front collaboration debate common values Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War European unity consultation consensus EU High Representative unified voice state by state consultation mechanism united front foreign policy collaboration debate new identities commitment common values Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War European unity EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy consultation consensus unified voice state by state foreign policy united front collaboration debate common values European unity Gulf War Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm Craig R Whitney EU High Representative Foreign and Security Policy consultation consensus united front foreign policy state by state representation collaboration debate values identity commitment Gulf War European unity Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Voice State by State Foreign Minister Mark Eyskens Economic Giant Political Dwarf Military Worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War Europeans Fragile Unity Common Values Identity Creation Commitment Collaboration Debate Trade Policy Environmental Policy EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Voice State-by-State Decision-Making Foreign Minister Mark Eyskens Economic Giant Political Dwarf Military Worm Gulf War European Unity Identity Formation Common Values Craig R Whitney WAR IN THE GULF Europeans' Unity
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con03a	"No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. compensation cultural identity fluidity of culture identity politics multiple cultures cultural values individual values culture evolution cultural borrowing cultural homogeneity strategic control choices cultural compensation models Snodgrass Szewczak cultural influence social groups professional culture organizational culture ethnic culture religious culture compensation cultural identity identity politics cultural fluidity cultural evolution cultural borrowing cultural influence cultural homogeneity cultural compensation individual culture multiple cultures cultural value sets social groups ethnic groups religious groups professional groups organizational groups national culture Szewczak Snodgrass strategic control choices Journal of Management Studies cultural identity compensation identity politics cultural values cultural fluidity individual culture multiple cultures cultural groups cultural evolution cultural homogeneity compensation models cultural influence strategic control empirical study social groups ethnic groups religious groups nationality cultural substitution direct impact eligibility for compensation long-distance relatives majority culture cultural substitutability cultural identity fluidity of culture identity politics compensation cultural values multiple cultures cultural evolution cultural influence individual culture cultural homogeneity compensation model distant relatives direct effects cultural eligibility cultural identity compensation fluidity of culture identity politics cultural values social groups multiple cultures culture adaptation culture influence cultural homogeneity compensation models long-distance relatives majority culture direct impact eligibility for compensation Snodgrass Szewczak cultural identity fluidity of culture identity politics compensation models cultural values individual identity multiple cultures cultural evolution cultural influence homogeneity of culture Snodgrass Szweczak strategic control choices cultural compensation eligibility for compensation direct effects indirect effects cultural membership specialized cultures value sets national culture professional groups organizational groups ethnic groups religious groups social groups cultural adaptation cultural borrowing cultural change individual cultural variation cultural complexity compensation feasibility identity-based compensation cultural identity politics cultural membership influence cultural value modification cultural group membership cultural cultural identity compensation fluidity of culture identity politics cultural values social groups specialized culture national culture individuals cultural adaptation cultural evolution cultural influence homogenous culture compensation model distant relatives eligibility for compensation direct impact cultural substitution strategic control choices empirical study culture identity compensation fluidity values social groups ethnic religious national identity politics complexity adaptation influence homogeneity strategic control empirical study compensation cultural identity fluidity values social groups ethnic religious national culture identity politics cultural evolution compensation models cultural homogeneity strategic control choices empirical study management studies culture identity compensation fluidity values social groups national culture multiple identities identity politics complexity adaptation influence homogeneity eligibility strategic control empirical study"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con04a	Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. nuclear weapons peaceful interests states benefits nuclear deterrent international community belligerence warlike character diplomacy trade economic interdependence diplomatic relations economic harm North Korea international isolation nuclear proliferation strategic reasons arms races vulnerability regional security nuclear proliferation diplomatic isolation economic sanctions international relations nuclear deterrence arms race strategic stability non-proliferation nuclear disarmament global security military strategy state sovereignty international community peacekeeping diplomatic negotiations economic interdependence trade sanctions nuclear weapons policy regional security nuclear ethics nuclear weapons peaceful interests states benefits nuclear deterrent international community belligerence warlike character diplomacy trade economic interdependence diplomatic relations economic relations force citizens would-be nuclear powers North Korea international isolation government decision nuclear weapons development right to nuclear weapons strategic reasons proliferation arms races vulnerability neighbors diplomacy harm Sartori Deterrence By Diplomacy Princeton University Press nuclear weapons peaceful interests states benefiting nuclear deterrent international community belligerence warlike character diplomacy trade economic interdependence diplomatic relations economic harm citizens nuclear powers North Korea international isolation nuclear development strategic reasons proliferation arms races vulnerability security deterrence diplomacy Sartori 2005 Deterrence By Diplomacy Princeton University Press nuclear disarmament diplomatic relations economic sanctions international isolation nuclear proliferation arms race strategic deterrence global security non-proliferation treaties peaceful coexistence state sovereignty defensive postures regional stability security dilemmas mutual assured destruction international cooperation trade embargoes human security state behavior nuclear ambitions arms control nuclear weapons peaceful interests states benefits nuclear deterrent international community belligerence warlike character diplomacy trade economic interdependence diplomatic relations economic harm citizens would-be nuclear powers North Korea international isolation government decisions nuclear weapons development right to nuclear weapons strategic reasons proliferation arms races vulnerability necessity diplomacy harm nuclear weapons peaceful interests states benefits nuclear deterrent international community belligerence warlike character diplomacy trade economic interdependence diplomatic relations economic harm North Korea international isolation nuclear proliferation strategic reasons arms races vulnerability nuclear security deterrence diplomacy Sartori Anne Deterrence By Diplomacy Princeton University Press nuclear weapons peaceful interests states non-benefit nuclear deterrent international community belligerence diplomacy trade economic interdependence diplomatic relations economic harm North Korea international isolation nuclear proliferation strategic reasons arms races regional security diplomatic harm Sartori Deterrence By Diplomacy nuclear deterrent belligerence warlike character diplomatic relations economic interdependence North Korean isolation strategic reasons proliferation arms races deterrence diplomacy nuclear disarmament international relations diplomatic isolation economic sanctions arms race nuclear proliferation international security peace studies non-proliferation treaty global governance state behavior strategic studies deterrence theory military strategy international law foreign policy security studies regional stability conflict resolution disarmament negotiations
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con03a	The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. state control schools freedom societal purposes education funding taxes public benefit citizenship education privatisation government agendas state control schools freedom societal benefit education funding taxes public education citizenship education privatisation government agendas democratic participation societal purposes educational reforms policy public interest child welfare community benefit privatized education educational accountability civic education state control schools freedom societal benefit education funding taxes public education citizenship education government goals privatisation educational agendas democratic participation school privatisation government oversight state control school funding tax contributions societal benefit public education citizenship education government goals privatized schools democratic participation educational agendas state control schools freedom education funding taxes societal benefit citizenship education privatisation government agendas state control school funding taxes societal benefit citizenship education privatized schools government agendas democratic participation educational goals public education private education societal purposes teaching incentives exam preparation functioning democracy citizen responsibility education policy state-funded education non-parental contribution privatization challenges public accountability state control schools freedom taxation public education societal benefit citizenship education privatisation government agendas democratic participation state control schools freedom tax funding societal benefit education citizenship teaching democracy privatisation government agendas state control schools freedom education funding taxes societal benefit parental responsibility citizenship education democratic participation school privatization government agendas state control schools freedom education funding taxes societal benefit citizenship education privatisation government agendas democracy public education private education societal goals exam success civic responsibility
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con01a	Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, election democracy autocrats legitimacy regular elections voting reform free and fair elections opposition viable alternative ruling party crisis leadership Philippines united opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos U.S. Foreign Policymaking elections democracy autocrats legitimacy people regular elections voting opposition reform free and fair elections Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos people power revolution U.S. Foreign Policymaking election democracy legitimacy autocrats regular elections electorate voting free and fair elections opposition ruling party crisis regime change Philippines united opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos U.S. Foreign Policymaking Chicago Tribune election democracy legitimacy autocrats regular elections electorate voting free and fair elections opposition regime change Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos people power revolution united opposition party foreign policy U.S. policymaking Chicago Tribune 1986 1985 snap elections 1984 opposition party 1992 Institute for the Study of Diplomacy William E. Kline Joseph A. Reaves election democracy legitimacy autocrats regular elections electorate voting free and fair elections reform opposition ruling party crisis regime change Philippines united opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos U.S. Foreign Policymaking Chicago Tribune election democracy legitimacy autocrats regular elections voter participation opposition political reform free and fair elections Philippines Corazon Aquino People Power Revolution Marcos U.S. Foreign Policy political transition united opposition party snap elections governmental stability political crisis election democracy autocrats legitimacy people regular elections electorate voting free and fair elections reform opposition ruling party crisis leadership regime change Philippines united opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos U.S. Foreign Policy foreign policymaking Chicago Tribune election democracy autocrats legitimacy regular elections voting opposition reform free and fair elections Philippines Corazon Aquino people power revolution Marcos united opposition party foreign policy Chicago Tribune U.S. Foreign Policymaking Institute for the Study of Diplomacy election democracy autocrats legitimacy regular elections voting electorate free and fair elections opposition ruling party crisis leadership Philippines united opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos U.S. Foreign Policymaking Chicago Tribune elections democracy autocrats legitimacy people regular voting electorate voice reform free and fair elections opposition viable alternative crisis leadership Philippines united opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos U.S. Foreign Policymaking
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro03a	In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. precautionary principle minors risk justification benefit newborn baby circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complication rate post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss The Case Against Circumcision Mothering Magazine precautionary principle minors risk justification benefit newborn baby circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complication rate post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss circumcision controversy infant rights medical ethics non-therapeutic circumcision preventive healthcare pediatric surgery circumcision benefits circumcision debate precautionary principle minors risk justification demonstrable benefit newborn baby circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complication rate post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss Mothering Magazine natural family living precautionary principle risk justification demonstrable benefit newborn vulnerability circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long-term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss case against circumcision natural family living precautionary principle risk justification demonstrable benefit newborn safety circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long-term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss Mothering Magazine natural family living circumcision debate minor protection infant rights surgical risks medical ethics preventative measures health benefits circumcision practices childhood health parental consent medical procedures surgical outcomes health research pediatric care infant welfare medical decision-making informed consent risk assessment circumcision controversy medical literature health policy patient safety pediatric surgery clinical precautionary principle demonstrable benefit newborn baby circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complication rate post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss case against circumcision natural family living precautionary principle minors risk justification benefit assessment newborn safety circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long-term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss circumcision debate natural family living medical ethics pediatric surgery informed consent neonatal health circumcision prevalence health policy medical research circumcision alternatives non-therapeutic circumcision cultural practices medical interventions pediatric care surgical procedures health risks infant welfare parental decision-making medical guidelines circumcision ethics public health circumcision statistics surgical outcomes pediatric uro precautionary principle minors risk justification benefit assessment newborn safety circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long-term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss Mothering Magazine natural family living precautionary principle minors risk justification demonstrable benefit newborn baby circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complication rate post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss case against circumcision Mothering Magazine natural family living precautionary principle minors risk justification newborn safety circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long-term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss Mothering Magazine natural family living
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro01a	"The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. market price products services free market consumer choice demand supply profitability consumer command product diversity excess products services Michael Jordan basketball talent skill demand wages labor market dynamic capitalist system individuality ability risk-taking Adam Smith Anarchy State and Utopia Robert Nozick free market demand and supply consumer choice product offerings market dynamics price determination economic value Michael Jordan talent and skill market elimination dynamic capitalist system individuality ability risk-taking Adam Smith Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia market price free market consumer choice demand supply products services profitability consumer power excess products quality talent Michael Jordan basketball wage capitalist system individuality ability risk-taking Adam Smith Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia market free market price determination consumer choice demand supply profitability consumer command dynamic capitalist system individuality ability risk-taking Adam Smith Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia free market price determination consumer choice demand supply market dynamics economic efficiency individual talent ability risk-taking dynamic capitalism economic philosophy Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Concise Encyclopedia of Economics free market supply and demand consumer choice economic theory capitalism Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia price mechanism dynamic capitalist system individuality ability risk-taking market efficiency product demand service demand talent valuation market competition economic incentives market-driven economy market price determination free market consumer choice demand supply profitability consumer power product offering service offering dynamic capitalist system individuality ability risk-taking economic value talent labor market wage determination Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia economic theory capitalism microeconomics labor economics market price products services free market power people choose decide demand profitability consumer preference supply individuality ability risk-taking dynamic capitalist system Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia economic theory self-regulation competition value creation innovation economic incentives meritocracy market dynamics consumer sovereignty economic freedom capitalist values demand-driven economy supply-side economics market forces price mechanism economic efficiency resource allocation entrepreneurial spirit economic growth market equilibrium voluntary exchange microeconomics macroeconomics market price free market consumer choice demand supply profitability consumer power product demand service demand excess products dynamic capitalist system individuality ability risk-taking Michael Jordan basketball talent wages labor market economic value competition Adam Smith Anarchy State and Utopia Robert Nozick economic theories capitalism market dynamics economic incentives consumer preferences market forces economic equilibrium labor supply skill development market rewards economic philosophy supply and demand market economy economic systems capitalist economy market competition economic efficiency market freedom consumer market dynamics price determination consumer choice demand and supply economic freedom capitalism individual talent skill valuation economic incentives risk-taking competitive markets economic theories Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Concise Encyclopedia of Economics free market principles economic efficiency product demand service valuation market competition individual rewards economic systems dynamic capitalism economic agents market outcomes economic philosophy"
test-politics-dhwem-con02a	PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy risk pulling out desertion loyalty highest bidder money interests employer trifle of stipend Machiavelli ruined Italy Iraq Afghanistan PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy risk pulling out desertion motivation money interests employer loyalty highest bidder delicately balanced trifle of stipend war Italy Iraq Afghanistan Machiavelli 1515 ruined conflict private military companies hired soldiers loyalty issues financial incentives combat effectiveness national interest historical context contemporary issues PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy risk pulling out desertion money interests employer loyalty highest bidder delicately balanced stipend war run from foe Machiavelli ruined Italy Iraq Afghanistan PMCs untrustworthy mercenaries pulling out risk not fighting for country no charge of desertion motivated by money interests of employer loyalty to highest bidder delicately balanced no attraction reason for staying trifle of stipend not willing to die war comes take themselves off run from foe Machiavelli ruined Italy Iraq Afghanistan PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy risk pulling out not fighting for country desertion motivated by money employer interests loyalty highest bidder delicately balanced stipend war run from foe Machiavelli ruined Italy Iraq Afghanistan PMCs mercenaries risk loyalty desertion motivation stipend employment conflict Italy Iraq Afghanistan Machiavelli war trifle bidder fighting country interests charge threat ruin soldier foe keeping field willing die run charge trifle stipend sufficient wartime disappearance hire combat engagement allegiance highest payment contractual obligations ethical considerations security privatization military services international operations instability danger criticism historical perspective contemporary analysis dynamics PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy pulling out risk not fighting for country no desertion charge motivated by money employer interests loyalty highest bidder delicately balanced Machiavelli Italy Iraq Afghanistan trifle of stipend not willing to die war take themselves off run from foe ruined Italy PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy risk pulling out not fighting for country desertion motivated by money loyalty highest bidder delicately balanced stipend war take off run from foe Machiavelli Italy Iraq Afghanistan ruin PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy loyalty highest bidder desertion motivation money interests employer stipend war Machiavelli Italy Iraq Afghanistan risk attraction reason fighting country charge trifle willing die ready soldiers flee foe ruined PMCs mercenaries loyalty risk desertion motivation financial interests employer highest bidder stipend war Italy Iraq Afghanistan Machiavelli 1515 historical perspective contemporary issues military contractor private security conflict operational reliability ethical concerns strategic implications
test-education-tuhwastua-pro01a	Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, arbitrary unrepresentative single-day academic career bad day test questions error measurement comprehensive picture academic record law of averages true performance SAT standardized testing college admissions educational assessment standardized tests arbitrary academic career one-day session unrepresentative bad day specific test questions SAT error of measurement comprehensive picture admissions officers law of averages true performance academic record years of work John Cloud Time 2006 arbitrary unrepresentative single-day academic-career error-measurement comprehensive-picture law-of-averages true-performance SAT standardized-tests admissions student-evaluation arbitrary unrepresentative single-day error-of-measurement academic-record comprehensive-picture law-of-averages true-performance standardized-tests SAT college-admissions student-assessment educational-evaluation standardized tests arbitrary academic career one-day session unrepresentative bad day test questions SAT error of measurement comprehensive picture admissions officers law of averages true performance academic record years of work arbitrary unrepresentative single-day performance academic record comprehensive picture error of measurement potential difference law of averages true performance standardized testing flaws SAT reliability test day variability consistent evaluation holistic assessment Standardized tests arbitrary academic career single-day session unrepresentative bad day test questions SAT error of measurement 30 points 800 true performance academic record comprehensive picture admissions officers law of averages balanced years of work true performance Time John Cloud New SAT Test arbitrary standardized tests academic career single day unrepresentative student performance bad day test questions SAT error of measurement academic record admissions officers comprehensive picture law of averages true performance Time magazine John Cloud standardized tests arbitrary academic career single-day session unrepresentative bad day test questions SAT error of measurement comprehensive picture academic record law of averages true performance John Cloud Time September 2006 arbitrary unrepresentative academic career single-day session bad day test questions error of measurement comprehensive picture law of averages true performance admissions officers academic record
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro01a	Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health surplus improve services create jobs budget deficit federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health surplus improve services create jobs budget deficit federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post Bush Clinton economic legacy tax cuts wealthy wars surplus budget deficit jobs services federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post 2009 Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy unnecessary wars Clinton legacy economic health surplus improve services create jobs budget deficit federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health surplus improve services create jobs budget deficit federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post 2008 Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton legacy economic health budget surplus improve services create jobs federal deficit 2009 Andrew Taylor Huffington Post Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health surplus services jobs budget deficit 2009 federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post July 2008 Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health budget surplus improve services create jobs budget deficit federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health surplus improve services create jobs budget deficit federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton legacy economic health budget surplus improve services create jobs Bush administration federal deficit presidency fiscal policy economic impact historical context political analysis government spending tax policy economic growth budget management fiscal responsibility economic performance public finance economic policy economic reforms fiscal deficit budgetary issues economic strategy economic planning economic outcomes government fiscal policies economic legacy comparison economic disparities economic priorities economic decisions economic consequences economic discussion economic debate economic critique economic review economic legacy assessment economic stewardship
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro03a	The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 High Representative Vice President of the Commission HRVP EU foreign policy decision making common ground Member states common foreign and security policy cooperation consultation stable international system EU role world politics unity solidarity harmony European ideals Europa.eu Symbols High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground cooperation consultation international system unity solidarity harmony Europe EU foreign and security policy member states world politics cooperative model defense policy nation state common EU foreign policy commitment significant role streamline position ideals 12 stars symbol Europa.eu Symbols accessed 1/8/11 High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground cooperation consultation stability international system common foreign and security policy EU goals unity solidarity harmony European peoples Europa.eu symbols 12 stars European Union political integration diplomatic representation strategic direction policy coordination institutional reform international relations global governance multilateralism regional cooperation peace security defense policy nation-state supranational governance European integration policy harmonization institutional strengthening leadership role external actions European values governance structure political commitment consensus High Representative Vice President of the Commission EU decision making foreign policy common EU foreign policy cooperative model foreign and defense policy member states commitment common ground significant role common foreign and security policy EU position world politics cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony Europa.eu EU symbols High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground member states cooperation consultation stability international system common foreign and security policy unity solidarity harmony Europe Europa.eu symbols High Representative Vice President of the Commission EU decision making foreign policy common EU foreign policy EU foreign and defense policy cooperation model nation state member states commitment common ground significant role common foreign and security policy EU position world politics cooperation consultation stable international system EU goals 12 stars unity solidarity harmony peoples of Europe Europa.eu Symbols High Representative Vice President of the Commission HRVP EU decision making foreign policy common EU foreign policy cooperative model foreign and defense policy nation state member states common ground significant role common foreign and security policy EU position world politics cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony Europa.eu symbols High Representative EU foreign policy decision making common ground cooperation consultation stability international system Europa.eu symbols unity solidarity harmony EU foreign and security policy High Representative and Vice President of the Commission HRVP member states common EU foreign policy nation state foreign and defense policy EU's position and role world politics EU ideals European unity European solidarity European harmony High Representative Vice President Commission EU decision making foreign policy defense policy nation state member states common ground significant role common foreign and security policy EU position world politics cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony European peoples Europa.eu symbols High Representative Vice President Commission EU decision making foreign policy common ground member states cooperation consultation stability international system common foreign and security policy unity solidarity harmony European ideals Europa.eu symbols
test-politics-dhwem-con04a	The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. PMCs private military companies traditional militaries military operations soldier recruitment state military power military effectiveness business-like conflict attitude unregulated operations illicit practices torture bribery warlords Taliban Afghanistan military danger state security soldier retention military discipline legal accountability conflict zones military support private security military ethics operational impact international law soldier morale military expenditure private employment military training state investment military loyalty armed conflict security contractors military challenges combat effectiveness military strategy private military services military personnel state armed forces military professionalism combat PMCs private military companies negative impact traditional militaries soldier retention state military power business-like conflict approach unregulated operations illicit practices torture bribery enemy strengthening warlords Taliban military danger operational challenges ethical concerns security contractors international law combat effectiveness military morale private security firms conflict zones war economy armed forces government oversight military ethics strategic implications contemporary warfare security sector reform PMCs private military companies traditional militaries soldier attrition state military power illegal conflict practices torture bribery warlords Taliban military morale operational effectiveness private employment state-trained soldiers unregulated military entities illicit military practices conflict zones military regulations international law violations soldier retention military funding private sector吸引力 军事外包 私人军事力量 国家军队实力 军人流动 非法战争手段 战区安全 国家军事战略 私人军事公司影响 军事伦理 国 PMCs negative impact traditional militaries operations soldier retention state military power PMC attraction relaxed attitude unregulated illicit practices torture bribery morale enemy strengthening warlords Taliban Afghanistan military danger PMCs negative effects traditional militaries operations high expense state training private employment income military power business-like attitude conflict unregulated freedom illegal practices torture bribery morale warlords Taliban Afghanistan danger militaries fighting alongside PMCs private military companies negative impact traditional militaries soldier retention state military power business-like attitude conflict unregulated illicit practices torture bribery enemy morale warlords Taliban Afghanistan military danger PMCs traditional militaries negative effects soldier attrition state military power business-like attitude unregulated illicit practices torture bribery enemy morale warlords Taliban Afghanistan military operations private employment high expense state training reduced state power conflict zones legal framework international law military ethics combat effectiveness strategic implications security studies defense policy private military companies state security military personnel operational impact clandestine operations accountability military recruitment service retention economic incentives armed conflict geopolitical implications battlefield dynamics military alliances security contractors private security PMCs traditional militaries negative effects soldier recruitment state military power business-like attitude conflict unregulated illicit practices torture bribery morale enemy warlords Taliban Afghanistan military operations private employment income disparity state-trained soldiers military strength operational risks unseen consequences legal frameworks combat ethics international law security contractors military-industrial complex strategic disadvantages operational integrity conflict zones private military companies state security troop retention financial incentives military ethics regulatory gaps combat effectiveness strategic impact military sustainability private sector influence defense policy military PMCs private military companies traditional militaries soldier retention state military power military operations private employment income disparity military morale unregulated forces illicit practices torture bribery warlords Taliban Afghanistan conflict zones military ethics legal frameworks operational effectiveness morale impact financial incentives state security international law combat effectiveness military cohesion private security contractors military outsourcing strategic implications global conflicts military discipline ethical warfare private force advantages public force challenges security industry military-industrial complex international relations military modernization combat roles private sector influence government PMCs private military companies traditional militaries state-trained soldiers income disparity military power unregulated operations illicit practices torture bribery warlords Taliban morale military danger
test-international-ehbfe-con04a	Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity Federalism Regional identities Local governance National states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Cultural preservation Conflict resolution Sovereignty Political structures Europa European Union Subsidiarity Federalism Regional identities Local governance National states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe Cultural preservation Conflict resolution Sovereignty Political structures Europa Subsidiarity regional identities Federalism local governance Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy cultural autonomy Federal Europe sovereignty political structures conflict resolution dominant culture European Union Europa governance principles Subsidiarity Federalism Regional identities Local governance National states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe Cultural preservation Conflict resolution Sovereignty Political structures Europa subsidiarity subsidiarity federalism regional identities local governance national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe cultural preservation conflict resolution sovereignty political structures subsidiarity regional identities federalism local governance Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe cultural autonomy conflict resolution sovereignty political structures Europa subsidiarity principle Subsidiarity Federalism Regional identities Local governance Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Cultural preservation Conflict resolution Sovereignty Political structures Europa Subsidiarity principle Regional autonomy National states Dominant culture Federal Europe Local level Governance decentralization subsidiarity federalism regional identities local governance Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy cultural preservation conflict resolution sovereignty political structures Europa European Union decentralized governance national states dominant culture local autonomy policy-making regionalism self-determination Federalism regional identities subsidiarity local governance Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy cultural preservation political structures sovereignty conflict resolution dominant culture Europe Europa Subsidiarity Federalism Regional Identities National States Local Level Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe Dominant Culture Conflicts Resolution Sovereignty Political Structures Europa Subsidiarity
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con04a	Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Nixon Mao China diplomacy health transparency negotiations public knowledge diplomatic alignment reliability decision-making Zhou Enlai historical diplomacy political reliability deal undermining international relations leader's health impact secrecy in diplomacy diplomacy transparency leader's health negotiations Nixon China Mao Zhou Enlai diplomatic alignment public knowledge deal reliability political opposition historical diplomacy Cold War relations leadership impact secrecy in diplomacy international relations trust in negotiations health secrecy diplomatic success factors Nixon Mao diplomatic negotiations transparency leader's health public knowledge reliability of deals political opposition Zhou Enlai repudiation of deals historical diplomatic alignments China United States Nixon-Mao meeting diplomatic initiative personal diplomacy political reliability health secrecy diplomatic reliability public trust political leverage diplomatic undermining historical diplomacy Cold War diplomacy international relations diplomatic secrecy political health leadership reliability diplomatic personalism public skepticism political stability international negotiations health and diplomacy political advisers diplomatic influence historical context diplomatic success political dynamics diplomatic trust leadership diplomatic secrecy leader's health impact public transparency Nixon-China visit Mao's illness diplomatic reliability public knowledge effects deal legitimacy adviser influence diplomatic realignment historical diplomacy negotiation confidentiality leadership health secrecy public trust in diplomacy Zhou Enlai's role diplomatic outcomes health and leadership secrecy in negotiations public perception of leaders diplomatic initiatives personal diplomacy transparency in diplomacy deal repudiation leadership illness diplomatic alignment changes negotiation uncertainty public scrutiny health disclosure political advisers diplomatic Deals leadership secrecy historical diplomatic events diplomatic protocol health and diplomacy public diplomacy transparency leadership health negotiations Nixon Mao China United States public knowledge political reliability advisers Zhou Enlai diplomatic alignments historical diplomacy Cold War politics leadership health impact diplomatic Deals political undermining damages diplomacy transparency leader's health Nixon China Mao diplomatic initiatives personal diplomacy individual leader negotiations transparency impact public knowledge deal reliability opposition repudiation diplomatic alignments historic change advisers Zhou Enlai unreliability undermining Diplomacy transparency leader's health negotiations personal involvement Nixon Mao China United States diplomatic alignments public knowledge reliability of deals advisors repudiation undermining historical context Macmillan Margaret Seize the Hour John Murray London 2006 Diplomacy transparency leadership health negotiations public knowledge political stability historical events Nixon Mao China United States diplomatic alignments Zhou Enlai decision-making reliability repudiation undermining secrecy personal diplomacy health secrecy diplomatic success international relations historical analysis Macmillan Margaret Seize the Hour John Murray London 2006 Nixon Mao China United States diplomacy transparency health negotiations leadership Zhou Enlai public knowledge reliability deal-making Cold War international relations historical events political influence health secrecy diplomatic success leadership roles decision-making diplomatic alignments repudiation undermining political advisers historical context strategic meetings global politics statecraft Diplomacy transparency leadership health negotiations Nixon Mao China United States diplomatic alignment public knowledge reliability advisers Zhou Enlai repudiation undermining historical context political stability international relations secrecy influence decision-making trust authenticity national interests strategic partnerships Cold War historical significance Macmillan Margaret Seize the Hour John Murray London 2006
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro04a	It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority security Patriot Act democracy freedom equality terrorism surveillance public opinion populist measures anti-terror privacy government policy public support security measures democratic ideals civil liberties CCTV Patriot Act public consent populist measure majority opinion terrorism democratic spirit freedom equality video surveillance anti-terror summit politics populism public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority country greater security Patriot Act democracy freedom equality anti-terror surveillance public opinion populist measure terrorism video surveillance political decisions human rights privacy concerns government policies social control community safety legislative support public trust security policy democratic values legal framework societal impact technology adoption privacy laws public debate surveillance technology national security civil rights policy-making democratic process political consent governance democratic governance public interest legal constraints security ethics ethical considerations public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality terrorism surveillance populist measures anti-terror summit public opinion video surveillance political populism terror threats public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality surveillance public safety privacy terrorism populist measures video surveillance anti-terror summit public opinion law enforcement national security democratic values human rights surveillance technology policy making legislative support public trust societal security democratic governance counter-terrorism civic freedoms government accountability social control public consent legal framework civil rights democratic spirit threat perception security policies democratic principles public interest privacy protection technological advancement legislative measures public debate public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality anti-terror surveillance populist measure political populism terrorist mindset public opinion video surveillance international diffusion anti-terror summit support for Patriot Act Poll Gary Langer ABCnews Law Council of Australia Clive Norris Mike McCahill David Wood Surveillance & Society public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality terrorism populist measure video surveillance anti-terror summit public opinion surveillance diffusion political populism security vs privacy public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality terrorist mindset surveillance populist measure anti-terror summit poll public opinion security policy privacy concerns democratic spirit terrorism video surveillance public space international diffusion political decisions human rights technological advancements societal impact government authority surveillance technology legal framework ethical considerations data protection oversight mechanisms security vs privacy democratic values public debate legal protections national security individual rights social contract legislative process democratic governance surveillance ethics technological regulation public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority greater security Patriot Act democracy freedom equality anti-terror surveillance populist measure public opinion terrorism political values video surveillance public space international diffusion politics populism anti-terror summit poll support USA 2005 Clive Norris Mike McCahill David Wood Surveillance & Society Law Council of Australia Gary Langer ABCnews public support security measures democratic ideals CCTV civil liberties Patriot Act terrorism democracy freedom equality populist measure surveillance video surveillance anti-terror summit public consent security vs. privacy 2005 Americans political polls law council of australia gary langer abc news clive norris mike mccahill david wood surveillance & society
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con01a	The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. House of Lords experts government policy members small section society expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed elected quality governance country House of Lords expert peers government policy influence second chamber appointed members House of Commons political opportunism governance quality expertise knowledge lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants House of Lords experts government policy members society expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed elected quality governance country House of Lords expert peers government policy House of Commons political opportunism appointed members elected members governance quality societal representation expertise and knowledge House of Lords experts government policy members society expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed elected quality governance country House of Lords experts government policy members section of society expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed elected quality governance country House of Lords expert influence government policy members representation expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short-term politics House of Commons election expertise knowledge appointed second chamber governance quality House of Lords experts government policy influence representation society expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed governance quality improvement House of Lords experts government policy members small section society expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed elected quality governance country experts influence government policy House of Lords members society expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge appointed second chamber governance quality country
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con04a	Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players home growing Peter de Villiers waste of time black players South Africa international players rugby union diversity policies sports management coaching perspectives racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players home growing Springboks Peter de Villiers waste of time black players South Africa England quota system rugby diversity sports policy Racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players home growing Peter de Villiers Springboks coach waste of time black players South Africa quota system rugby BBC Sport Liz McGregor Books Live racial quotas develop new players regional teams non-white players home growing Peter de Villiers waste of time black players outside South Africa quota system South African Rugby Racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players home growing Springboks Peter de Villiers waste of time black players South Africa rugby UNION international players quota system rule phraseology Racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players pilfering players home growing Peter de Villiers waste of time black players South Africa quotas rugby diversity sports policy racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players home growing Peter de Villiers Springboks coach waste of time black players South Africa rugby sports inclusion diversity policies BBC Sport Liz McGregor Books Live racial quotas player development South African rugby regional teams non-white players Peter de Villiers quota system Home growing black players English players SA Rugby waste of time player recruitment sports policies racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players home growing Peter de Villiers waste of time black players South Africa England rugby diversity sports policy quota system coaching perspectives racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players Home growing Peter de Villiers waste of time black players South Africa rugby union quota system policy impact sports diversity player recruitment
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con01a	Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. legal protections court justice adversarial system absolute rights government corruption fair trials conviction rates innocent protection judicial fairness legal absolutes right to defense presumption of innocence systemic justness legal rights erosion court protections absolute rights just adversarial system government corruption fair trials conviction innocent man trial protections right removal presumption defense system justness protections court justice absolutes rights defense government corruption fair trials conviction innocent guilty presumption system uphold removal circumstance weaker justness absolute protections just court adversarial system defence rights government corruption fair trials conviction expense guilty men innocent man uphold protections fairness guarantee remove rights delineated circumstances absolute right presumption defence system justness protections court justice absolute adversarial rights government corruption fair trials conviction innocent guilty upholding guarantees removal circumstances presumption defence system weakening justness fair trials government corruption absolute rights defence rights just adversarial court system presumption of innocence protection of innocents conviction versus fairness legal absolutes courtroom protections judicial integrity undermining justice right to fair trial government interference legal safeguards court system justness trial fairness guarantees rights checks legal principles judicial philosophy protections court justice absolutes rights government corruption fair trials conviction guilty innocent upholding guarantee fairness removal right presumption defence justness system court protections absolute rights government corruption fair trials conviction innocent man trial protections government power legal system adversarial system judicial fairness legal safeguards rights erosion systemic justice presumption of innocence legal absolutes judicial integrity defense rights legal principles justice system legal check government overreach fair trial rights legal balance judicial equity legal premises trial integrity legal protections judicial rights legal philosophy legal ethics legal doctrine legal theory legal practice court system legal standards judicial process legal safeguarding legal security legal assurance judicial reliability courts justice absolute protections adversarial system defence rights government corruption fair trials conviction innocent man ten guilty men protections upheld government power legal rights presumption of innocence judicial system legal safeguards court integrity legal principles fair process judicial fairness absolute protections court justice adversarial system government corruption fair trials conviction rates innocent man guilty men legal protections right absolutism presumption of innocence legal system justness government power limits trial fairness guarantees
test-education-egtuscpih-pro03a	Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. online courses academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations recruiting students global access top talent Stanford University artificial intelligence education quality societal benefits higher education distance learning remote education educational access academic achievement professional development scientific advancement educational innovation online courses academic excellence relocating best universities budgetary concern family concerns social relations applying to universities recruit students global access traditional universities travel best education Stanford University Artificial Intelligence online course 190 countries student performance improving student pool better academics professionals science societal benefit online courses academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations relocating universities global recruitment student access brightest students Stanford University artificial intelligence course participation educational equity societal benefit professional development scientific advancement online courses higher academic excellence relocating budgetary concern family and social relations best universities recruitment global access education Stanford University artificial intelligence student diversity academic improvement professional development societal benefit online courses higher academic excellence budgetary concern family relations social relations relocating universities global recruitment student mobility best education Stanford University Artificial Intelligence diverse student pool improved academics professional development societal benefit online courses higher academic excellence budgetary concern family and social relations relocation best universities global recruitment student travel best education bright students Stanford University Artificial Intelligence course accessibility academic improvement professional development societal benefit online courses academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations universities global recruitment education accessibility Stanford University Artificial Intelligence student diversity academic improvement professional development societal benefit Online courses higher academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations best universities relocation global recruitment educational access Stanford University Artificial Intelligence diverse student pool improved academics professional development societal benefit online courses higher academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations university applications global recruitment student access brightest minds Stanford University Artificial Intelligence educational equity academic improvement professional development societal benefit online courses academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations application barriers global recruitment student accessibility best education Stanford University Artificial Intelligence course participation international students academic improvement professional development scientific advancement societal benefits
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con01a	"The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal US missile defense Russian nuclear advantage Treaty restrictions missile defense capabilities Bilateral Consultative Commission strategic offensive arms missile defense interceptors nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons strategic arms missile defense systems ICBM launchers SLBM launchers treaty implementation missile defense testing missile defense restrictions US withdrawal rights nuclear deterrence US Congress US President cost considerations nuclear arsenal atrophy US weapons enterprise Russian missile defense views New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization Congress President cost Russian nuclear weapons nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons US strategic nuclear arsenal missile defense Obama Administration Kremlin missile defense capabilities treaty restrictions Bilateral Consultative Commission ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors unilateral statement strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms deterrence New START flaws Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs Barak Obama Dmitri Medvedev US Department of State Bureau of Verification Compliance and Implementation New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense Kremlin Bilateral Consultative Commission ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors treaty restrictions US defense options Russian advantage strategic arms deterrence treaty flaws unilateral statement extraordinary events treaty withdrawal missile testing Barak Obama Dmitri Medvedev US Department of State verification compliance implementation New START Treaty Fact Sheet Heritage Foundation The Foundry The New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons Russian advantage missile defense Obama Administration Kremlin missile defense capabilities Bilateral Consultative Commission strategic offensive arms treaty restrictions US missile defense program unilateral statement treaty implementation deterrent capability ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors treaty flaws New START issues Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs strategic arms reduction missile defense testing treaty oversight withdrawal conditions interrelationship between offensive and defensive arms quantitative and qualitative New START US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons Russian advantage nuclear deterrence missile defense Obama Administration Kremlin missile-defense capabilities ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC strategic offensive arms Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms unilateral statements restrictions nuclear arsenal atrophy US weapons enterprise deterrence strategic arms missile delivery systems cost grounds New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nuclear weapons missile defense systems missile delivery systems Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons deterrence missile defense options US missile defense Kremlin ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty flaws strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms treaty restrictions US defense capabilities Russia unilateral statement treaty withdrawal US nuclear arsenal atrophy US weapons enterprise cost grounds US Congress US president New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA US nuclear arsenal weapons enterprise strategic nuclear arsenal nuclear modernization US Congress US President cost grounds Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense systems Obama Administration Kremlin missile-defense capabilities treaty preamble strategic offensive arms defensive arms Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC US missile defense program New START restrictions ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors treaty flaws [attribution URLs removed for clarity] New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense systems US missile defense options strategic offensive arms missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms unilateral statements Obama Administration Kremlin missile defense capabilities interrelationship between strategic offensive and defensive arms ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense testing right to withdraw from treaty nuclear deter nuclear capabilities US strategic arsenal nuclear modernization Russian advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons missile defense restrictions treaty limitations Bilateral Consultative Commission offensive arms reduction defense arms restrictions unilateral statements New START flaws Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs deterrence impact strategic arms control atrophying nuclear arsenal cost grounds US-Russia nuclear balance strategic offensive arms missile defense systems interrelationship between offensive and defensive arms ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense testing treaty implementation withdrawal right qualitative restrictions quantitative restrictions strategic stability arms control treaties nuclear capabilities US strategic nuclear arsenal nuclear modernization nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense strategic offensive arms ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty limitations US-Russia nuclear treaty New START flaws US national security defense policy strategic stability deterrence disarmament arms control international security nuclear arsenal atrophy treaty withdrawal missile defense testing unilateral statements treaty implementation strategic arms reduction nuclear weapons enterprise defense budget congress presidential policy Russian advantage strategic arms limitation"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con05a	The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes regional stability nuclear deterrence international security arms race existential threats nuclear policy military strategy Iran Israel United States USSR second strike capability nuclear disarmament conflict prevention regional powers defensive arms international relations global politics strategic stability nuclear weapons development nuclear threats state security military intervention nuclear capabilities nuclear balance deterrence theory nuclear ethics geopolitical tensions strategic interests nuclear safeguards international community nuclear risks security studies peacekeeping nuclear diplomacy non-proliferation arms control nuclear weapons pre-emptive strikes nuclear weapons state development nuclear powers regional stability existential threat military strategy first strike capability second strike capability nuclear deterrence international relations Middle East conflict Iran Israel United States USSR nuclear proliferation defense policy security concerns regional bullies nuclear arms race global security non-proliferation nuclear disarmament strategic stability international law diplomatic relations Cold War history military intervention nuclear ethics state survival power dynamics international politics war prevention arms control nuclear threats state sovereignty military preparedness geopolitical tensions nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes regional instability nuclear deterrence existential threat second strike capability military strategy nuclear weapons development international security state rivalry Iran Israel United States USSR nuclear capacity defense policy strategic stability nuclear arms race counter proliferation regional powers nuclear confrontation international relations nuclear disarmament security studies military ethics nuclear treaties nuclear safety global security nuclear technology state sovereignty nuclear control regional peace non-proliferation treaty nuclear threats military intervention state defense nuclear security pre-emptive warfare nuclear pre-emptive strikes nuclear weapons state development regional instability existential threat nuclear deterrence Israel-Iran conflict US-USSR history second strike capability nuclear proliferation regional bullies self-defense security concerns international relations military strategy nuclear arms race global security Cold War tensions preventative war nuclear capacity rival states conflict prevention disarmament peacekeeping strategic stability power balance defensive weaponry offensive capabilities geopolitical tensions international law humanitarian impact ethical considerations diplomatic solutions arms control security dilemmas non-proliferation regional security architectures nuclear weapons pre-emptive strikes state development regional stability nuclear deterrence existential threat military strategy Israel Iran United States USSR second strike capability nuclear proliferation international conflict security policy nuclear arms race defense strategy Middle East global security nuclear stability aggressive neighbors defense against aggression regional bullies nuclear capability nuclear weapons pre-emptive strikes state development regional stability existential threat military strategy nuclear deterrence second strike capability international conflict Iran Israel United States USSR General Orvil Anderson nuclear proliferation defensive capability regional bullies Middle East security concerns counterpoint hostile neighbors self-defense aggression nuclear force instability war risk operational capacity rivals survival civilization Christ ethical justification historical context political tension defensive posturing arms race deterrence theory strategic advantage diplomatic relations global security power dynamics international relations nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes nuclear deterrence existential threat regional stability nuclear disarmament international security Iran Israel United States USSR second strike capability military strategy nuclear weapons conflict prevention nuclear policy regional powers defensive capabilities global stability nuclear arms race security dilemma nuclear threshold international relations regional bullies nuclear defense Middle East tensions strategic balance nuclear weapons pre-emptive strikes state development regional stability existential threat Israel Iran United States USSR second strike capability nuclear deterrence regional bullies Middle East defense aggression international conflict nuclear capacity military strategy first strike nuclear powers instability conflict prevention international relations security studies geopolitical tension strategic defense nuclear proliferation disarmament diplomatic relations arms race global security nuclear policy international law foreign policy military intervention state security nuclear disarmament non-proliferation peace studies security studies strategic studies nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes nuclear deterrence regional stability nuclear weapons development existential threats military strategy nuclear disarmament international relations security studies arms control nuclear policy Middle East conflicts Iran-Israel relations United States foreign policy historical military decisions nuclear capability second strike capability global security defense strategy nuclear ethics peace studies defense studies strategic studies nuclear arms race nuclear security non-proliferation treaty nuclear weapons effects international security national defense geopolitical tensions strategic stability nuclear doctrine international law UN Security Council conflict prevention nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes nuclear deterrence regional stability nuclear capacity existential threat strategic interest military capability international security first strike second strike capability nuclear weapons development nuclear arms race defense policy geopolitical tension nuclear powers rival states nuclear instability conflict prevention regional security dynamics nuclear non-proliferation Middle East tensions Iran nuclear program Israel defense strategy US military strategy Cold War history nuclear ethics global peace security studies international relations
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro02a	There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] risk surgery circumcision infants medical necessity complications hemmorhaging death Royal Dutch Medical Association religious practice informed consent parental responsibility non-medical procedures global health policies surgery risks medical necessity infant circumcision Royal Dutch Medical Association non-medical circumcision religious circumcision circumcision complications infant mortality circumcision hemorrhage parental responsibility medical ethics circumcision training global medical practices circumcision surgery medical necessity infant circumcision risks complications hemorrhaging Royal Dutch Medical Association medical bodies parental consent religious practices non-medical circumcision ethical concerns infant health global practices medical training informed consent infant rights circumcision mortality health risks surgery risks medical necessity infant circumcision Royal Dutch Medical Association medical practice non-medical circumcision religious circumcision circumcision complications infant health parental decision making medical ethics circumcision mortality hemorrhaging risk surgery risk circumcision infants medical necessity Royal Dutch Medical Association complications hemorrhaging infant mortality religious practices non-medical circumcision risk surgery circumcision infants medical necessity complications hemorrhaging Royal Dutch Medical Association parent consent religious practice non-medical personnel global perspective infant health ethical concerns surgery risk circumcision infants medical necessity complications religious practice mortality hemorrhaging medical training parental consent ethical concerns Royal Dutch Medical Association global medical consensus surgery risk infant circumcision medical necessity Royal Dutch Medical Association non-medical circumcision religious circumcision circumcision complications infant mortality hemorrhaging post-circumcision medical ethics parental consent non-therapeutic surgery global medical opinion circumcision controversy medical practice standards untrained practitioners religious beliefs health risks informed consent ethical considerations surgery risk medical necessity infant circumcision Royal Dutch Medical Association complications medical training religious practice infant mortality hemorrhaging health policy ethical considerations parental consent global health practices circumcision risks risk surgery circumcision infants Royal Dutch Medical Association medical need complications training parents religious belief mortality hemorrhaging US studies
test-health-hdond-con01a	The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. right to health healthcare access fundamental rights human rights constitutional rights international human rights WHO health and human rights government intervention inalienable rights right to life fair trial healthcare standards life-saving treatment power of life and death health equity social justice healthcare ethics medical ethics public health policy right to access healthcare healthcare as fundamental right government non-intervention in healthcare healthcare in constitutions international human rights WHO health and human rights inalienable rights right to fair trial no standards for life-saving treatment government power over life and death healthcare access inalienability healthcare and human dignity healthcare and quality of life healthcare as public good healthcare equity healthcare justice healthcare and social contract healthcare and liberal democracies healthcare policy ethics healthcare and individual rights healthcare entitlement healthcare and constitutional law healthcare and moral philosophy healthcare and societal values healthcare and individual autonomy right to access healthcare absolute right healthcare as fundamental protection against untimely death government non-intervention fundamental importance constitutional rights international human rights WHO Health and Human Rights inalienable rights fair trial access to healthcare no standards for treatment dangerous power government control over life and death right to access healthcare absolute right healthcare as protection untimely death fundamental importance living a long life worthwhile life entrenched in constitutions liberal democracies international human rights WHO Health and Human Rights right to mobility right to fair trial inalienable rights access to healthcare government intervention life-saving treatment standards for healthcare dangerous power government control over life and death right to access healthcare fundamental rights government intervention healthcare as a means of protection constitutions of liberal democracies international human rights WHO inalienable rights right to a fair trial standards for life-saving treatment government power over life and death right to access healthcare absolute right healthcare as a means of protection untimely death government intervention fundamental importance constitutions liberal democracies international human rights WHO Health and Human Rights inalienable rights fair trial life-saving treatment dangerous power government standards right to mobility desert healthcare access fundamental rights right to access healthcare absolute right protection against untimely death government intervention fundamental importance constitutions liberal democracies international human rights WHO Health and Human Rights inalienable rights right to fair trial access to healthcare standards for treatment government power life and death decisions right to access healthcare absolute healthcare rights government intervention in healthcare fundamental importance of healthcare healthcare in constitutions international human rights WHO Health and Human Rights inalienable rights right to fair trial access to life-saving treatment government power over healthcare healthcare standards healthcare as a fundamental right protecting against untimely death healthcare and individual rights healthcare and liberal democracies healthcare entitlement healthcare access and morality healthcare access and governance healthcare and social justice healthcare access right to health government intervention fundamental rights constitutional protection international human rights WHO health and human rights right to life inalienable rights fair trial right to mobility life-saving treatment ethical governance public health policy absolute right access to healthcare government intervention right to life inalienable rights healthcare constitution international human rights WHO right to mobility fair trial life-saving treatment power of life and death healthcare standards liberal democracies
test-education-tuhwastua-pro02a	Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. standardized tests wealth high-income students tutoring score improvement economic disparity test fairness academic performance extracurricular activities test elimination educational equity Standardized tests wealth bias high-income advantage tutoring industry score inflation economic disparity academic performance limited tutoring impact extracurricular activities test fairness educational equity socioeconomic status test elimination playing field leveling Standardized Tests Wealthy Students High-Income Students Tutoring Industry Score Inflation Economic Disadvantage Academic Performance Limited Tutor Impact Extracurricular Activities Test Equity Educational Fairness Socioeconomic Factors Test Bias Tutoring Accessibility Standardized Tests Wealthy Students High-Income Students Tutoring Industry Score Inflation Economic Disparity Academic Performance Extracurricular Activities Test Fairness Educational Equity Eliminating Standardized Tests Socioeconomic Factors Tutoring Limitations Playing Field Richer Students Poorer Students Standardized Tests Wealthy High-Income Tutoring Industry Score Increase Affordability Limited Impact Academic Performance Extracurricular Activities Elimination Playing Field Socioeconomic Disparity Educational Equity Test Preparation Access Opportunity Fairness Assessment Bias Income Inequality Standardized tests wealth bias high-income students tutoring industry score inflation economic disparity academic performance limited tutor impact extracurricular activities test elimination educational equity Standardized Tests Wealthy Students High-Income Students Tutoring Industry Score Inflation Economic Disparity Academic Performance Limited Tutor Impact Extracurricular Activities Test Elimination Educational Equity standardized tests wealth high-income students tutoring industry score improvement high-income advantage limited impact academic performance paper writing test taking questions answering extracurricular activities playing field richer students poorer students test elimination educational equity Standardized tests wealth high-income students tutoring industry score inflation economic disparity academic performance extracurricular activities test fairness educational equity socioeconomic factors test preparation tutoring impact standardized test reform Standardized tests wealth high-income students tutoring score improvement socioeconomic status educational equity academic performance extracurricular activities test fairness income inequality educational opportunity standardized test reform tutoring impact academic achievement test preparation economic barriers educational disadvantage test bias equity in education
test-education-udfakusma-pro04a	Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. students universities resources access research materials university libraries journals courses cost online journal article publisher marginal cost Harvard University library journal articles academic restrictions open-access journal publishing Elsevier pay-per-view Ian Sample The Guardian university resources inter-university access academic journals research materials library collections journal costs open access publishing student rights higher education academic restrictions journal subscriptions Harvard University Elsevier pay-per-view marginal costs academic publishing intellectual property educational equity research access university funding library budgets academic libraries scholarly communication information access cost barriers educational resources academic freedom institutional repositories digital libraries academic affordability journal pricing scholarly journals access to knowledge university collaboration resource sharing academic community research support academic research library services educational technology student learning university libraries resource sharing academic journals access costs open access interlibrary loan research materials student rights higher education funding scholarly publishing journal subscriptions affordable education intellectual property academic freedom digital libraries information access educational resources financial barriers academic research university budgets university resources cross-institutional access research materials academic journals library funding open-access publishing pay-per-view journal costs academic restrictions Harvard library Elsevier Ian Sample The Guardian students university resources research materials library access journal articles cost academic restrictions open-access publishing university libraries funding higher education scholarly communication Elsevier Harvard University Robert Darnton pay-per-view marginal cost publishers' prices university resources inter-university access student research rights library funding journal access costs academic publishing open-access journals Harvard library publisher pricing academic restrictions students benefit resources universities paid access materials research necessary available university libraries affordable journals courses areas anticipated access materials face cost online journal article up to $42 zero marginal cost publisher biggest best resourced Harvard University library pays $3.5 million year journal articles Robert Darnton system absurd academically restrictive open-access journal publishing university resources inter-university access academic research journal access open-access publishing student rights library resources research materials academic journals cost of access higher education academic freedom information sharing educational equity Harvard University journal subscriptions pay-per-view academic restrictions research funding scholarly communication students university resources research access library funding academic journals pay-per-view open access publishing costs university libraries Harvard University Robert Darnton Elsevier The Guardian academic restrictions journal articles marginal cost education funding research materials course requirements publishing system university libraries journal access student resources academic research open access publishing costs higher education research materials subscription fees academic restrictions
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con01a	"The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence motivation questioning abortion debate damaging implications women's rights unwanted pregnancy antenatal care maternal responsibilities societal norms reproductive rights legal implications fetal personhood gender equality health policy foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women restrictions independence abortion debate damaging implications women's rights antenatal care unwanted pregnancy wanted baby maternal responsibilities foetus societal impact reproductive rights legal implications maternal autonomy gender equality foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence autonomy abortion debate damaging implications women's rights unwanted pregnancy wanted baby antenatal care reproductive rights legal restrictions maternal responsibilities foetal protection societal norms gender equality foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence restriction abortion debate maternal responsibilities wanted baby unwanted baby antenatal classes societal implications women's rights reproductive rights fetal personhood legal challenges gender equality maternal health pregnancy rights fetus vs. mother ethical concerns legal debates medical ethics women's health policy reproductive freedom fetal protection laws pregnancy autonomy legal restrictions maternal-fetal conflict abortion access antenatal care pregnancy support reproductive justice foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women independence abortion debate antenatal classes wanted baby unwanted baby responsibilities unborn foetus gender issues reproductive rights legal implications societal views maternal health fetal protection bioethics gender equality foetal rights women's autonomy abortion debate litigious trend American society pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence antenatal classes unwanted pregnancy maternal responsibilities foetal welfare legal implications gender rights reproductive health societal norms ethical considerations fetal personhood maternal-fetal conflict foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trends pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence abortion debate unwanted pregnancy antenatal care societal implications foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence autonomy abortion debate wanted baby unwanted baby antenatal classes societal implications maternal responsibilities foetal personhood reproductive rights gender equality legal restrictions women's health pregnancy rights antenatal care moral implications ethical considerations foetal rights women's autonomy abortion debate litigious culture pregnant women's rights antenatal care unwanted pregnancy societal implications fetal personhood maternalresponsibility foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence autonomy abortion debate women's rights antenatal care wanted baby unwanted baby reproductive rights gender equality legal implications maternal responsibilities societal norms fetal personhood"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro01a	The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU response humanitarian assistance military intervention AU commission peaceful conflict resolution Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy former presidents moral authority Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy conflict resolution former presidents moral authority African Union conflict management Paul D. Williams Council on Foreign Relations Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU response crises humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU commission peaceful resolution conflict Panel of the Wise former presidents preventative diplomacy conflict management African Union Paul D. Williams Council on Foreign Relations Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council African Union AU commission humanitarian assistance military intervention Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy conflict resolution genocide Paul D. Williams Council on Foreign Relations Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council African Union humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU commission peaceful resolution Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy conflict management Paul D. Williams Council on Foreign Relations Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU commission humanitarian assistance military intervention Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy conflict resolution African Union Paul D. Williams Council on Foreign Relations Solemn Declaration conflict resolution economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy conflict prevention African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU response humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU commission peaceful resolution Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy former presidents moral authority Solemn Declaration Africa African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU commission Panel of the Wise conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide conflict resolution preventative diplomacy former presidents moral authority AU’s response to crises African Union Peace and Security Architecture conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide Peace and Security Council AU commission Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy conflict resolution former presidents moral authority African Union Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy conflict resolution Panel of the Wise humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide preventative diplomacy AU commission conflict management Paul D. Williams Council on Foreign Relations
test-culture-mthbah-con04a	Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising annoying property income companies football sponsorship Manchester United Aon shirt deal money players games TV newspapers ignore adverts advertising annoyance property income football sponsorship Manchester United Aon shirt players games TV newspapers adverts ignore Advertising Annoying Property Companies Income Football Sponsorship Manchester United Aon Logo Shirt Players Games TV Shows Newspapers Ignore Adverts 广告选择 自愿展示 广告收入 足球赞助 曼联赞助 广告价值 广告忽略 广告接受度 广告影响 广告效益 广告与娱乐 广告与体育 广告放置 广告回避 广告选择性观看 advertising annoyance property income football sponsorship Manchester United Aon shirt money players games TV newspapers adverts ignore advertising property income football sponsorship Manchester United Aon shirt players games TV newspapers ignore adverts advertising annoyance property income companies football sponsorship Manchester United Aon shirt deal money players games TV commercials newspapers ignore adverts Advertising annoyance property income companies football sponsorship Manchester United Aon shirt money players games TV newspapers ignore adverts advertising annoyance property income sponsorship football Manchester United Aon shirt money players TV newspapers ignore adverts Advertising Annoying Property Income Companies Football Sponsorship Manchester United Aon Deal Money Players Games TV Newspapers Ignore Adverts
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con02a	Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. checks and balances Constitution executive Congress President party support legislature Departmental Committees oversight filibuster-proof majority Upper House negotiation Supreme Court non-partisan strike down laws Constitution terms constrain single-party government abuse of power checks and balances single-party government constitutional constraints executive power legislative oversight departmental committees filibuster Supreme Court judicial review non-partisan judiciary constitutional law government oversight political constraints ideological government power abuse prevention checks and balances single-party government constitutional constraints presidential power legislative oversight congressional committees filibuster supreme court judicial review non-partisan judiciary power abuse prevention government accountability ideological governance executive-legislative relationship constitutional law government constraints political checks legislative negotiation judicial oversight constitutional scrutiny checks and balances single-party government Constitution executive power Congress presidential support party in legislature Departmental Committees oversight filibuster-proof majority Senate Supreme Court non-partisan strike down laws Constitutional terms power abuse government constraints checks and balances Constitution executive power legislative consent Congressional oversight departmental committees filibuster-proof majority Supreme Court judicial review constitutional constraints governmental power abuse single-party government ideological governance non-partisan judiciary legislative negotiation checks and balances single-party government executive Congress Constitution Departmental Committees filibuster-proof majority Supreme Court non-partisan constitutional terms power abuse legislative support oversight negotiation law striking checks and balances proposition single-party government ideological government external checks Constitution executive Congress President party support legislature Departmental Committees oversight filibuster-proof majority Senators Upper House negotiation Supreme Court non-partisan strike down laws Constitution terms constrain power abuse checks and balances single-party government external checks Constitution executive consent of Congress party support legislature Departmental Committees oversight filibuster-proof majority Supreme Court strike down laws Constitution terms power abuse constraint checks and balances single-party government constitutional constraints executive power legislative oversight departmental committees filibuster Supreme Court non-partisan constitutional law government abuse political power legislative process judicial review governmental constraints ideological governance political negotiation congressional support presidential authority legislative scrutiny checks and balances single-party government Constitution executive power consent of Congress party support legislative oversight Departmental Committees filibuster-proof majority Upper House negotiation Supreme Court non-partisan law violation constitutional terms power abuse prevention
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con02a	Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. House of Lords House of Commons elected chamber second chamber parliamentary reform government balance long-term welfare short-term policies political gridlock mid-term elections impractical reform undesirable change Reform House of Lords mirror House of Commons elected short-term long-term welfare country balance second chamber election mid-term government unpopular gridlock unworkable impractical undesirable House of Lords House of Commons reform elected chamber short-term policies long-term welfare balance mirror-image mid-term elections government unpopularity gridlock impractical undesirable Reform House of Lords mirror House of Commons elected term policies short-term long-term welfare country balance second chamber election outcomes mid-term composition government unpopular gridlock system unworkable impractical undesirable Reform House of Lords House of Commons elected policies short term long-term welfare balance second chamber election mirror-image gridlock impractical undesirable Reform House of Lords mirror House of Commons elected short-term long-term policies balance subjecting election outcomes mid-term gridlock impractical undesirable Reform House of Lords House of Commons elected policies short term long-term welfare balance second chamber mirror-image unworkable impractical undesirable gridlock mid-term unpopular government composition election points counter-arguments Reform House of Lords mirror House of Commons elected short-term long-term welfare balance second chamber election outcomes mid-term gridlock impractical undesirable policies popular composition government unworkable House of Lords reform elected chamber House of Commons policy short-term long-term welfare balance gridlock impractical undesirable mid-term elections government popularity mirror-image second chamber unworkable Reform House of Lords House of Commons elected policies short term long-term welfare balance subjecting second chamber election mirror-image government unpopular mid-term gridlock unworkable impractical undesirable
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con01a	Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. copyright property rights artistic creation creative output intellectual property artist rights music film sculpture painting creative commons public domain theft ethereal work artistic endeavor universal protection human experience devaluation greenberg intellectual property law john marshall review property rights creative output artistic works creators idea unfinished sketch art artist business investment energy time effort principle profit theft creative commons license public sphere consent universal protection erosion property productive life human experience devalue contribution copyright intellectual property legal defense property rights creative output artistic works individual creation right to profit copyright artist rights creative commons public domain intellectual property artistic endeavor legal protection human creativity cultural contribution artists fundamental property right creative output music film sculpture painting individual creation property right inheres artists creators idea unfinished sketch art artist obsession time raw talent creation business energy effort principle sacrificed piece of art rights profit condone theft ethereal work hard work machine creative commons license slap in the face artists artistic endeavour work artist’s own public sphere real consent property rights universal protection erosion right to property productive life human experience policy devalue contribution Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting creations individuals ideas unfinished sketches art investment energy time effort self-evident principle sacrifice profit theft creative commons license public domain consent erosion copyright intellectual property human experience devaluation productivity Artists fundamental property right creative output music film sculpture painting artistic works individual creations property right inheres creators idea unfinished sketch art artist obsession time raw talent create art business investment energy principle sacrifice piece of art rights profit condone theft ethereal work hard work machine creative commons license artistic endeavor public sphere real consent property rights universal protection policy erosion right to property productive life human experience devalue Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting artistic works individual creations property right creators ideas unfinished sketches artistic creation business investment energy time effort principle rights profit theft machine creative commons license public sphere artist's consent property rights meaning universal protection policy erosion property productive life human experience devaluation contribution copyright intellectual property Greenberg John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting artistic works creators ideas unfinished sketches art time talent business investment energy principle profit theft machine creative commons public sphere consent erosion human experience copyright intellectual property legal protection artistic endeavor devaluation Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting creations individuals idea unfinished sketch art artist business energy time effort principle sacrifice profit theft ethereal hard work machine creative commons public sphere consent policy erosion protection human experience devalue contribution copyright intellectual property Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting artistic works individual creators ideas unfinished sketches artistic creation business investment energy time effort principle rights profit theft creative commons public sphere consent universal protection copyright intellectual property human experience devaluation
test-education-egtuscpih-pro02a	Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. online courses access to education university education merit less-affluent backgrounds top universities income distribution undergraduates costs anxiety accommodation travel costs tuition fees flexibility work family obligations poor less developed countries meritocracy university system online courses access to education university education merit less-affluent backgrounds top universities income distribution undergraduates accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees flexibility work-life balance family obligations poor less developed countries meritocracy education equity remote learning educational opportunity online courses access to education university education meritocracy affordability less-affluent backgrounds top universities income distribution undergraduates accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees flexibility work-life balance family obligations poor less developed countries educational equity online courses expand access university education merit-based less-affluent backgrounds top universities income distribution undergraduates accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees flexibility work-family balance education access poor less developed countries meritocracy improvement online courses access to education university education merit less-affluent backgrounds top universities income distribution undergraduates costs anxiety accommodation travel tuition fees flexibility work family obligations poor less developed countries meritocracy education improvement online courses university education access to education merit less-affluent backgrounds tuition fees accommodation costs travel costs flexibility work and family obligations poor less developed countries meritocracy top universities income distribution educational equity remote learning digital education educational opportunities lifelong learning online courses education access university education merit less-affluent backgrounds top universities income distribution undergraduates accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees flexibility work and family obligations poor less developed countries meritocracy university system broadens access education expansion stellar individuals learning opportunities socioeconomic barriers higher education academic achievements remote learning digital education educational equity income inequality academic excellence lifelong learning global education online learning benefits educational opportunity academic inclusion diverse learners higher education innovation education technology academic diversity virtual classrooms educational resources economic barriers online courses education access university education meritocracy less-affluent backgrounds university costs anxiety income distribution top universities accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees course flexibility work-life balance poor education access less developed countries merit-based learning online courses access to education university education meritocracy less-affluent backgrounds university application costs travel accommodation tuition fees flexibility work-life balance education for the poor less developed countries academic meritocracy online courses university education access to education meritocracy less-affluent backgrounds top universities accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees flexibility work and family obligations poor within the country less developed countries educational equity distance learning higher education socioeconomic barriers educational opportunity global education
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con02a	Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious symbols personal choice individuality privacy intervention religious practice full Muslim veil Belgium ban ostracisation confinement religious freedom public policy cultural sensitivity human rights women's rights religious attire societal norms legal restrictions faith expression multiculturalism secularism religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy intrusion full Muslim veil ban Belgium ostracisation confinement religious freedom symbolism practice of religion european policies human rights cultural sensitivity public space Muslim women religious attire legal restrictions societal norms personal obligation freedom of expression cultural identity religious practices public opinion government intervention civil liberties ethical considerations religious beliefs European Union legal challenges social integration diversity religious garments personal liberties societal impact religious symbolism moral debates legal rights individuality privacy rights religious customs cultural practices Religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy intrusion full Muslim veil Belgian ban ostracisation confinement religious freedom symbolism intervention public policy human rights cultural sensitivity religious practice freedom of expression social inclusion diversity tolerance legal restrictions ethical considerations societal norms multiculturalism secularism religious identity personal obligations public reaction media coverage political debate civil liberties religious apparel cultural traditions societal impact legislative measures human dignity public morality individual autonomy collective values religious expression cultural heritage social cohesion personal freedom religious beliefs religious symbols personal choice individual freedom privacy individuality intervention religious practice symbolism full Muslim veil ban Belgium ostracisation confinement BBC News Europe 23rd July 2011 religious symbols personal choice individuality privacy intervention religious practice full Muslim veil ban Belgium ostracised confinement obligation BBC News Europe 23rd July 2011 religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy individuality intervention religious practice symbolism intrusion full Muslim veil Belgium ban ostracisation confinement BBC News Europe religious freedom cultural sensitivity human rights public policy religious attire societal norms religious symbols personal choice individuality privacy intervention religious practice full Muslim veil Belgium ban criticism ostracisation confinement home BBC News Europe July 2011 religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy individuality intervention religious practice symbolism bans full Muslim veil Belgium ostracised confined home Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe religious freedom human rights cultural sensitivity societal norms legal restrictions religious expression personal obligation public policy women's rights religious attire freedom of expression multiculturalism secularism religious discrimination societal impact ethical considerations public space inclusivity religious identity societal acceptance legal implications personal beliefs community integration social cohesion cultural integration human dignity Religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy individuality Muslim veil full veil ban Belgium ostracisation religious freedom intrusive legislation cultural sensitivity human rights religious practice symbolism public policy women's rights freedom of expression religious freedom personal choice privacy rights individuality Muslim veil full veil ban Belgium religious symbolism cultural sensitivity human rights religious practice legal intervention social inclusion religious obligation public policy diversity religious attire freedom of expression women's rights societal norms
test-economy-thsptr-pro01a	Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: progressive taxation tax burden wealthy disposable income financially secure poor economically tenuous equality of sacrifice regressive taxes VAT essential goods food shelter standard of living justice individual taxpayers fiscal policy income distribution social equity progressive taxation tax burden wealth distribution economic fairness disposable income financial security regressive taxes VAT equal sacrifice essential goods standard of living tax justice income inequality fiscal policy social equity tax reforms economic welfare public finance tax incidence marginal utility tax fairness progressive taxation regressive taxes income inequality economic justice fiscal policy wealth distribution tax burden disposable income essential goods standard of living social welfare tax reform equitable sacrifice VAT flat tax economic security public revenue taxation principles fiscal equity progressive taxation tax burden wealthy disposable income financial security poor economically tenuous equality of sacrifice regressive taxes VAT essential goods standard of living justice in taxation individual taxpayers flat tax tax equity economic fairness public finance fiscal policy income distribution social welfare progressive taxation tax burden disposable income financial security equality of sacrifice regressive taxes essential goods standard of living flat tax economic fairness fiscal policy social justice income distribution public finance tax equity progressive taxation tax burden financial security disposable income equality of sacrifice regressive taxes essential goods standard of living economic fairness tax justice wealth distribution fiscal policy socioeconomic equity tax reform public finance economic inequality tax system fiscal equity equitable taxation tax fairness progressive taxation tax burden disposable income financial security equality of sacrifice regressive taxes VAT essential goods standard of living economic justice fiscal policy income distribution wealth inequality tax fairness social welfare economic equity tax reform tax rates tax system wealth redistribution public finance taxpayer burden economic security economic policy tax progression tax equity economic sacrifice tax incidence economic support fiscal responsibility tax progression wealth distribution economic impact tax justice economic equality tax policy economic fairness progressive tax structure economic burden financial capability progressive taxation tax burden wealthy disposable income financially secure poor economically tenuous equality of taxation equal sacrifice regressive taxes VAT essential goods state revenues standard of living just taxation individual taxpayers fiscal policy economic justice income distribution progressive taxation equal sacrifice disposable income financial security tax burden wealthy poor economically tenuous regressive taxes VAT essential goods standard of living state revenues fairness justice individual taxpayers economic equality flat tax Shapiro Young American Economic Review progressive taxation tax burden disposable income financial security economic inequality regressive taxes VAT equality of sacrifice proportional taxation essential goods standard of living tax fairness individual taxpayers economic justice wealth distribution fiscal policy social welfare tax reform economic theory public finance
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con03a	Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org survival of the fittest human exploitation natural environment Darwin On the Origin of Species natural selection animal farming wildlife brutality species struggle natural right ecological dominance evolutionary theory animal rights ethical farming natural order species interdependence ecological balance human-nature relationship environmental ethics wildlife conservation survival of the fittest natural selection human exploitation environmental dominance animal farming wildlife brutality Darwin's theory Origin of Species natural right species hierarchy evolutionary ethics animal suffering natural order ecological balance predatory behavior human-nature relationship Darwinian ethics evolutionary advantage species competition biological struggle Survival of the fittest natural right farming animals brutal struggle Darwin On the Origin of Species natural selection exploitation of environment animal farming wild animals pain and hardship natural order human dominance species exploitation ecological balance ethical farming animal welfare evolutionary theory competitive ecosystems predatory behavior Survival of the fittest human exploitation of nature natural right over lower species Darwin's On the Origin of Species brutal struggle for existence farming animals animal suffering in the wild natural selection preservation of favored races human dominance in nature ethical implications of survival of the fittest environmental exploitation evolutionary theory natural order animal farming ethics wildlife brutality human-animal relationships Darwinian principles nature's order Survival of the fittest natural selection human evolution animal farming exploitation of environment natural order Darwin On the Origin of Species struggle for existence species hierarchy animal cruelty natural rights ecological balance predation ethical farming survival of the fittest natural selection human exploitation of environment animal farming brutality in nature Darwin's On the Origin of Species human dominance over species pain and hardship in wild natural right over lower species defining order of nature Survival of the fittest natural selection farming animal exploitation human rights over animals brutal struggle for existence Darwin On the Origin of Species natural environment animal rights animal suffering wild animal interactions ethical farming moral philosophy evolutionary ethics Survival of the fittest natural right human dominance animal farming wild struggle Darwin's theory natural selection species exploitation ecological balance animal welfare predatory behavior natural order human ethics environmental impact evolutionary adaptation moral justification species hierarchy biological competition natural resources ecosystem dynamics Survival of the fittest Natural selection Human exploitation Environmental dominance Lower species Darwin On the Origin of Species Brutal struggle Farming animals Wild pain Animal hardship Natural right Ethical farming Evolutionary morality Human-animal relationship Survival of the fittest human nature farming animal ethics Darwin On the Origin of Species natural selection species exploitation environmental impact animal rights natural order pain in the wild ethical farming species hierarchy evolutionary biology moral philosophy environmental ethics brute nature species coexistence natural rights
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con03a	Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds colonisation punishment mechanism public apology monarch government tax-payers citizens money wrongs forced pay hostility taxpayers people former colonies profits exploitation guilt obligation payment history reparations taxpayers former colonial powers colonial wrongs punishment public apology monarch government tax-paying citizens disconnection hostility taxpayers former colonies profits exploitation undue guilt obligation payment historical responsibility intergenerational justice moral responsibility financial burden social impact reparative justice colonial legacy modern accountability economic consequences ethical considerations reparations taxpayers former colonial powers colonial deeds punishment public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongdoers undue guilt obligation payment exploitation profits hostility former colonies historical disconnection reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds colonisation punishment mechanism public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongs hostility people of former colonies profits exploitation undue guilt obligation payment history reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds colonisation public apology monarch government tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongs harm hostility former colonies profits exploitation guilt obligation payment history reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds committed colonisation unclear punishment public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongs forced to pay hostility taxpayers understanding people of former colonies direct profits exploitation undue guilt obligation of payment disconnected history reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds colonisation punishment mechanism public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongs increase hostility people former colonies case profits exploitation spent undue guilt obligation payment disconnected history reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds colonisation unclear punished public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection committed wrongs forced to pay hostility taxpayers people of former colonies profits exploitation undue guilt obligation payment disconnected history reparations taxpayers former colonial powers colonial wrongs direct responsibility public apology monarch government financial burden tax-paying citizens historical exploitation disconnection guilt obligation public hostility reparations fairness historical justice colonial history financial responsibility moral responsibility reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds committed colonisation punishment mechanism public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongs forced pay hostility taxpayers understanding former colonies profits exploitation undue guilt obligation payment history
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro01a	A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. teacher-student relationship friendship equality Carol Shakeshaft sexual misconduct social media personal conversations contact educators beach student learning respect authority figure mentor suspicion educator role job strain transparency openness safety teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations intimate contact authority figure mentor respect distance suspicion role erosion educator sexual misconduct Carol Shakeshaft The New York Times transparency safety student learning teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations Carol Shakeshaft sexual misconduct educators boundary issues professional distance mentorship authority figure student learning transparency safety educational role inappropriate relationships suspicion integrity professional conduct teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations educator authority student learning professional boundaries mentorship respect sexual misconduct transparency safety innocence suspicion education role teacher-student relationship authority figure mentor social media personal conversations inappropriate interaction sexual misconduct professional boundaries educator student learning respect distance suspicion transparency safety innocence strain role erosion Carol Shakeshaft New York Times ethical considerations digital communication professional integrity teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations student learning authority figure mentor respect distance suspicion educator sexual misconduct professional boundaries communication intimacy inappropriate relationships education teacher's role transparency safety innocence strain New York Times Carol Shakeshaft teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations authority figure educator mentor student learning sexual misconduct respect professional boundaries innocence suspicion educational role transparency safety Carol Shakeshaft teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations authority figure mentor respect student learning sexual misconduct educator friend suspicion transparency safety professional boundaries teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations authority figure mentoring professional boundaries sexual misconduct educator responsibilities student learning respect teacher role friendship suspicions educational impact teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations authority figure mentor sexual misconduct educator student learning respect professional boundaries transparency safety online interaction inappropriate contact suspicion professional roles New York Times Carol Shakeshaft
test-science-eassgbatj-pro04a	Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] animal research human suffering moral consistency medical ethics disabled persons vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation pain in animals pain in humans research ethics moral philosophy animal rights human rights animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical considerations animal experimentation human experimentation animals suffer people persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency medical research disabled ethics experimentation pain rights alternatives humane treatment suffering consciousness cognitive ability legal protections speciesism utilitarianism animal welfare human rights ethical dilemmas medical ethics research ethics disability rights moral status value of life philosophical considerations bioethics pain perception sentient beings non-human animals human-animal relations ethical frameworks moral philosophy justice equity compassion harm benefit informed consent vulnerability advocacy policy public opinion animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation animal rights human rights pain research moral philosophy bioethics research ethics animal testing human experimentation animals suffer people persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency painful medical research disabled ethics animal experimentation human experimentation moral philosophy medical ethics research ethics suffering compassion animal rights human rights animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation pain in animals pain in humans moral philosophy bioethics research ethics animal rights human rights comparative suffering moral dilemmas ethical considerations medical ethics humane treatment scientific research vulnerable populations ethical research practices animal testing human testing moral implications suffering measurement ethical guidelines animal welfare human welfare moral reasoning philosophical debate ethical standards research subjects moral equality pain perception ethical frameworks moral psychology experimental ethics compassionate research non animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation pain morality animal rights human rights research ethics medical ethics suffering comparison ethical dilemmas moral philosophy bioethics animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities animal experimentation human experimentation ethical dilemmas moral philosophy bioethics pain in animals pain in humans research ethics non-human animals human dignity animal rights ethical treatment animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation pain in animals pain in humans moral philosophy bioethics animal rights human rights ethical dilemmas research ethics animal testing human experimentation moral equality ethical considerations animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities animal experimentation human experimentation
test-international-ipecfiepg-con03a	A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greek default Eurozone domino effect shockwaves Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flow Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit GDP ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone countries domino-effect shockwaves investor wary default Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow secure countries Germany Netherlands speculation danger default speculation government bonds interest payments budget deficit ECB support financial strain Greece exit euro Greek default Eurozone domino-effect Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit GDP ECB financial support Sony Kapoor BBC News Euro exit Greek default Eurozone countries negative domino-effect shockwaves investor wariness Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flight Germany Netherlands speculation default danger government bonds interest payments rising interest rates budget deficit GDP financial strain ECB Germany support Greek default Eurozone crisis domino-effect financial contagion investor confidence bond yields interest rates sovereign debt budget deficit GDP ratio ECB support Germany Netherlands Portugal Spain Italy Ireland economic shockwaves capital flight default speculation government bonds Greek default Eurozone countries negative domino-effect shockwaves investor wariness Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit GDP financial support ECB Greece exits euro Greek default Eurozone domino-effect Portugal Spain Italy Ireland shockwaves investors capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation default risk government bonds interest rates budget deficit ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone domino-effect Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone domino-effect shockwaves investors wary Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation default danger government bonds interest payments budget deficit GDP ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone domino-effect Portugal Spain Italy Ireland shockwaves capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit ECB financial support
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con03a	As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google business interference domestic politics business separatism foreign company regulation sovereign state rights Chinese company criticism territory respect policy criticism corporate responsibility international business ethics tech company governance political neutrality in business Google domestic politics business ethics corporate responsibility foreign operations government regulations sovereignty policy criticism international business tech companies China corporate interference political neutrality business and politics separation tech ethics foreign market entry regulatory compliance international relations corporate governance technology and governance Google domestic politics business ethics corporate responsibility sovereignty foreign operations government regulations policy critique Chinese company territorial rights tech industry international business political neutrality corporate interference domestic policy foreign company operations state sovereignty tech companies political intervention business-government relations Google domestic politics business ethics foreign operations government regulations sovereign states policy criticism Chinese company TechCrunch Nicholas Deleon Google domestic politics business ethics foreign operations government regulations sovereignty corporate responsibility Chinese company domestic policies tech industry international relations Nicholas Deleon TechCrunch Google domestic politics business ethics foreign operations government regulations sovereignty Chinese companies TechCrunch Nicholas Deleon corporate responsibility international business conduct policy criticism territorial rights state governance business interference political neutrality corporate citizenship foreign policy economic relations operational ethics state sovereignty business expansion international relations corporate governance political influence business respect government policies operational standards foreign market entry criticism of government sovereign state rights domestic policy debate business and politics separation corporate expansion ethics foreign market regulations business-government relations international business ethics corporate conduct abroad state policies Google domestic politics business separation political neutrality foreign operations respect sovereignty government regulations Chinese company criticize policies sovereign state territorial rights Nicholas Deleon TechCrunch China upset right Google domestic politics business ethics political neutrality foreign regulations sovereignty Chinese company policy criticism territorial rights operational respect government policies corporate behavior international business tech companies political interference Nicholas Deleon TechCrunch China Google controversy business-politics separation Google business ethics domestic politics regulation sovereignty foreign operations corporate responsibility policy criticism technological influence government relations international business Chinese companies market entry political neutrality business regulation tech companies state policies corporate interference geopolitical considerations operational respect Google domestic politics business ethics foreign operations government regulations sovereign rights corporate responsibility international business political neutrality market entry strategies regulatory compliance cross-border operations ethical business practices corporate governance state sovereignty foreign policy business-politics relations corporate accountability global business standards territorial integrity
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro04a	The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordination chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping influence outcomes common foreign policy authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity High Representative EU foreign policy catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman external policy coordination chairing meetings agenda shaping influence common foreign policy UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making catalyst European consciousness political unity External Action Service EU Security Policy foreign ministers UN Security Council policy specialists European Union political integration common foreign policy international representation policy coordination EU foreign policy High Representative decision-making catalyst foreign ministers common foreign policy UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists political unity European consciousness foreign service policy positions security policy Council and Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement international relations diplomatic coordination EU nations spokesman High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making catalyst facilitator spokesman coordination external policy chairing agenda shaping influence common positions UN Security Council authority EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement world representatives foreign service policy positions national governments European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordination chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping outcomes influence common foreign policy UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council and Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping outcomes influence common foreign policy UN Security Council authority External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement global representation foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign policy security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making catalyst facilitator spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy EU foreign ministers agenda shaping outcomes influence common foreign policy UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement world representatives foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity European Union external action policies High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordination chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping outcomes influence common foreign policy UN Security Council authority EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement global representatives foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign policy security policy European consciousness political unity High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making facilitator spokesman policy coordination chairing meetings shaping agenda common foreign policy UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service European consciousness political unity European Union external action policies
test-society-epiasghbf-pro02a	The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks networking skills social capital women participation labour market physical health job re-entry unemployment health effects mental well-being psychological impact depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa family impact generations social networks networking skills social capital vulnerability women participation labour market physical health re-entry difficulties job market unemployment mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women's employment physical health job re-entry psychological impact family effects generational impact communication skills labor market participation vulnerability reduction unemployment health effects psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks networking skills social capital women's participation labour market physical health re-enter job market downward spiral wellbeing confidence family impact generational effects vulnerability reduction communication skills unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa family generations social networks networking skills social capital women labour market physical health re-entry job market unemployment health effects mental well-being depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa psychological impact confidence family impact generational effects social networks networking skills social capital labour market participation women physical health downward spiral re-entry difficulties unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital vulnerability women participation labour market physical health re-entry job market unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact confidence mental well-being mental health problems depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa family impact generational effects social networks networking skills social capital vulnerability women participation labour market physical health downward spiral re-entry job market unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact confidence mental well-being mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks networking skills social capital women labour market physical health re-enter job market unemployment psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse social networks social capital physical health re-enter job market Africa women participation labor market communication skills family impact generational effects vulnerability reduction
test-society-epsihbdns-pro02a	Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. migration restrictions urban economic benefits social advantages city appeal poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive urban residents tax contributions public resources humanitarian issues malnutrition thirst lack of medication business investment job scarcity social exclusion crime economic decline controlled migration progressive urban development rural perceptions urban growth sub-saharan africa urban food security political economy migration restrictions urban economics social benefits city development rural-urban migration public resources humanitarian issues urban poverty economic productivity tax contributions public health sanitation fresh water crime rates unemployment social exclusion business environment progressive urban development Sub-Saharan Africa political economy urban food security migration restrictions urban economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poor migration living standards basic goods public services productive urban residents tax contribution public funding humanitarian issues malnutrition lack of sanitation lack of medication business environment urban unemployment social exclusion urban crime economic erosion progressive urban development rural perceptions urban food security sub-saharan africa political economy urbanization challenges sustainable city growth Maxwell Daniel World Development Elsevier Science Ltd. migration restrictions urban economic benefits social benefits city appeal poor population living standards basic goods public services productive citizens tax contributions overpopulation public funding humanitarian crisis malnutrition thirst lack of medication business impact employment rates social exclusion urban crime economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urban reality political economy urban food security sub-saharan africa migration restrictions urban economic benefits social benefits city appeal poor population living standards basic goods water sanitation productive citizens tax contribution public funding humanitarian crisis malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment employment opportunities social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urbanization challenges Daniel Maxwell political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa migration restrictions urban economic benefits social benefits city吸引力 poverty urbanization urban living standards basic goods accessibility urban productivity tax contribution public resource strain humanitarian crisis malnutrition lack of medication business environment urban unemployment social exclusion crime rate economic erosion controlled migration urban progressive development rural urban perception sub-saharan africa urbanization political economy urban food security migration restrictions urban economic benefits social benefits city appeal poor people living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive people tax contributions public resources humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst lack of medication urban attractiveness business environment employment opportunities social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive urban development rural perceptions urban food security sub-saharan africa political economy migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods productivity taxation public funds humanitarian crisis malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment crime social exclusion economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urban food security sub-saharan africa migration restrictions urban economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive citizens tax contributions public resources humanitarian crisis malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive urban development rural perceptions urban food security political economy sub-saharan africa migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban poverty basic goods public services humanitarian crisis malnutrition lack of sanitation unattractive business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic growth progressive urban development rural-urban migration sub-saharan africa urban food security political economy daniel maxwell
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro04a	The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 attorney-client privilege in-house lawyers Legal Services Act 2007 financial independence client-attorney privilege relevance post-2008 recession in-house counsel employee status privilege erosion legal ethics solicitor-client communication legal profession changes New Law Journal attorney-client privilege relevance decline solicitor-client communication privilege principle financial independence in-house lawyers Legal Services Act 2007 2008 recession in-house counsel client-attorney privilege New Law Journal legal ethics professional independence corporate legal departments legal privilege erosion legal service regulation legal profession changes solicitor-client relationship employee-client dynamic privilege abolition debate attorney-client privilege legal ethics solicitor independence in-house lawyers financial dependence Legal Services Act 2007 post-recession legal landscape client-attorney confidentiality legal privilege relevance in-house counsel prevalence lawyer-client relationship legal profession changes privilege erosion professional independence legal service delivery models attorney-client privilege legal ethics solicitor-client confidentiality in-house lawyers Legal Services Act 2007 financial independence legal profession changes client-attorney privilege relevance post-recession legal landscape in-house counsel prevalence attorney-client privilege in-house lawyers Legal Services Act 2007 2008 recession solicitor independence client-attorney privilege relevance in-house counsel employee solicitors privilege erosion legal profession changes attorney-client privilege in-house lawyers financial independence Legal Services Act 2007 2008 recession client-attorney privilege in-house counsel New Law Journal solicitor-client communication legal principles privilege relevance lawyer-client relationship employment status legal profession changes attorney-client privilege in-house lawyers Legal Services Act 2007 financial independence client-attorney privilege solicitor-client communication privilege relevance 2008 recession in-house counsel New Law Journal attorney-client privilege legal principles solicitor independence Legal Services Act 2007 in-house lawyers financial dependence client-attorney privilege relevance legal ethics professional independence legal profession changes recession impact legal reforms New Law Journal in-house counsel trends legal privilege erosion attorney-client privilege legal principles solicitor-client communication privilege relevance post-recession changes Legal Services Act 2007 in-house lawyers financial independence client-attorney relationship legal ethics professional independence legal privilege erosion corporate counsel legal reforms legal profession evolution attorney-client privilege in-house lawyers legal independence solicitor-client communication privilege relevance Legal Services Act 2007 financial independence client objectives legal ethics law firm structure corporate legal departments professional legal conduct legal profession changes recession impact on law legal service delivery models lawyer-client relationship privilege abolition debate legal privilege erosion in-house counsel role legal industry trends solicitor-client privilege decline legal reform client-attorney privilege challenges professional legal responsibilities legal service regulation legal privilege in corporate settings
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con03a	"Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. animal research novel substances beneficial research mankind novel drugs new drugs drug development animal testing non-animal testing phase I clinical trial human volunteers human physiology drug dosages risk human deaths United Kingdom novel compounds me-too drugs predicting harm human lives incurable conditions pharmaceutical companies legal consequences animal experimentation proposition policy animal research novel substances drug development beneficial research human volunteers phase I clinical trials animal testing non-animal testing drug interactions human physiology risk assessment novel compounds me-too drugs scientific prediction human harm pharmaceutical companies legal consequences animal experimentation policy implications animal research novel substances drug development beneficial research human volunteers phase I clinical trial animal testing non-animal screening human physiology novel compounds me-too drugs scientific prediction human subjects legal consequences animal experimentation pharmaceutical companies human suffering drug interactions side effects incurable conditions human deaths trial volunteers developmental risks ethical considerations regulatory requirements medical breakthroughs research ethics alternative methods safety assessment clinical research pharmaceutical industry drug discovery novel therapies human health scientific validation experimental drugs human testing animal alternatives preclinical studies clinical trials animal research novel substances drug development beneficial research new drugs relieve suffering phase I clinical trial human volunteers human physiology dosages animal testing non-animal testing risk human deaths novel compounds me-too drugs incurable conditions scientific prediction harm human subjects legal consequences animal experimentation pharmaceutical companies animal research novel substances drug development human benefits new drugs phase I clinical trials human volunteers animal testing non-animal screening risk assessment novel compounds me-too drugs scientific prediction human suffering legal consequences pharmaceutical companies drug experimentation animal experimentation policy implications animal research novel substances drug development beneficial research new drugs human suffering phase I clinical trials human volunteers animal testing non-animal testing clinical trial safety novel compounds me-too drugs human physiology drug effects side effects drug interactions human deaths pharmaceutical companies legal consequences animal experimentation drug policy animal research novel substances drug development human benefits new drugs phase I clinical trials human volunteers drug testing animal testing non-animal screening human physiology dosages risk management novel compounds me-too drugs human lives incurable conditions scientific prediction human subjects legal consequences pharmaceutical companies animal experimentation research ethics animal research novel substances drug development human benefit phase I clinical trials human volunteers animal testing non-animal testing drug interactions human physiology risk assessment novel compounds me-too drugs incurable conditions scientific prediction human suffering legal consequences pharmaceutical companies animal experimentation drug safety animal research novel substances drug development human benefit phase I clinical trials animal testing non-animal screening human volunteers drug interactions novel compounds me-too drugs human physiology legal consequences pharmaceutical companies animal experimentation drug safety human suffering scientific prediction incurable conditions risk assessment animal research novel substances drug development human benefit new drugs drug testing phase I clinical trials human volunteers animal testing non-animal methods novel compounds me-too drugs human physiology drug interactions side effects human risk legal consequences pharmaceutical companies volunteer safety animal experimentation drug safety ethical considerations drug efficacy medical advancements human suffering untreated conditions scientific prediction unforeseen harm clinical research pharmaceutical policy"
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con02a	An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, ICC enforcement arm unduly expensive budget contentious negotiation states austerity best use scarce funds state parties already expensive cost 2009 Kenya drop cases lack of funds The Star 2013 ICC enforcement arm unduly expensive budget negotiation states austerity investigations closure funds role state parties cost 2009 Kenya drop cases Nzau Musau The Star ICC enforcement arm budget contentious negotiation states austerity investigations lack of funds state parties expenses cost 2009 Kenya ICC cases The Star Nzau Musau ICC enforcement budget constraints state negotiations austerity measures investigation closures funding shortages state party responsibilities ICC expenses cost implications financial management ICC enforcement arm budget contentious negotiation states austerity investigations funds best use scarce funds state parties expensive cost €100M 2009 Kenya ICC Threatens Drop cases Lack of Funds The Star 2013 ICC enforcement budget constraints state negotiations austerity measures financial limitations alternative measures state party responsibility cost-effectiveness ICC funding expenditure concerns investigation closures financial sustainability resource allocation budgetary challenges international justice costs fiscal responsibilities ICC enforcement arm expensive budget contentious negotiation states austerity investigations funds state parties cost €100M 2009 Kenya ICC Threatens Drop cases Lack of Funds The Star 2013 ICC enforcement arm budget contentious negotiation states austerity investigations lack of funds state parties cost €100M 2009 Kenya ICC Threatens Drop cases The Star Nzau Musau 2013 ICC enforcement arm budget negotiation states austerity investigations funds state parties cost 2009 Kenya ICC threats drop cases lack of funds ICC enforcement arm budget state negotiations austerity funds investigations state parties expenses 2009 Kenya ICC threats cases The Star Nzau Musau
test-education-udfakusma-pro03a	Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. open access research benefits economy impact publication speed wider audience human genome project economic success reduced research costs business development research accessibility scientific progress innovation acceleration public engagement academic collaboration knowledge dissemination policy-making educational resources global research community scholarly communication funding efficiency commercial application technology transfer societal benefit scientific transparency equitable access research transparency public funding leverage scientific advancement economic growth open science scholarly publishing research dissemination access barriers economic benefits scientific discovery information sharing academic impact research output scholarly journals open source economic research scientific open access research benefits economic impact faster publication access wider audience human genome project reduced research costs increased economic activity business development broader research access open access research speed wider audience Human Genome Project economic impact business research costs development time UK economy open science public access scientific innovation accessibility research publication economic benefits scientific collaboration information dissemination academic transparency cost reduction research efficiency technology transfer open access research benefits economy boost faster publication access wider audience Human Genome Project economic impact reduced research costs business efficiency enhanced development open science public access scientific collaboration innovation acceleration academic transparency open access research benefits economic impact Human Genome Project reduced research costs broader research access UK economic activity open access publications wider audience faster access scientific progress business development innovation acceleration open access research benefits economic impact wider audience Human Genome Project reduced research costs increased economic activity business development open science public access scientific publications economic growth UK economy research efficiency scientific innovation open access research benefits economic impact human genome project reduced research costs business development wider audience publications access academic transparency economic activity United Kingdom open science open access research benefits economic impact faster publication access wider audience human genome project reduced research costs business benefits increased economic activity UK economy shortened development time broader research access open access research benefits economic impact Human Genome Project reduced research costs business development broader research access UK economic activity open access advantages scientific research dissemination open access research benefits economic impact human genome project open science academic publications wider audience reduced research costs business innovation science accessibility public research economic growth scientific collaboration knowledge dissemination technology development societal benefit academic freedom intellectual property data sharing
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro02a	Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Africa conflict reduction peace trends war decline battle deaths insurgencies genocide reduction peace processes conflict resolution post-conflict reconstruction African security peacekeeping conflict prevention regional stability international intervention ceasefire agreements disarmament demobilization reintegration economic development social cohesion political stability governance improvement human rights justice systems rule of law humanitarian aid development assistance peace education reconciliation trauma healing community engagement youth empowerment women's participation civil society democratization regional cooperation cross-border initiatives economic integration trade agreements infrastructure development technology conflict resolution peace processes African peace warfare reduction genocide decline battle deaths statistics insurgency trends military conflicts African security peacebuilding efforts conflict duration war intensity regional stability international intervention peace agreements ceasefire implementation post-conflict recovery conflict prevention humanitarian impact peacekeeping missions Africa conflict reduction peace trends war scale decrease insurgency battle deaths decline genocide reduction peacebuilding conflict resolution post-conflict reconstruction international intervention regional stability African Union peacekeeping missions economic development social cohesion political reform governance improvement human rights justice systems disarmament demobilization reintegration trauma healing education health infrastructure sustainable development environmental protection climate change natural resources management community empowerment civil society youth engagement women's participation cross-border cooperation conflict prevention early warning systems mediation negotiation dialogue truth and reconciliation African conflict reduction declining conflict numbers reduced war size insurgency shift decreasing battle deaths fewer genocides positive conflict trends ending war feasibility African peace progress conflict data analysis conflict reduction Africa trends wars insurgencies battle deaths genocide mass killings peace Straus 2012 African conflicts decline in wars peace trends African peace conflict resolution war reduction battle deaths decline insurgencies genocide reduction Ending war ambition peace in Africa conflict statistics African security peacebuilding efforts Conflict reduction Africa peace trends war decline insurgency battle deaths genocide mass killing peace processes armed conflict security improvement violence reduction peacebuilding conflict resolution regional stability African peace conflict reduction peace processes war decline insurgency trends battle deaths reduction genocide decrease peacebuilding efforts conflict transformation African security peace in Africa post-conflict recovery international interventions regional stability ceasefire agreements disarmament demobilization reintegration peacekeeping missions conflict resolution strategies political reconciliation economic development social healing trauma recovery community resilience human rights improvements legal reforms governance strengthening democratic transitions civil society engagement youth empowerment women's participation education initiatives health improvements infrastructure rebuilding environmental sustainability economic partnerships trade relations regional cooperation African peace processes conflict resolution peacekeeping missions reduced violence war scale reduction insurgency trends battle death decline genocide reduction peacebuilding efforts post-conflict recovery African Union interventions international support regional stability humanitarian impact security improvements political stability economic development social progress peace agreements ceasefire implementations African conflicts conflict reduction war trends battle deaths insurgencies genocide mass killings peace trends conflict resolution African peace processes
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro02a	A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech academic freedoms western universities Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition Yale graduates educational roots reform trends future challenges academic speculation democratic society university life educational reforms free press public discourse political repression human rights international pressure academic integrity university operations governmental control educational freedoms higher education legislative improvements cultural diplomacy international education academic rights political rights academic standards international relations educational policies academic autonomy political freedoms educational investments academic partnership government-university relations academic exchange bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech western university academic freedoms Singaporean government Yale graduates Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng prisoner of conscience political opposition academic rights democratic values educational standards international cooperation freedom of expression legislative improvements university operations governmental impact higher education academic integrity global standards human rights scholarly discourse public debate intellectual freedom educational policies cross-cultural dialogue academic privileges democratic principles university governance international agreements academic environment research freedom teaching freedom international students academic community institutional autonomy academic bargaining chip material investment cultural investment rights free speech western university academic freedoms Singaporean government Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng Yale graduates political opposition free press democratic speculation prisoner of conscience university life educational roots reform trends future challenges Ex-detainee history seminar The Online Citizen Stateuniversity.Com twentieth century contemporary reform impact on academia legislative improvements material investment leverage cultural exchange academic freedom conditions international education partnerships government-university relations human rights advocacy academic discourse political expression higher education policies bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech academic freedoms Western universities Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition Yale graduates educational roots reform trends future challenges Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng history seminar The Online Citizen bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedoms free speech western universities Singaporean government Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng prisoner of conscience political opposition academic rights democratic speculation educational reform Yale graduates international education human rights legislation improvements cultural exchange university operations home country standards educational benefits political censorship academic discourse freedom of expression government-university relations international students academic integrity political activism higher education policies academic community academic standards educational partnership academic harassment government control academic autonomy legal reforms academic environment academic bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech western university academic freedoms Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng Singaporean government Yale graduates educational roots reform trends future challenges prisoner of conscience political opposition academic rights democratic speculation material benefits cultural benefits university operations free press wider public home country standards educational reforms contemporary issues institutional partnerships international education academic integrity legislative improvements human rights academic environments educational policies government-university relations academic autonomy international students faculty freedoms scholarly exchange intellectual property research collaboration bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedoms free speech western universities Singapore prisoner of conscience political opposition academic liberties democratic speculation educational reforms Yale University academic environment international education partnerships freedom of expression human rights higher education standards institutional autonomy civic liberties bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech academic freedoms western universities Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition educational reforms democratic values human rights university operations international standards academic integrity government-university relations legislative improvements free press democratic speculation expert opinions public discourse prisoner rights lecture bans academic censorship Yale graduates international education university partnerships government accountability educational autonomy legislative pressure cultural diplomacy academic exchange freedom of expression higher education political freedoms civil liberties international cooperation educational policies academic environment democratic principles institutional bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech academic freedoms western universities Singaporean government prisoners of conscience political opposition Yale graduates educational reforms academic rights democratic values legislative improvements cultural exchange university operations academic privileges international education freedom of press intellectual rights political censorship higher education standards global academic partnerships educational integrity academic autonomy government-university relations international students academic discourse intellectual property academic standards academic integrity academic freedom political activism academic research academic policy university governance academic leadership academic community academic environment academic partnerships bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech academic freedoms western universities Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition Yale graduates educational roots reform trends democratic speculation academic rights legislative improvements university life home country standards benefits of graduates operational conditions free press
test-culture-mthbah-con03a	Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. health promotion advertising products lifestyles regulation unhealthy School Food Trust Britain celebrities healthy eating cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food business image children public pressure regulation advertising problems control healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products celebrity endorsements healthy eating School Food Trust Britain cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food business reputation children's health public pressure advertising control regulation effectiveness campaign live healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulations unhealthy products School Food Trust celebrity endorsements healthy eating cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food business reputation public pressure advertising control healthy options child health healthy products healthy lifestyles healthy activities advertising regulation unhealthy products School Food Trust Britain celebrity endorsements healthy eating 2007 cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food healthier options business reputation children's health public pressure advertising control regulation effectiveness healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products celebrity endorsements School Food Trust Britain healthy eating campaign cigarette advertising alcohol advertising restrictions fast food advertising business reputation children's health public pressure advertising control successful regulation healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products celebrity endorsements School Food Trust Britain healthy eating cigarette advertising alcohol advertising fast food business reputation children's health public pressure advertising problems regulation control Healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy product promotion School Food Trust Britain celebrity endorsements healthy eating 2007 cigarette advertising ban alcohol advertisement restrictions fast food healthier options business reputation child welfare public pressure regulatory control Advertisements promote healthy products lifestyles activities regulated unhealthy rare celebrities Britain School Food Trust 2007 cigarette advertising extinct alcohol restricted fast food companies message healthier options businesses harming children public pressure regulation control Campaign Live healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products celebrities School Food Trust Britain healthy eating cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food business reputation children's health public pressure advertising problems regulation control Healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products School Food Trust celebrities healthy eating cigarette advertising alcohol advertising fast food healthier options business reputation children's health public pressure advertising problems regulation Campaign Live
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con01a	Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. democratic checks balance authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear powerful leader empowering individuals accepting risk Putin centralising power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balances authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters empowerment individual risk Putin centralised power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balances authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear powerful leader empowering individuals risk Putin centralising power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balance problem-solving authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear powerful leader empowering individuals accepting risk Putin centralizing power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balance problem-solving authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear powerful leader empowering individuals risk Putin centralising power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balance authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear powerful leader empowering individuals accepting risk Putin centralising power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balance problem-solving authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear empowering individuals risk Putin centralised power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balance corruption authoritarian leaders social reform drug cartels gangsters society fear powerful leader empowering individuals risk Putin centralising power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balances authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear powerful leader empowering individuals accepting risk Putin centralising power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balances authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters empowering individuals risk free media legal system accountability incompetence Putin centralised power advisers ministers government corruption
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con02a	Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists retain right control work public space publicly funded expression creator understanding world meaning reinterpretation external appreciation justice copyright protection contract legacy future artistic works state Samuel Beckett standards performance adulteration policy impoverished rights balanced free-for-all creative commons license artists rights control public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent justice copyright protection creators contract uses rights legacies future artistic works state creative commons Samuel Beckett standards plays performance meaning appreciation strict adulteration policy impoverished balance aegis free-for-all license public funding artistic control public space artistic expression creator's rights reinterpretation external appreciation artist's legacy copyright protection creative commons Samuel Beckett theatrical performance copyright law artistic integrity moral rights legal protection artistic vision public domain cultural heritage intellectual property Artists retain right control work public space publicly funded expression creator understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent active issue alternative experiences piece artist treated reasonable justice permitted control conventional copyright maximum protection creators contract uses rights legacies future artistic works protection state copyright cast aside unwashed users creative commons Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays performed meaning strict performance adulteration reinterpretation artists retain right control public space publicly funded expression creator understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation issue expanded revised responded consent active experiences treated reasonable justice copyright maximum protection creators contract terms legacies future works state furnished cast aside users creative commons Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays performed meaning demanded appreciation strict performance adulteration impoverished policy balance aegis free-for-all Artists retain control public space publicly funded expression creator understanding world reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent active issue special meaning justice copyright protection works creators contract uses rights legacies artistic protection state Samuel Beckett standards performance plays meaning appreciation strict adulteration reinterpretation policy impoverished rights balanced aegis free-for-all creative commons license Artists rights public space publicly funded creator's expression reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded consent artist's legacy artistic works protection state copyright creative commons Samuel Beckett performance standards play production rights balance aegis of copyright free-for-all creative commons license Artists rights public space publicly funded expression creator understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent active issue alternative experiences reasonable treatment justice control conventional copyright maximum protection creators contract uses rights legacies future artistic works protection state copyright creative commons Samuel Beckett exacting standards performance meaning strict adulteration policy impoverished plays rights balance aegis free-for-all license Artists rights control public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded consent active issue artist piece treated reasonable justice control copyright mechanism maximum protection creators contract uses rights legacies future artistic works protection state creative commons Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays performance meaning strict adulteration reinterpretation policy world impoverished rights work free-for-all license balance Artists control public space public funding expression creator world understanding special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent active issue treated reasonably justice copyright protection creators contract artistic works legacy future Samuel Beckett exacting standards performance meaning appreciation strict adulteration impoverished rights free-for-all creative commons license balance aegis
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con01a	Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 democratic participation divided government undermines democratic will clear policy choice elected representatives compromise policy platforms voter enthusiasm watered down policies legislation congress president nationwide mandate single party government responsive government electorate choices opposition policies government responsiveness aims and wishes people separated system presidency political compromise electoral mandate policy enactment governance effectiveness political representation legislative process democratic participation divided government undermines democratic will prevents clear policy choice compromise leads to policy dilution legislation originates from Congress president's nationwide mandate single party government ensures clear policy enactment government responsiveness electorate's choices aims and wishes of people political responsiveness legislative process policy implementation electoral mandate political compromise government effectiveness Charles O. Jones The Presidency in a Separated System Brookings Institution 1994 democratic participation divided government policy choice voter representation legislative compromise policy platform presidential mandate single party government electoral mandate government responsiveness electorate aims voter wishes legislative process political compromise policy enactment government effectiveness representative democracy political responsiveness policy dilution government responsiveness Charles O. Jones The Presidency in a Separated System Brookings Institution democratic participation divided government undermines democratic will prevents clear policy choice compromise necessary policy platforms voters' choices watered down policies majority legislation from Congress president's nationwide mandate single party government responsive government electorate's aims people's wishes Charles O. Jones The Presidency in a Separated System Brookings Institution 1994 Democratic participation Divided Government Undermines Democratic will Policy choice Elected representatives Compromise Policy platforms Voters Watered down Enacted Legislation Congress President Nationwide mandate Single Party Government Responsive Electorate Opposition Discredited Government responsiveness Charles O. Jones Presidency Separated System Brookings Institution democratic participation divided government policy choice representative democracy legislative compromise policy platform voter mandate congressional legislation presidential mandate single party government electorate preference government responsiveness political compromise democratic will policy enactment opposition influence electoral mandate political system governance structure democratic accountability democratic participation divided government policy choice voter representation compromise policy platform legislation Congress President nationwide mandate single party government electorate aims government responsiveness separated system Charles O. Jones The Brookings Institution democratic participation divided government undermines democratic will clear policy choice elected representatives compromise policy platforms watered down legislation Congress President nationwide mandate single party government responsive government electorate aims and wishes people Charles O. Jones The Presidency in a Separated System 1994 Brookings Institution p.222 democratic participation divided government policy choice clear mandate compromise watered-down policies legislative process single party government responsive governance electorate choices presidential system congressional legislation political mandates governance effectiveness policy enactment voter representation political responsiveness government accountability legislative efficiency political discrediting democratic will divided government policy choice representation compromise legislation congress president nationwide mandate single party government electorate responsiveness government aims voter wishes Charles O. Jones The Presidency in a Separated System The Brookings Institution 1994 p.222
test-education-egtuscpih-pro01a	Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. online courses traditional university MOOCs convenience learn privacy flexibility scheduled lectures personal approach commitments work childcare rigidity education distance learning asynchronous self-paced online education traditional education study at home time management remote learning online courses convenience students traditional university MOOCs popularity easier learning privacy home flexibility personal approach studying manage commitments work childcare rigidity traditional education online courses MOOCs convenience flexibility privacy personal approach manage commitments work childcare traditional university scheduled lectures rigidity learning methods education trends online courses traditional university MOOCs learning flexibility home-based learning personal approach to studying scheduled lectures university degree work-life balance childcare educational convenience remote education lecture schedules test flexibility educational commitments learning management online education trends higher education alternatives academic flexibility student mobility online courses convenience students traditional university MOOCs popularity learning privacy home flexibility lectures tests deadlines personal approach studying commitments work childcare rigidity online courses MOOCs convenience flexibility privacy home learning personal approach manage commitments work childcare traditional university scheduled lectures tests rigidity degree move cities countries online courses convenience students traditional university MOOCs popularity learning privacy home flexibility lectures tests deadlines personal approach studying commitments work childcare rigidity traditional education online courses MOOCs convenience flexibility privacy home-based learning scheduled lectures tests personal approach work-life balance childcare rigidity traditional university degree learning commitments management accessibility time flexibility educational trends student preferences remote education online learning MOOCs flexibility convenience privacy personal approach work-life balance childcare scheduled lectures university degree remote education educational technology asynchronous learning learner-centered education online education distance learning flexible scheduling remote learning MOOCs personal learning study flexibility home-based learning learning convenience educational accessibility learner autonomy self-paced learning digital learning higher education alternatives university alternatives online degree programs virtual classrooms e-learning academic flexibility personalized education educational technology non-traditional students work-life balance educational convenience student-centered learning modern education trends learning management systems digital literacy remote study options higher education innovation educational adaptation flexible assessment technology in education learning environments academic convenience student flexibility educational resources learning management
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con03a	Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) democracy government governance majority minority experts public consensus true democracy tyranny of majority Fareed Zakaria France American democracy inequality House of Lords political science liberty mob rule French Revolution William Doyle American Political Science Association Perspectives on Politics democracy governance Fareed Zakaria tyranny of majority France American democracy inequality House of Lords good governance political science French Revolution liberty mob-rule 暴力 consensus industry experts public opinion representative democracy direct democracy institutional reform political philosophy government effectiveness social contract majority rule minority rights political stability constitutionalism liberal democracy illiberal democracy political participation civic engagement public deliberation government accountability political legitimacy policy-making interest groups government roles democratic theory political institutions American politics French politics political inequality democratic democracy government tyranny of majority Fareed Zakaria France American democracy inequality House of Lords good governance political science mob rule French Revolution institutional role consensus industry experts public opinion political stability representative democracy direct democracy governance models political philosophy democracy end-point aspiration government lack of democracy negative implications majority rule industry experts public consensus governing decisions government role interest group balance true democracy tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria France American democracy inequality United States good governance House of Lords French Revolution American Political Science Association democracy governance majority tyranny Fareed Zakaria France American democracy inequality House of Lords good governance liberty mob-rule violence American Political Science Association institutions political theory governance models representational democracy direct democracy political participation expert rule consensus building public opinion institutional reform political stability social contract democratic principles government functionality constitutional design civic engagement political representation legislative bodies democratic deficits political legitimacy governance effectiveness democratic governance political systems policy outcomes governance quality democratic institutions political reforms governance structures democratic practices political democracy end-point aspiration government tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria France American democracy inequality House of Lords good governance French Revolution mob-rule violence illiberal democracy American Political Science Association Perspectives on Politics democracy governance majority experts consensus Fareed Zakaria tyranny of majority France American inequality House of Lords good governance French Revolution American democracy political science inequality government institutions monarchy mob-rule liberty institutional role political theory governance effectiveness representative government direct democracy governance challenges political stability institutional balance public opinion expert rule political systems governance models democratic deficits institutional legitimacy political reform governance principles democratic theory governance practices political representation democratic governance institutional reform governance outcomes democratic institutions political institutions governance structures democracy end-point government majority people industry experts consensus true democracy tyranny of majority Fareed Zakaria France American inequality House of Lords good governance French Revolution American democracy rising inequality political science governance interest groups mob-rule violence monarchy institutions illiberal democracy political theory social contract public opinion expert governance representation republican governance constitutionalism civic engagement political participation governance models democratic deficits political stability societal well-being institutional effectiveness decision-making collective action political equality elite dominance populist movements democracy government end-point aspiration majority rule industry experts public consensus true democracy tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria France American democracy inequality House of Lords good governance French Revolution mob-rule violence American Political Science Association rising inequality democracy government Fareed Zakaria tyranny of majority France American democracy inequality House of Lords good governance French Revolution William Doyle American Political Science Association liberty mob-rule consensus industry experts public opinion political institutions representative government direct democracy
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con03a	If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 religious symbols equal treatment discrimination Muslim veil government decision societal interests Sikh Kirpan public safety religious freedom ban consequences community reaction societal impact legal precedent cultural sensitivity symbolic importance religious practices public opinion government authority multiculturalism religious tolerance religious symbols equal treatment discrimination viability government interests social consequences Sikh Kirpan public safety cultural perspective religious symbols equal treatment discrimination government interests social consequences banning Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan public safety sacred objects religious freedom societal impact legal precedent cultural sensitivity religious symbols equal treatment discrimination Muslim veil government decision societal best interest banning consequences Sikh Kirpan public safety religious freedom cultural sensitivity legal precedent community reaction 象征平等 宗教自由 文化敏感性 法律先例 社区反应 宗教符号 平等对待 歧视 穆斯林面纱 政府决定 社会最佳利益 禁止后果 锡克教短剑 公共安全 religious symbols equal treatment discrimination Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan government decision public uproar consequences societal interests weapon concerns sacred symbols religious freedom cultural sensitivity legal precedent community reaction public safety religious practices policy implications societal harmony legal challenges religious symbols equal treatment discrimination banning symbols societal interests government decision religious freedom Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan public safety cultural sensitivity policy consequences community reaction religious practices secular laws Kirpan case Quebec CBC News timeline religious symbols equal treatment discrimination ban consequences societal interests Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan public safety religious freedom cultural sensitivity government decision public opinion religious practices sacred items weapon concerns community reaction legal precedents religious equality symbolic importance ban uproar social impact religious symbols debate public policy cultural symbols religious diversity social harmony legal challenges community engagement religious symbolism societal norms governmental role religious rights cultural respect public debate religious expression government responsibility religious artifacts societal values cultural artifacts public security religious beliefs community perspectives religious symbols equal treatment discrimination ban consequences societal interests Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil public safety cultural sensitivity government policies freedom of religion religious freedom kirpan case Quebec legal precedents societal norms religious attire faith-based symbols cultural practices public opinion religious symbols equal treatment discrimination Muslim veil government decision societal interests Sikh Kirpan public safety religious freedom cultural sensitivity legal precedent societal harmony banning consequences religious practices symbolic significance public perception religious equality policy implications community reaction legislative impact religious symbols equal treatment discrimination government interests societal impact banning consequences Sikh Kirpan public safety religious freedom cultural sensitivity
test-law-ilppppghb-pro04a	"Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", self-determination disputes nation-states historical-accident decolonisation ethnic-differences religious-differences artificial-borders postcolonial post-Cold-War international-community Kashmir Falkland-Islands partition British independence India Pakistan UK Argentina war inhabitants future UN-Committee Falkland-Islanders right principle self-determination disputes nation-states historical-accident decolonisation ethnic-differences religious-differences postcolonial post-Cold-War artificial-borders Kashmir Falkland-Islands UK Argentina partition independence international-community geography history law right-to-self-determination UN-Committee inhabitants-rights territorial-disputes conflict-resolution ethnic-groups religious-groups political-boundaries global-security international-law international-relations self-governance sovereignty indigenous-peoples territorial-integrity decolonization-processes self-determination nation-states historical-accident decolonisation ethnic-differences religious-differences postcolonial post-Cold-War artificial-borders disputed-territories Kashmir Falkland-Islands UK Argentina partition independence international-law geography sovereignty indigenous-peoples ethnic-groups religious-groups self-governance territorial-disputes UN international-principles human-rights political-science conflict-resolution historical-analysis global-security Falkland-Island-Government UN-committee self-determination-principle self-determination resolve disputes nation-states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences artificial borders postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War ethnic groups international community Kashmir Falkland Islands British partition India Pakistan UK Argentina Falklands War right to self-determination competing views territorial disputes inhabitants' view UN Committee Falkland Island Government self-determination nation-states ethnic-differences postcolonial-boundaries religious-differences territorial-disputes international-law Kashmir Falkland-Islands decolonisation artificial-borders Cold-War self-governance human-rights political-geography UN-committee historical-accidents inhabitant-views sovereignty conflict-resolution self-determination disputes nation-states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences Asia Africa former Soviet Union postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War boundaries artificial borders international community Kashmir India Pakistan Falkland Islands UK Argentina 1982 war Globalsecurity.org Falkland Island Government UN Committee self-determination principle territorial ownership competing views legal perspectives geographical perspectives historical perspectives inhabitants' views dispute resolution ethnic groups religious groups self-determination acceptance universal application long-term disputes self-determination intractable disputes nation states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War Asia Africa former Soviet Union kinship territorial disputes international community Kashmir India Pakistan 1947 partition Falkland Islands UK Argentina 1982 war historical views legal views geographical views territorial ownership inhabitants' views UN Committee Falkland Islanders' perspective right to self-determination self-determination dispute resolution nation-states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences Asia Africa former Soviet Union postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War artificial borders Kashmir India Pakistan 1947 partition Falkland Islands UK Argentina 1982 war Falkland Island Government UN Committee self-determination principle international community territorial disputes history law geography inhabitant's view political boundaries ethnic groups religious groups sovereignty autonomy regional stability conflict resolution international relations human rights colonial self-determination dispute resolution nation-states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences Asia Africa former Soviet Union postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War boundaries artificial borders Kashmir Falkland Islands India Pakistan UK Argentina 1947 1982 international community territorial disputes self-determination principle Falkland Islanders UN Committee right to self-determination self-determination dispute resolution nation-states historical accidents decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences artificial borders postcolonial states post-Cold War territorial disputes Kashmir Falkland Islands India Pakistan UK Argentina international community self-determination principle inhabitants' rights UN Committee Falkland Islanders Globalsecurity.org Falkland Island Government"
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro01a	The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 EU unifying military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy security strategy international peace justice development EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy security strategy international peace justice development EU unification military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK and France leadership European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups immediate deployment incremental steps security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unifying common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups immediate deployment Rockwell Schnabel U.S. Views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy international peace justice development security strategy incremental steps Union broader context EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff EU military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups immediate deployment international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy security strategy international peace justice development EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups permanent standby troops security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups immediate deployment security strategy international peace justice development U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Rockwell Schnabel The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups permanent standby troops security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro01a	In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives imminent attack forceful interrogation nuclear threat downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv save lives practical measures harm prevention information gathering realistic threat single individual millions of lives imminent attack reasonable force information gathering authorities realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quickly gathered pain infliction individual save lives millions practical action harm outweighed single individual forceful interrogation thousands of lives imminent attack reasonable force information gathering authorities realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick gathering pain infliction individual save lives millions practical action harm outweighed forceful interrogation thousands of lives imminent attack reasonable force information gathering nuclear threat downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information forceful interrogation save lives practical measures harm assessment single individual millions of lives ethical dilemma security measures crisis management legal considerations human rights moral justification public safety imminent attack reasonable force information gathering authorities realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick gathering pain infliction individual save lives millions practical action harm single individual thousands of lives forceful interrogation imminent attack reasonable force information gathering authorities realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick gathering pain infliction individual save lives practical action harm outweighed forceful interrogation thousands of lives imminent attack reasonable force information gathering authorities realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick gathering pain infliction individual save lives millions practical action harm outweighed forceful interrogation thousands of lives imminent attack reasonable force information gathering realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick action pain infliction save lives single individual millions practical decision harm outweighed forceful interrogation thousands of lives imminent attack reasonable force information gathering realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv lives saved forceful interrogation single individual pain infliction millions saved moral justification ethical considerations public safety emergency response terrorist threat urgent situation national security human rights coerced information strategic intervention legal implications lifesaving measures threat assessment crisis management imminent attack reasonable force information gathering nuclear threat downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick action pain infliction individual harm millions lives forceful interrogation ethical justification practical necessity greater good
test-science-eassgbatj-pro05a	It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? animal welfare animal cruelty animal testing government policy scientific procedures animal abuse law enforcement ethical treatment legal exemptions regulatory standards public opinion animal rights animal welfare animal cruelty legal inconsistencies animal testing laws government policy animal abuse ethical concerns scientific procedures legislative contradictions animal rights animal welfare animal cruelty laws scientific procedures act animal testing regulations government policies animal abuse prevention legal inconsistencies ethical treatment of animals animal rights legislative loopholes animal welfare laws animal cruelty prevention scientific research ethics animal testing regulations government policy on animal abuse inconsistencies in animal protection laws animal rights versus scientific needs ethical treatment of animals in research legal protections for animals public perception of animal testing animal welfare cruelty prevention legal inconsistencies scientific procedures animal testing government stance ethical concerns legal protections animal rights regulatory gaps animal welfare animal cruelty laws UK Animals Scientific Procedures Act 1986 animal testing regulations government stance on animal abuse consistency in animal rights laws ethical treatment of animals legislative contradictions in animal protection animal welfare cruelty prevention scientific procedures animal testing legal frameworks government policy ethical standards animal abuse consistent messaging regulatory exceptions public perception moral discrepancies animal welfare animal cruelty UK Animals Scientific Procedures Act 1986 animal testing government policy animal abuse legal inconsistencies animal rights ethical treatment scientific research regulations animal welfare animal cruelty scientific procedures animal testing government policy animal abuse legal inconsistencies animal rights ethics in research UK law Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 humane treatment regulatory measures animal protection legislative gaps public opinion cruelty prevention experimental practices moral considerations enforcement issues animal welfare animal cruelty legal frameworks animal testing scientific procedures government policies animal abuse ethical considerations legislative inconsistencies public opinion cruelty prevention laws experimental animals regulatory standards ethical treatment animal rights legal protections species-specific laws humane treatment ethical guidelines animal experimentation ethics
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con04a	The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations neo-colonialism economic dependency government influence policy control recipient country donor country colonial power development independence historical injustice post-colonial relations international aid sovereignty self-governance neo-colonialism reparations economic dependency government influence policy control colonial power structure recipient country development independent nationhood historical colonialism donor-recipient dynamics neo-colonialism economic dependency policy influence historical power structures reparations former colonies donor government influence recipient country development independence colonial legacy reparations neo-colonial power former colonies economic need dependency government appearance donor influence policy control independent nation colonial power structure reparations neo-colonial power former colonies economic need dependency government influence policy control development independence colonial power structure reparations neo-colonial power former colonies economic need dependency government appearance donor influence policy control independent nation colonial power structure reparations neo-colonialism former colonies economic need dependency government influence policy control independent development historical power structure colonization impact donor-recipient dynamics international relations post-colonial studies financial aid political influence sovereignty development assistance neo-imperialism reparations neo-colonialism economic need former colonies dependency government influence policy control independent development colonial power structure reparations neo-colonialism economic dependency policy influence recipient country donor government self-development independent nation colonial power structure neo-colonialism economic dependency reparations former colonies colonial powers policy influence government weakening self-development historical power structures
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro03a	Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes Bolivia farmers social unrest peasant cultivators agriculture fisheries mining globalization stimulant flavoring agent drinks domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste anaesthetic legalization cocaine stigma legal coca economic growth developing states South America coca leaves Andes Bolivian coca farm income source impoverished areas coca cultivation social unrest peasant cultivators agriculture fisheries mining global legalization stimulant flavouring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic cocaine fear stigma policy reform cultural practices traditional use international drug policies medicinal benefits economic diversification rural development livelihoods sustainable development health impacts legal frameworks market expansion trade opportunities socio-economic benefits coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves Andes Bolivia peasant farmers coca farming social unrest coca chewing agriculture fisheries mining legalization global cultivation stimulant flavouring agent drinks domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste anaesthetic coca plant cocaine stigma illegal use Legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves Bolivia Andes impoverished areas livelihood peasant cultivators agriculture fisheries mining globalization stimulant flavoring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste anaesthetic product potential stigma cocaine illegal use Transnational Institute Evo Morales New York Times Juan Forero legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes Bolivia peasant cultivators agricultural production fisheries mining coca legalization global cultivation stimulant flavouring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic cocaine stigma legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes eradication attempts social unrest poverty Bolivia coca chewing agricultural production fisheries mining globalization stimulant flavoring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anesthetic legalization cocaine fear stigma coca plant product potential economic benefits coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes Bolivia farmers social unrest economic benefits agriculture fisheries mining legalization stimulant flavouring agent drinks domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste anaesthetic cocaine stigma Transnational Institute Evo Morales New York Times Juan Forero legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes Bolivian coca farm eradication attempts social unrest peasant cultivators agricultural production fisheries mining global legalization stimulant flavouring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic product potential cocaine stigma coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves Andes Bolivian coca farm income source impoverished areas eradication attempts social unrest economic benefits peasant cultivators coca chewing agriculture fisheries mining global legalization stimulant flavouring agent drinks domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic cocaine fear stigma legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves Andes Bolivian coca farm income source impoverished areas eradication attempts social unrest economic benefits peasant cultivators agriculture fisheries mining globalization stimulant flavoring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic cocaine stigma illegal use
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro03a	The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground member states common foreign and security policy cooperation consultation international system stability unity solidarity harmony Europa.eu symbols High Representative Vice President Commission EU decision making foreign policy HRVP common ground member states cooperation consultation stability international system common foreign and security policy world politics unity solidarity harmony peoples of Europe Europa.eu symbols High Representative Vice President Commission EU decision making foreign policy defense policy common ground common foreign and security policy cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony Europa.eu Symbols European Union High Representative Vice President of the Commission HRVP EU decision making foreign policy common EU foreign policy cooperative model foreign and defense policy member states common ground EU role in world politics common foreign and security policy cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony Europe Europa.eu EU symbols High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground cooperation consultation stability international system common foreign and security policy unity solidarity harmony European symbols Europa.eu High Representative Vice President of the Commission EU decision making foreign policy common EU foreign policy cooperative model foreign and defense policy member states commitment common ground significant role common foreign and security policy streamline EU position cooperation consultation stable international system EU goals unity solidarity harmony European ideals Europa.eu EU symbols High Representative Vice President of the Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground significant role common foreign and security policy world politics cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony European ideals Europa.eu symbols High Representative Vice President of the Commission EU decision making foreign policy common EU foreign policy cooperative model foreign and defense policy nation state member states common ground significant role common foreign and security policy streamline EU position world politics cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony peoples of Europe Europa.eu Symbols EU High Representative Vice President Commission HRVP foreign policy decision making common ground common foreign and security policy cooperation consultation international system unity solidarity harmony Europe symbolism 12 stars Europa.eu symbols High Representative Vice President of the Commission EU decision making foreign policy common EU foreign policy cooperative model foreign and defense policy member states common ground significant role common foreign and security policy EU position world politics cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony European ideals
test-international-ipecfiepg-con04a	Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Eurozone Greece long-run economic growth default currency stability hyperinflation investment transactions European trade austerity measures short-term costs long-term benefits Open Europe The Guardian Barrell Ray Ruparel Raoul Persson Mats Leaving Eurozone Greece long-term detrimental short-term benefits economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation single currency efficiency Greek trade Eurozone members austerity measures long-term growth economic proposition currency collapse transitory benefits permanent benefits economic transactions investment efficiency European trade economic crisis short-term costs long-term gains Barrell Ray Ruparel Raoul Persson Mats Eurozone crisis Greek economy Open Europe The Guardian eurozone greece long-term effects short-term benefits economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation currency collapse single currency benefits trade efficiency austerity measures economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits eurozone membership greek economy european trade economic propositions financial stability economic crisis euro benefits default consequences investment stability transaction costs economic research euro adoption economic analysis financial transactions economic policy economic forecasts greek default economic sanctions economic recovery economic depression european union economic integration financial markets economic sanctions greek debt financial Leaving Eurozone Greece long-term detriment economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits Euro stability investor confidence currency collapse Greek default hyperinflation single currency investment efficiency transaction efficiency Eurozone members Greek trade austerity measures short-term cost long-term value Barrell Ruparel Persson Eurozone crisis Open Europe Eurozone Greece long-run default economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits currency stability investor confidence hyperinflation single currency investment efficiency transaction efficiency Eurozone members trade austerity measures short-term costs long-term benefits Barrell Ruparel Persson Eurozone crisis Open Europe Leaving Eurozone Greece economy long-term effects short-term growth economic stability investor confidence currency collapse hyperinflation Eurozone benefits trade efficiency austerity measures economic sanctions Barrell Ray Ruparel Raoul Persson Mats Open Europe Eurozone crisis Greek default single currency transitory benefits permanent benefits European trade investment stability economic policy financial crisis Greece Eurozone membership economic recovery financial sanctions economic sanctions European Union Euro currency economic impact financial impact economic research European economics economic analysis European financial stability European eurozone greece economic stability currency collapse hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs austerity measures euro investment transactions eurozone members economic growth default single currency financial crisis european economy economic policy fiscal stability trade efficiency greek economy economic sanctions international trade economic forecast financial markets economic research economic analysis Eurozone Greece economic stability currency collapse hyperinflation long-term benefits single currency investment efficiency trade with Eurozone austerity measures short-term costs economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits investor confidence financial stability european economy economic sanctions economic policy fiscal stability economic integration european union financial markets economic sanctions fiscal discipline economic recovery economic impact economic代价 economic支持 希腊债务危机 欧元区成员国 货币政策 经济改革 财政援助 国际货币基金 eurozone greece economic stability long-term benefits currency collapse hyperinflation investment transactions eurozone members trade austerity measures short-term costs economic growth default single currency financial crisis european union economic policy fiscal stability international trade economic sanctions debt crisis monetary union economic integration financial market economic sanctions economic recovery financial support economic sanctions economic forecasts economic experts economic research financial analysis economic impact eurozone crisis economic alternatives financial performance economic indicators financial management economic challenges financial solutions economic statistics economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs austerity measures eurozone membership trade efficiency currency collapse economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits Greek economy Eurozone crisis single currency advantages Greek trade European members economic consequences default risks economic propositions Barrell Ray Ruparel Raoul Persson Mats Eurozone exit Open Europe The Guardian
test-society-epsihbdns-pro03a	Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 rural development urbanization economic zones infrastructure investment workforce distribution social stratification urban-rural divide policy prioritization rural investment balanced workforce urban privilege rural backwardness social change sub-saharan africa china urban-rural policies rural areas urban-urban migration economic growth resource limitations national decision making urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment rural workforce urban-rural divide social stratification investment in rural communities balanced workforce urban food security political economy sub-saharan africa china's urban-rural policies social change in china Restrictions rural areas urban-urban migration economic growth resource allocation national decision making urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment urban modernization rural-urban divide cultural divisions workforce retention rural investment balanced workforce urban food security political economy sub-Saharan Africa social change China 21st century urban-rural gap Maxwell Daniel World Development Elsevier Science Ltd. Whyte Martin King rural-urban migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment workforce preservation rural community development urban-rural divide social change urban food security sub-saharan africa china's urbanization rural investment balanced workforce urban modernization rural backwardness national development policy urban prioritization rural neglect rural development urban-rural migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment workforce distribution social divisions rural investment balanced workforce urban-rural divide political economy urban food security sub-Saharan Africa China social change urban areas rural areas economic zones modernization cultural perceptions urbanites rural communities national investment decision makers urban reliance rural preservation investor attraction rural areas urban-urban migration economic growth city resources national decision makers urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment rural workforce urban-rural divide cultural divisions workforce preservation rural investment balanced workforce urban food security political economy social change China Sub-Saharan Africa urban-urban migration rural development economic zones urban privilege rural workforce investment in rural areas urban-rural divide social change urban food security sub-Saharan Africa China's urbanization rural investment balanced workforce rural modernization urban infrastructure decision makers national level economic growth resource allocation urban culture rural backwardness 文明差异 城市特权 农村现代化 城市基础设施 决策者 国家层面 经济增长 资源分配 城市文化 农村落后 rural development urban-rural migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones workforce retention investment in rural areas urban-rural divide social change China Sub-Saharan Africa urban food security political economy modernization cultural divisions balanced workforce national policy rural investment urban infrastructure rural development urban-rural migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment workforce preservation social division sub-saharan africa china urban-rural divide social change rural investment balanced workforce economic zones urban food security political economy rural development urban-rural divide economic zones rural investment workforce migration urban privilege resource allocation rural investment balanced workforce social stratification urbanization effects rural modernization policy prioritization economic growth urban infrastructure rural areas urban areas China Sub-Saharan Africa socio-economic development political economy food security social change urban-rural migration national development economic resources decision makers urban economic growth rural economic improvement workforce distribution investment opportunities urban-rural balance rural community development urban-rural relationships economic inequality rural-urban migration urban
test-society-epiasghbf-pro03a	Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See labour participation gender rights cultural norms women's responsibilities productive sphere equal work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers working conditions conferences information sharing action taking labour participation gender rights cultural norms women's rights productive sphere gender equality male breadwinner community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers worker's rights gender norms social change female workforce legal representation conference information sharing action initiatives labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's roles productive sphere gender norms community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers Conferences information sharing action taking labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's responsibilities productive sphere equal work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers changing conditions upholding conferences sharing information taking action labour participation gender rights cultural norms women's rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers conditions conferences information sharing action labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers female domestic workers African Regional Domestic Workers Network conditions improvement conferences information sharing action taking labour participation gender rights cultural norms women's roles productive sphere public space gender equality male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers conferences information sharing action倡议 labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's responsibility productive sphere equal work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organisations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers network changing conditions conferences information sharing action labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's reproductive role productive sphere gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers working conditions conferences information sharing action initiatives labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's roles public sphere male breadwinner community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers changing conditions conferences information sharing action taken
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con04a	"Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. animal research non-animal methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetically modified animals financial incentive non-animal alternatives research methods animal experimentation animal welfare scientific research regulatory requirements ethical considerations research quality experimental design animal models gene interaction research cost alternative methods scientific ethics animal testing scientific innovation research licensing physiological studies pathologies scientific methodology experimental animals research implications scientific practices animal research non-animal methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetic modification financial incentive research quality ethical considerations regulatory requirements animal welfare scientific advancement experimental design research alternatives animal ethics biomedical research research methodologies regulatory compliance scientific innovation non-animal alternatives research ethics laboratory animals animal testing research protocols humane science scientific validity animal models physiology studies pathology research genetic research scientific animal research non-animal methods 3Rs doctrine EU Directive 2010/63/EU refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetic modification financial incentives research regulations scientific quality ethical considerations animal welfare research methodologies physiological studies pathologies gene interaction scientific licensing ethical research practices animal research non-animal methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use ethical research scientific quality research licensing computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetic research financial incentives institutional practices research ethics animal welfare animal research non-animal methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetic modification financial incentive research quality ethical considerations regulatory requirements animal welfare scientific advancement physiological studies pathology research gene interaction research methods animal experimentation institutional policies scientific regulations ethical principles research alternatives experimental design animal models research efficiency non-animal alternatives research licensing scientific methodology research outcomes animal testing humane research scientific Animal research alternative methods non-animal research 3Rs doctrine EU Directive 2010/63/EU refinement replacement reduction ethical considerations scientific quality regulatory requirements licensing computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetic modification financial incentives institutional practices physiological studies pathology research animal models gene interaction research costs scientific methods complementary approaches ethical guidelines animal welfare research efficiency regulatory compliance scientific innovation human-animal interaction research methodologies biomedical research scientific standards ethical research practices animal experimentation non-an animal research non-animal methods research regulations EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animals computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetically modified animals financial incentive institutional adoption research quality ethical considerations animal welfare scientific methodology regulatory requirements research licensing complementary methods gene interaction studies physiological studies pathology research research cost non-animal alternatives research necessity human desire suffering reduction scientific advancement institutional policies government oversight academic standards research ethics methodological considerations Animal research non-animal methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetically modified animals financial incentive non-animal alternatives research quality animal welfare scientific regulation ethical research physiological studies pathologies gene interaction research costs animal experimentation scientific methodology complementary research methods research ethics animal models in vitro testing regulatory requirements scientific innovation researchIconModule animal research non-animal methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetic modification financial incentives research quality animal welfare ethical research regulatory requirements scientific methods physiological studies pathology research gene interaction research complementarity ethical guidelines scientific innovation humane science research authorization animal experiment licensing research efficiency scientific rigor alternative research strategies animal testing alternatives research methodology scientific ethics animal experimentation humane research practices research animal research non-animal methods 3Rs doctrine EU Directive 2010/63/EU research regulations scientific ethics animal welfare research licensing computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetic modification research costs scientific quality experimental refinement animal experimentation physiological studies pathology research gene interaction research complementarity ethical research practices institutional practices scientific methods regulatory compliance animal testing alternatives research methodology scientific innovation humane research research efficiency scientific advancement legislative framework research ethics animal models research outcomes scientific validation research"
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro03a	Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic rigor university reputation plagiarism western universities Asian campuses creativity free thinking education quality academic integrity university standards graduate skills educational impact government role elite institutions admission standards academic scholarship educational devaluation degree value employer expectations academic rigor critical thinking creativity free thinking admission standards exclusivity education quality plagiarism impartiality western universities asian campuses us-china education governmental impact degree devaluation degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic integrity university reputation plagiarism creativity free thinking educational standards elite universities western universities Asian campuses government influence devaluation of degrees academic rigour admission standards impartiality US-China education Jasmine Ako Unraveling Plagiarism in China Maintaining degree value employer expectations academic integrity critical thinking creative skills western universities elite institutions academic rigour exclusivity reputation plagiarism impartiality degree devaluation government influence Asian campuses US-China education Jasmine Ako Unraveling Plagiarism in China degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic rigor university reputation plagiarism creativity free thinking western universities Asian campuses education standards government influence devaluation of degrees US-China education academic integrity degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity university reputation plagiarism creativity free thinking government role western education Asian campuses degree devaluation US-China education Jasmine Ako plagiarism in China degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic rigor university reputation creativity free thinking government intervention educational standards plagiarism US-China education Asian campuses home institution impact degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic integrity university reputation plagiarism creativity free thinking western universities Asian campuses education standards government influence devaluation of degrees academic rigor admission standards elitism in education impact on graduates US-China education international education challenges higher education quality degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic integrity university reputation graduate skills creative thinking western universities Asian campuses plagiarism US-China education critical skills degree devaluation academic standards exclusivity academic rigor impartiality education impact home institution Jasmine Ako US-China Today degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic rigor university reputation plagiarism creativity free thinking western education Asian campuses government policies educational standards degree devaluation academic integrity US-China relations higher education academic challenges global education market
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro05a	Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney-client privilege sacrosanct defendant's interests confidential information incriminate clear someone else client is dead posthumous disclosure candor with lawyers public interest necessity balancing exceptions public safety vital information societal interests court discretion rigid rules flexible application attorney client privilege exceptions public interest necessity in the interests of justice confidential information incrimination client death public safety vital information lawyer-client communication legal ethics judicial discretion balancing interests legal privilege limitations defendant's interests societal impact legal confidentiality posthumous disclosure testimonial privilege attorney-client privilege sacrosanct exceptions public interest necessity justice disclosure confidential information incrimination client death public safety balancing societal interests legal ethics communication candor defendant's interests vital information courts rigid application attorney-client privilege sacrosanct defendant's interests confidential information incriminate clear somebody else client is dead discouraged from candor public interest balancing exceptions public safety vital information courts decision societal interests rigid adherence attorney-client privilege exceptions public interest necessity justice confidentiality disclosure posthumous incrimination public safety balancing societal interests legal ethics client candor attorney-client privilege sacrosanct defendant's interests confidential information incriminate clear somebody else client dead public interest necessity public safety vital information society's interest judicial discretion balancing test rigid application attorney-client privilege legal confidentiality public interest necessity justice disclosure posthumous communication client candor legal ethics public safety balancing test vital information societal interests rigid application legal exceptions attorney-client privilege sacrosanct defendant's interests confidential information incriminate client's death public interest necessity public safety vital information courts balancing interests society rigid rules exceptions legal ethics confidentiality professional responsibility justice system client-lawyer relationship attorney-client privilege exceptions public interest necessity client confidentiality disclosure public safety legal ethics confidential communications judicial discretion balancing interests posthumous disclosure incrimination defending others societal benefit rigid application legal principles client-lawyer relationship candor adverse impact Attorney-client privilege exceptions public interest necessity client confidentiality legal ethics judicial discretion public safety posthumous disclosure incrimination non-incrimination balancing test societal interests legal communication client-lawyer relationship professional responsibility legal principles justice system information disclosure risk assessment legal outcomes
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con01a	An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system effectiveness international law prosecution voluntary cooperation judicial effectiveness state sovereignty international justice judicial reform legal enforcement criminal apprehension ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system effectiveness international law prosecution compliance voluntary cooperation judicial enforcement state responsibility international criminal court legal mechanisms security council peacekeepingforces judicial reform diplomatic pressure sanctions regional organizations human rights legal accountability judiciary strengthening international cooperation legal enforcement state sovereignty legal protocols international treaties judicial assistance law enforcement criminal justice international relations security measures legal obligations legal framework state capacity legal implementation state action legal ICC enforcement arm unnecessary state parties capable defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary current system working capture difficulties ICC enforcement arm unnecessary creation state parties capability defendants supplied Bemba Gbagbos voluntary appearances Uhuru Kenyatta system effectiveness difficult captures ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system capture difficulties ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system working capture international criminal court state cooperation legal enforcement voluntary compliance judicial effectiveness international law criminal justice prosecution peace security sovereignty legal reform judicial reform international relations diplomatic relations human rights war crimes genocide trials judicial mechanisms legal frameworks state responsibility international cooperation legal proceedings judicial processes legal challenges judicial support state compliance legal enforcement mechanisms legal strategies judicial strategies legal practices judicial practices ICC enforcement arm state parties capacities Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system effectiveness challenges international law cooperation judicial process defendants trials state sovereignty international justice voluntary compliance compulsory enforcement diplomatic relations legal mechanisms judicial support apprehension fugitives international community security forces legal frameworks operational constraints political will jurisprudence prosecution international cooperation human rights accountability impunity legal enforcement state responsibility judicial independence international crimes regional cooperation peace stability legal reforms judicial efficiency ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants trial Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary current system working capture international law judicial effectiveness state cooperation criminal prosecution voluntary compliance judicial processes international justice legal enforcement state sovereignty judicial support international crimes judicial mechanisms legal reforms state responsibility legal accountability judicial challenges international cooperation legal jurisdiction state capability judicial independence legal instruments state enforcement judicial trust legal outcomes state sovereignty legal empowerment judicial legitimacy legal mandates state resources judicial oversight legal frameworks ICC enforcement arm state parties incapable enforcing decisions defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntarily current system working extremely difficult capture ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system working capture challenges
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con01a	Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. humans nutrition omnivores meat plants early ancestors canine teeth digestive systems stomachs natural diet western countries self-indulgence hunting domestication farm animals wild animals dietary balance natural balance food ethics animal rights meat consumption human evolution dietary habits species comparison nutritional needs dietary choices animal domestication hunting practices historical diets modern diets ethical eating food sources protein sources meat production vegetarianism carnivorous herbivorous omnivorous diet natural behavior human nature dietary adaptation evolutionary diet human nutrition omnivore diet human teeth digestive system meat consumption plant-based diet ancestral eating animal hunting domesticated animals natural diet meat ethics human evolution hunter-gatherer dietary balance food rights animal rights dietary history nutritional needs species adaptation meat production human nutrition omnivore diet meat consumption plant-based diet canine teeth digestive system eating meat natural human diet western dietary trends ancestral eating habits hunting practices domesticated animals ethical eating balanced diet animal rights natural food sources meat and vegetables dietary evolution sustainable eating food ethics humans omnivores nutrition meat plants early ancestors canine teeth digestive system stomach natural diet western countries self-indulgence natural balance hunting domestication farm animals wild animals progress killing rights kinder methods less wasteful humans omnivores nutrition meat plants ancestors canine teeth digestive systems stomachs nature western countries self-indulgent diet natural balance eating meat hunters animals kill rights mankind progress hunting domestication farm animals less wasteful meat plants omnivores nutrition diet human evolution ancestors digestion stomach teeth hunting domestication animal welfare rights natural balance humans omnivores nutrition diet meat plants ancestors canine teeth digestive system stomach natural western countries self-indulgent balance hunting domestication farm animals wild evolution ethics food health anthropology biology history agriculture animal rights omnivore human diet nutrition plan canine teeth digestive system meat consumption plant-based ancestral eating natural balance hunting heritage domestication farm animals ethical eating nutritional needs food evolution humans omnivores nutrition diet meat plants canine teeth digestive systems stomachs natural balance western countries self-indulgence hunting domestication farm animals wild animals rights mankind progress ethics meat plants omnivores nutrition ancestor canine teeth digestive system stomach natural diet western countries self-indulgent human nature balance hunting domestication farm animals ethical eating health evolution species
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con02a	"Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia democracy election fairness administrative abuse media bias political competition academic freedom European University at St Petersburg electoral monitoring murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms governance controversy OSCE Council of Europe United Russia parliamentary election political parties western ties unjust 21st century Russia democracy controversy election criticism OSCE Council of Europe administrative abuse media bias political competition United Russia election rigging academic freedom European University at St Petersburg electoral monitoring murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms 21st century Russia democracy controversy elections Council of Europe Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe OSCE United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg Interregional Electoral Chains of Support election monitoring journalists strong leadership basic freedoms 21st century governance political competition administrative resources media coverage political parties murdered journalists Russian population unjust wrong good Russia democracy controversy election fairness OSCE Council of Europe United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg electoral monitoring murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms 21st century unjust governance political competition administrative resources media bias election rigging Interregional Electoral Chains of Support Western ties US universities UK universities political parties electoral standards political playing field human rights authoritarianism political repression Russia democracy governance OSCE Council of Europe election standards administrative resources media bias political competition United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg electoral monitoring murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms unjust governance authoritarianism political repression media control human rights violations Russia democracy election fairness OSCE Council of Europe United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg media bias political competition murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms governance controversial democracy election rigging administrative resources political monitoring ties to the west unjust leadership Russia democracy governance Council of Europe OSCE election criticism administrative abuse media bias political competition United Russia election rigging academic freedom European University at St Petersburg Interregional Electoral Chains of Support murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms 21st century politics Russia democracy status quo controversy democratic structures elections Council of Europe OSCE election standards administrative abuse media bias political competition United Russia election fairness academic freedom European University at St Petersburg fire risk Interregional Electoral Chains of Support electoral monitoring murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms 21st century unjust Russia democracy election fairness OSCE Council of Europe United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg electoral monitoring murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms political competition administrative abuse media bias western ties human rights governance political opposition civil liberties democracy election fairness OSCE standards Council of Europe United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg electoral monitoring murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms political competition administrative resources media bias election rigging democratic structures governance political rights human rights authoritarianism political opposition civil society rule of law transparency accountability political repression freedom of speech press freedom political prisoners civic liberties international criticism electoral integrity political participation democratic values democratic institutions political stability political reforms electoral processes political power government accountability political representation"
test-education-udfakusma-pro02a	Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. public funding academic transparency university materials taxpayer access higher education finance government expenditure tuition fees academic publications post-graduation resources educational policy fiscal accountability public education systems international education funding state-funded universities academic research accessibility university funding public funding academic transparency taxpayer access higher education finance European university funding tuition fees academic publications post-graduation access public right to information government expenditure higher education policy public funding university materials United States higher education government funding Europe taxpayer access academic work tuition fees personal teaching post-graduation access funding sources economic contribution higher education policy academic publications public right to access state expenditure education finance academic transparency institutional accountability public funding universities academic materials United States Europe government sources taxpayer money access to research tuition fees teaching time post-graduation access higher education spending state funding personal teaching academic publications taxpayer demand educational transparency open access higher education finance university funding models universities public funding higher education academic materials access taxpayer tuition fees government funding Europe United States state funding academic publications personal teaching post-graduation access funding sources higher education policy public demand Caplan Bruan Vught Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente public funding university transparency academic materials access higher education finance taxpayer rights university funding sources Europe university funding tuition fees public access to research post-graduation material access universities public funding academic materials United States higher education tuition fees Europe government sources taxpayer money academic work public access personal teaching post-graduation access Caplan Bruan Vught F funding systems higher education policy economic impact tuition contributions state spending public funding university materials open access higher education United States Europe taxpayer dollars academic work tuition fees personal teaching time post-university access public funding higher education university materials taxpayer access academic work tuition fees personal teaching post-graduation access government spending Europe United States university funding Caplan Bruan Vught F funding sources developed countries public universities private universities education policy public funding university materials open access United States Europe higher education taxpayer money academic work tuition fees post-graduation access
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro01a	"Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec independence language culture Canadian federation English-speaking Canadians immigration cultural-loss Bill 101 Canadian Federal Courts discrimination Quebecois French-Quebecois protection law policy linguistic protection cultural identity separatism nationalism political autonomy Quebec independence French language preservation cultural distinctiveness Bill 101 Canadian federation English-speaking immigration cultural dilution Quebec law cultural policy Canadian Federal Courts Quebec sovereignty French-Quebecois identity linguistic protection ethnic nationalism minority rights legal autonomy national identity separatism cultural protectionism Quebecois heritage Quebec independence language protection cultural preservation French-Quebecois identity English-speaking immigration cultural dilution Bill 101 Canadian federal courts linguistic policy provincial autonomy cultural policy discrimination claims Quebec sovereignty Canadian federation cultural threat linguistic minority Quebecois nationalism separatist movement Quebec independence French language protection cultural preservation English-speaking immigration Bill 101 Canadian federation Quebecois identity linguistic policies cultural dilution provincial autonomy federal interference discrimination claims legal challenges sovereignty national identity ethnic heritage minority rights linguistic rights cultural policies Quebec independence language culture Canadian federation English-speaking French-Quebecois cultural loss immigration Bill 101 racism Canadian Federal Courts discrimination law cultural policy unrestricted flow English-speaking Canadians Quebecois protection distinct French language PQ strategist CBS News Canada The Canadian Encyclopedia Quebec independence language culture Canadian federation English-speaking French-Quebecois immigration cultural-loss Bill 101 Canadian Federal Courts discrimination law policy Quebec independence language culture French-Quebecois English-speaking Canada federation immigration cultural-loss Bill 101 Canadian Federal Courts discrimination law policy protection distinct French Quebecois separatism nationalism Quebec independence French language Quebec culture English-speaking Canadians cultural dilution Bill 101 Canadian federal courts linguistic protection cultural policy immigration control Quebec nationalism French-Quebecois identity Canadian federation linguistic minority cultural preservation political autonomy separatism racial discrimination legal challenges Quebec independence language culture French-Quebecois English-speaking Canadian federation immigration cultural loss Bill 101 discrimination Canadian Federal Courts law policy protection control territory Quebecois distinct retain overwhelms dilution provision provision strike down racism separatism sovereignty national identity linguistic rights cultural rights self-determination political autonomy federalism minority majority integration assimilation nationalism regionalism provincial Canadian politics linguistic policy cultural policy legal challenges constitutional issues separatist movement Quebec independence distinct language culture Canadian federation English-speaking threat cultural loss immigration Bill 101 racism Canadian Federal Courts law cultural policy"
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro01a	It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. attorney-client privilege confidentiality legal ethics justice system court proceedings client confession guilty defendants legal representation professional conduct judicial integrity truth in court abolition of privilege lawyer-client relationship legal confidentiality attorney misconduct attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality legal system justice lying in court client confession attorney liability professional misconduct abolish attorney-client privilege criminal defense guilty clients legal confidentiality judicial integrity legal reform attorney-client communications legal safeguards legal principles court procedures legal responsibilities attorney-client privilege confidential communications legal ethics professional responsibilities judicial integrity truth in court client confession attorney-client relationship legal representation justice system lying in court abolishing attorney-client privilege criminal defense guilty clients legal confessions courtroom honesty attorney misconduct legal reform client confidentiality legal profession standards Attorney-Client Privilege Confidential Communications Legal Ethics Justice System Integrity Client Confession Court Dishonesty Criminal Defense Legal Professional Responsibility Abolish Attorney-Client Privilege Justice Based on Truth Legal System Reform Attorney Misconduct Client Guilt Concealment Legal Confidentiality Issues Law and Morality attorney-client privilege confidentiality legal ethics judicial integrity client confession criminal defense guilty verdict legal system justice professional misconduct legal reform court proceedings client-attorney relationship truth in court attorney responsibility abolition of privilege legal principles defendant rights legal representation judicial fairness attorney-client privilege confidential communications legal ethics justice system integrity client confession attorney responsibility courtroom honesty legal defense strategies guilt concealment abolishing attorney-client privilege attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality judicial system legal representation truth in court client confession criminal defense guilty plea justice system attorney responsibility abolition of privilege legal integrity court honesty professional conduct client-attorney communication legal reform judicial fairness defense strategies legal principles confidentiality abuse ethical dilemmas legal accountability lawyer-client trust legal proceedings trial integrity legal transparency legal confession judicial integrity lawyer ethics client confidentiality legal admission legal defense judicial process legal standards legal privilege legal honesty legal trust legal responsibility legal justice Attorney-Client Privilege Confidential Communications Legal Ethics Justice System Client Confession Defense Strategy Guilty Verdict Legal Representation Professional Conduct Ethical Dilemmas Criminal Defense Court Procedures Legal Reforms Fair Trial Client-Attorney Trust Misrepresentation Legal Privilege Justice Integrity Advocacy Standards attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality criminal defense justice system legal representation client confidentiality judicial integrity lawyer-client relationship legal reforms court proceedings guilty defendants legal profession ethical dilemmas professional responsibility legal standards truth in court client rights attorney duties justice administration attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality client confession judicial integrity criminal defense attorney conduct legal system trust justice system reform privilege abolition
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con03a	The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. artistic output profit control copyright disincentive ownership investment creation installation art duplication originality creativity intellectual property artistic laziness market adaptation new ideas creative urges legal protections economic incentives artistic production cultural value piracy fair use public domain artistic expression economic factors creativity drivers legal framework artist rights creative industry artistic motivation innovation incentives artistic freedom legal enforcement creative economy cultural heritage creative process artistic identity market dynamics creative output artistic decision-making financial return creativity stimulation artistic investment market artistic output profit copyright control ownership incentive investment creation disincentive installation art duplication originality creativity intellectual property legal protections artistic laziness market adaptation creative urges new ideas artistic output profit control copyright ownership incentive investment creation copyright protections disincentive artistic work originality creativity intellectual property art production legal protection artistic laziness market adaptation creative urges economic factors artist motivation installation art job alternatives marginal cases time investment artistic freedom creative expression legal framework artistic rights art market artistic value cultural production intellectual creation artistic identity artistic legacy artistic autonomy economic rewards artistic innovation legal safeguards artistic entrepreneurship artistic community artistic sustainability cultural incentives artistic recognition artistic artistic control profit from art artistic output disincentive artists' production motivation copyright importance ownership of artistic work investment in art creation copyright protections artistic creation incentives installation art investment copyright and creativity original art importance artistic laziness prevention creative urges stimulation intellectual property law copyright benefits artistic pursuit encouragement art thrives on originality copyright and artistic innovation artistic output profit copyright incentive ownership investment creation installation art duplication originality creativity intellectual property artistic control market legal protection economic factors creative industries cultural production artistic labor innovation legal framework artistic motivation economic incentives artistic freedom artistic rights creative process artistic value copyright law artistic expression cultural economics artistic production intellectual property rights artistic investment artistic disincentive cultural policy artistic reward artistic property artistic creation cultural incentives artistic benefit legal incentives artistic works artistic identity artistic impact cultural impact lack of control profit artistic output disincentive artists' decision create copyright ownership investment time pursuits guarantee final product protections marginal cases installation art job control duplication existing works new ideas original artistic laziness creative urges interesting fields John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law Reason or Madness Defense of Copyright Art control profit artistic output copyright ownership investment creation disincentive intellectual property creativity originality incentive legal protection artistic laziness market adaptation installation art time investment copyright system creativity stimulation Greenberg Reason or Madness John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law artistic output profit control copyright ownership incentive investment creation disincentive artistic work copyright protections marginal cases installation art time investment duplication originality creativity artistic laziness intellectual property legal protections artistic output profit control copyright disincentive ownership investment creation incentive installation art job duplication originality creativity protections laziness market adaptation intellectual property legal protections artistic expression economic incentives creative industries cultural production innovation legal framework artist rights creative works cultural economy artistic community cultural heritage legal issues artistic freedom creative process cultural impact intellectual property law economic factors cultural value legal challenges creative motivation cultural policy artistic identity market forces cultural significance legal support artistic practice cultural copyright artistic output profit control incentive ownership investment creation installation art duplication originality creativity intellectual property legal protections artists disincentive marginal cases time investment market adaptation artistic laziness creative urges
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro01a	"Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" sexist advertising harmful effects society women objectification self-image United Nations CEDAW gender stereotypes visual messages verbal messages subservience sex objects violence against women ideal body body image eating disorders beauty products consumption stereotyped masculinity Jean Kilbourne media portrayal gender prejudice sexualized images media influence gender roles sexist advertising harm to society women's objectification self-image diminishment CEDAW gender stereotypes visual messages verbal messages women's subservience sex objects legitimize violence self-image harm idealized body eating disorders beauty product consumption body types masculinity stereotypes sexualized images Jean Kilbourne Beauty and the Beast of Advertising sexist advertising harm to society women's objectification self-image diminishment United Nations CEDAW gender stereotypes prejudice visual messages verbal messages women's subservience sexual objectification violence legitimization idealized body image eating disorders beauty product obsession media influence men's masculinity stereotypes sexist advertising harm to society women's objectification self-image issues CEDAW gender stereotypes visual and verbal messages subservience portrayal sex object portrayal violence legitimization idealized body image body type disparity eating disorders beauty product obsession male stereotyping masculinity images Jean Kilbourne Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising sexualized images women not sex objects study find rise sexist advertising harm to society women's self-image objectification CEDAW gender stereotypes subservience violence against women idealized body images eating disorders beauty product consumption masculinity stereotypes sexist advertising harm to society women's objectification self-image diminishment CEDAW stereotypes gender prejudice subservience sex objects violence legitimization idealized body consumerism eating disorders beauty product obsession masculinity stereotypes sexist advertising harm to society harm to women objectification diminishing self-image CEDAW gender stereotypes prejudice subservient portrayal sex objects legitimize violence ideal stylized body body type reality eating disorders beauty product consumption harm to men stereotyped masculinity sexist advertising harm to society women objectification self-image diminishment CEDAW gender stereotypes prejudice visual messages verbal messages subservience sex objects ad legitimacy violence against women ideal body images eating disorders beauty products consumption masculinity stereotypes men harm sexism advertising harm society women objectification self-image United Nations CEDAW stereotypes prejudice gender visual messages verbal messages subservience sex objects violence self-image ideal body eating disorders beauty products consumption ideal beauty media men masculinity sexualized images study rise Jean Kilbourne Beauty and the Beast of Advertising sexist advertising harmful effects women objectification self-image CEDAW gender stereotypes violence against women ideal body image eating disorders beauty products masculinity Jean Kilbourne sexualized images media influence gender roles societal impact prejudice consumer behavior"
test-culture-mthbah-con02a	Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. advertising consumer choice product selection market competition product innovation price comparison value for money consumer information purchasing decisions economic role of advertising product features consumer benefits societal impact of advertising consumer awareness product diversity advertising strategies consumer guidance shopping behavior product value advertising influence advertising consumer choice product comparison modern society positive impact new features powerful computers multifunctional phones vitamin-enriched foods price competition value for money shopping decisions informed spending available options advertising consumer choice product differentiation market information consumer decision-making price competition value for money product features technological advancements consumer awareness economic role of advertising shopping behavior consumer needs product benefits informed purchasing advertising effectiveness consumer purchasing product comparison advertising impact consumer preferences Advertising consumer choice positive role modern society product features powerful computers telephones cameras music players foods added vitamins price competition cheapest products best value shopping decisions planned purchases informed spending consumer information product options Advertising consumer decision-making product comparison market competition product features price comparison value for money consumer information shopping behavior informed choices market goods modern society advertising benefits product variety consumer choices economic role of advertising consumer guidance product innovation advertising impact consumer value advertising consumer choice product information product features price competition value for money shopping decisions informed buying modern society goods selection product benefits advertising impact consumer decisions market competition advertising role product innovation consumer awareness advertising effectiveness purchasing behavior product variety advertising product selection consumer decision-making modern society product features price competition value for money informed choices consumer information shopping behavior product variety economic role of advertising Advertising decision-making product choice consumer information market competition price comparison value for money product features new technology nutritional benefits shopping behavior consumer awareness economic role societal impact advertising consumer choice product comparison new features technology nutrition price competition value for money shopping decisions information provision consumer education modern society market competition product information consumer benefits Advertising consumer choice product selection market competition product innovation price comparison value for money consumer information shopping decisions economic role of advertising
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro05a	Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. prosecutions politicians partisan concerns political life difficult decisions potentially illegal incentivizes political opponents search out past actions immobilize politically concern for justice well-functioning multipartisan political system representatives achieve political ends extreme cases powerful politicians use prosecutions immobilize opponents prosecutions politicians partisan concerns political life difficult decisions potentially illegal incentivizes political opponents search out past actions immobilize politically concern for justice well-functioning multipartisan representatives achieve political ends extreme cases powerful politicians use opponents Prosecutions politicians partisan concerns political life difficult decisions illegal choices prosecute political opponents past actions immobilize political system multipartisan representatives achieve political ends extreme cases powerful politicians use immobilize opponents Prosecutions politicians partisan concerns political life difficult decisions potentially illegal incentivizes opponents immobilize politically concern for justice well-functioning political system multipartisan representatives achieve ends powerful politicians use prosecutions immobilize opponents partisan concerns political life difficult decisions potentially illegal prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents search out past actions immobilize politically concern for justice well-functioning multipartisan political system representatives achieve political ends extreme cases powerful politicians immobilize opponents Prosecutions Politicians Partisan concerns Political life Difficult decisions Illegal choices Incentivize opposition Political opponents Immobilize politically Concern for justice Well-functioning political system Multipartisan Representatives Political ends Powerful politicians Legal strategies Political rivalry Judicial system Corruption allegations Prosecutions Politicians Partisan Concerns Political Life Difficult Decisions Illegal Actions Incentivizes Political Opponents Search Out Immobilize Politically Concern for Justice Well-Functioning Multipartisan System Representatives Achieve Political Ends Extreme Cases Powerful Politicians Political Opponents Immobilize prosecutions politicians partisan concerns illegal decisions incentivizes opponents immobilize justice multipartisan system representatives achieve ends powerful use extreme cases political opponents prosecutions politicians partisan concerns political life difficult decisions potentially illegal incentivizes political opponents past actions immobilize motivated concern for justice well-functioning multipartisan political system representatives achieve political ends extreme cases powerful politicians use immobilize opponents partisan concerns political life difficult decisions potentially illegal prosecute politicians incentivizes opponents search past actions immobilize politically concern for justice multipartisan political system representatives work together achieve political ends powerful politicians immobilize opponents
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con04a	It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 culture religion distinctive secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible garment religious symbol individuality banning intrusion Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christian The Bible religious symbol individuality Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book Christian The Bible religious symbol individuality banning symbols intrusion personal meaningful Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian religious freedom cultural identity personal items religious symbols individual rights secular laws religious practices cultural practices religious books Muslim attire Christian practices religious garments religious rulings personal freedom individuality religious expression cultural methods secular intrusion religious symbol banning religious beliefs cultural respect culture religion religious practices personal items religious symbols individuality freedom of religion Muslim Christian garment The Bible religious book banning intrusion Jessica Shepherd Uniform Dissent The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book Christian The Bible religious symbol individuality banning symbols Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion religious culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christian Bible garment religious symbol individuality banning intrusion personal method religious methods uniform dissent law freedom belief practice tradition identity faith expression diversity tolerance rights ethics morality society values community institutions education policy controversy debate opinion article journalism media Guardian Jessica Shepherd 9th October 2007 24th July 2011 culture religion distinct personal items religious book ruling Muslims Christian Bible garment religious symbol individuality banning intrusion personal meaningful uniform dissent The Guardian Jessica Shepherd culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book Christians The Bible religious symbol individuality Uniform Dissent The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible religious symbol individuality banning intrusion Jessica Shepherd Uniform Dissent The Guardian
test-society-epsihbdns-pro04a	Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media education misconceptions myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations desperation trafficking exploitation forced labour begging prostitution trapped migrant workers life chances hukou social exclusion market urban-rural relations food production processing UNIAP Vietnam human trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media influence education misconceptions myths successful migrants unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labor prostitution social exclusion hukou urban-rural relations food production processing issues Asia UNIAP Vietnam rural-urban migration developing nations uninformed decisions media influence education lack myth propagation successful migrant unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labor begging prostitution social exclusion market factors urban-rural relations human trafficking life chances hukou system Feeding Asian Cities UNIAP Vietnam migrant workers contemporary China Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt Shaohua Zhan United Nations Inter Agency Project rural-urban migration developing nations uninformed decisions urban myths media inefficiency education inadequacy migrant exploitation unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labor begging prostitution social exclusion hukou system urban-rural relations food production FAO UNIAP Vietnam life chances migrant workers contemporary China Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt Shaohua Zhan Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking FAO Feeding Asian Cities social exclusion market forces China's h rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media education misconceptions myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations desperation trafficking forced labour begging prostitution social exclusion market urban-rural relations food production processing human trafficking UNIAP Vietnam FAO rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labour prostitution migrant workers hukou social exclusion urban-rural relations human trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations uninformed decisions media inefficiency educational inadequacy misconceptions myths successful migrants unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labor begging prostitution trapped migrants Hukou social exclusion market dynamics urban-rural relations food production human trafficking UNIAP Vietnam rural-urban migration developing nations uneducated people informed decisions media influence education myths successful migrants unscrupulous organizations trafficking forced labour begging prostitution social exclusion market urban-rural relations food production processing issues UNIAP Vietnam human trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labour prostitution social exclusion hukou urban-rural relations food production FAO UNIAP Vietnam rural-urban migration developing nations uninformed decisions media inefficiency educational inadequacy myths propagation successful migrant unscrupulous organizations desperation human trafficking forced labor exploitation social exclusion hukou market dynamics urban-rural relations food production processing issues UNIAP Vietnam
test-international-ipecfiepg-con01a	Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma inflation unemployment poverty supplies medicine food economic collapse Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment poverty basic needs euro exit economic impact financial instability social consequences Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment poverty basic needs euro exit short-term options economic impact social consequences international debt liquidity bankruptcy imported goods living costs company survival supplies medicine foodstuffs oil government failure citizen needs European Central Bank economic policy financial stability economic crisis Eurozone financial measures economic solutions public suffering economic recovery financial aid economic sanctions international support economic reform social welfare economic governance fiscal policy Greece default chaos crisis solutions austerity suffering least bad option Greek banking sector collapse bankruptcy ECB liquidity savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation living costs shortage unemployment supplies oil medicine foodstuffs poor government failure basic needs exit euro viewpoints Carsten Brzeski Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Open Europe Michael Arghyrou BBC News Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB liquidity bankruptcy savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment living costs supplies oil medicine food poverty government failure euro exit short-term options economic impact social consequences Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment supplies poverty government failure euro exit short-term options Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Open Europe Michael Arghyrou BBC News Carsten Brzeski default chaos Greece crisis less bad options austerity measures suffering least bad option Greek banking sector collapse ECB liquidity savings credit bankruptcy Government default Drachma devaluation inflation living costs credit shortage unemployment supplies oil medicine foodstuffs poor basic needs government failure euro exit short-term options Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Open Europe Michael Arghyrou BBC News Carsten Brzeski Greece default chaos crisis austerity suffering least bad option Greek banking sector collapse Greek debt Greek banks companies bankruptcy ECB liquidity savings credit impossible Drachma devaluation inflation living costs shortage credit companies unemployment supplies oil medicine foodstuffs poor basic needs government failure Greece default austerity crisis banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma inflation unemployment poverty essential goods government failure euro exit economic stability short-term options international debt financial collapse social impact currency devaluation import costs credit shortage company survival basic needs policy options economic recovery financial aid European Central Bank European Union fiscal measures economic reforms public services economic hardship living standards financial markets debtor nations credit lines liquidity crisis economic forecasts expert analysis economic research financial journalism economic commentary economic Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation living costs unemployment supplies poor exit euro short-term options eurozone economic impact social consequences
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con04a	The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, public opinion political reform House of Lords economic priorities coalition government policy implementation legislative change British politics voter apathy electoral reform Alternative Vote referendum political engagement parliamentary reform government effectiveness political inertia public sentiment political resistance reform debate political attitudes democratic participation public apathy reform priorities economic climate coalition government House of Lords reform House of Commons reservations British public opinion change adversity Alternative Vote referendum political reform challenges electoral system changes UK political engagement democratic reforms parliamentary reforms political stagnation public interest in politics reform delays political will voter apathy constitutional reforms public apathy reform priority economic climate coalition government House of Lords reform House of Commons reservations British public opinion Alternative Vote rejection political change resistance public apathy reform prioritization economic climate coalition government House of Lords reform House of Commons reservations British public opinion Alternative Vote rejection political change resistance UK electoral reform public apathy reform priority economic climate coalition government House of Lords reform delay in reform House of Commons reservations change adversity British opinion Alternative Vote rejection political change electoral reform public engagement political apathy public apathy reform debate economic priority coalition government House of Lords reform attempts House of Commons change resistance British opinion Alternative Vote rejection public apathy House of Lords reform economic priorities coalition government House of Commons reservations British public opinion Alternative Vote rejection political change resistance Labour reform attempts debateable urgency democratic engagement constitutional reform voter indifference political stalemate legislative process reform delays government priorities economic climate political reform public sentiment coalition governance democratic processes political will reform opposition electorate attitude constitutional changes public engagement political apathy reform initiatives governmental reforms political reforms public perception voter behavior political attitudes political reforms public opinion political change House of Lords changes public apathy reform priorities economic climate coalition government House of Lords reform House of Commons reservations British public opinion change resistance Alternative Vote referendum political reform challenges public opinion political reform House of Lords economic priorities coalition government legislative change political apathy electoral reform Alternative Vote referendum British politics political inertia House of Commons political resistance public engagement political change reform debates political priorities public sentiment political activism governmental reform efforts public opinion reform priorities economic climate coalition government House of Lords reform House of Commons reservations change resistance Alternative Vote referendum political apathy UK political reform legislative change political engagement public sentiment political debate reform attempts political system British politics voter behavior democratic processes political reforms UK
test-law-ilppppghb-pro03a	"Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited self-determination fundamental right peoples futures modern liberal democracy free decide leaders states minority peoples international law International Court of Justice national governments people United Nations studies right to self-determination history independence self-rule identifiable territory distinct culture will capability regain self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination fundamental right peoples futures modern liberal democracy free decide leaders minority peoples states international law International Court of Justice national governments United Nations right to self-determination history independence self-rule identifiable territory distinct culture will capability self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination peoples fundamental right futures modern liberal democracy leaders minority peoples international law International Court of Justice national governments identifiable territory distinct culture self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case United Nations right to self-determination Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination fundamental right peoples decide futures modern liberal democracy free to choose leaders minority peoples international law International Court of Justice national governments people right to self-determination United Nations history of independence self-rule identifiable territory distinct culture will and capability regain self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case Critescu GrosEspiell Self-determination fundamental right peoples decide futures modern liberal democracy free leaders minority peoples international law International Court of Justice national governments identifiable territory distinct culture will self-governance constitutional political arrangements Western Sahara Case United Nations Critescu GrosEspiell Right to Self-determination widely cited self-determination fundamental right peoples decide futures modern liberal democracy free choose leaders minority peoples international law states International Court of Justice national governments identifiable territory distinct culture will capability self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case United Nations studies right to self-determination Critescu GrosEspiell Self-determination fundamental right peoples futures modern liberal democracy free leaders states minority peoples international law International Court of Justice national governments identifiable territory distinct culture self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case United Nations Right to Self-determination Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination fundamental right peoples futures modern liberal democracy free decide leaders minority peoples international law International Court of Justice national governments identifiable territory distinct culture will capability self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case United Nations studies Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination fundamental right people's futures modern liberal democracy minority rights international law International Court of Justice United Nations criteria for self-determination distinct culture self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination peoples fundamental right futures modern liberal democracy leaders minority peoples international law International Court of Justice national governments identifiable territory distinct culture self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case United Nations Critescu GrosEspiell right to self-determination"
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro02a	Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production cultural grounds chewing Andes social relationship coffee Western nations international ban phasing out tradition cocaine consumption religious Andean pre-Inca supernatural Pachamama Union South American Nations UNASUR declarations ancestral cultural expression violation indigenous rights international community moral discouragement prohibition abroad Evo Morales New York Times Transnational Institute Debate Papers Martin Jelsma Legislative Reform Drug Policies coca production coca chewing Andean cultures cultural rights traditional practices religious significance Pachamama indigenous rights international ban cocaine ancestral heritage UNASUR declarations moral acceptability legal reform drug policies South American nations cultural expression traditional rights violation of rights legislative reform Evo Morales Transnational Institute coca leaves pre-Inca period Coca production cultural grounds coca chewing Andes social relationship coffee Western nations international ban phasing out tradition 3000 BC cocaine consumption religious Andean pre-Inca Pachamama supernatural protection UNASUR declarations indigenous rights moral violations travel abroad Evo Morales New York Times Transnational Institute Debate Papers Lifting ban Martin Jelsma Legislative Reform Drug Policies coca production cultural justification coca chewing Andean peoples social relationship coffee comparison Western nations international ban regional nonconformity historical context pre-Inca period religious traditions Pachamama UNASUR declarations ancestral cultural expression moral violation indigenous rights international discouragement drug policy reform Transnational Institute legislative reform Evo Morales Martin Jelsma Coca production cultural justification coca chewing Andes social relationship coffee Western nations international ban phasing out tradition 3000 BC cocaine consumption religious traditions pre-Inca period Pachamama supernatural world Union of South American Nations UNASUR ancestral cultural expression violation indigenous rights moral level Evo Morales Transnational Institute legislative reform drug policies coca production cultural justification coca chewing Andean peoples social relationship coffee comparison international ban phasing out 3000 BC pre-dates cocaine religious traditions pre-Inca period Pachamama supernatural world UNASUR declarations ancestral cultural expression violation of rights indigenous rights moral unacceptability Evo Morales Transnational Institute legislative reform drug policies Coca production cultural justification chewing Andes social relationship coffee Western international ban phasing out tradition 3000 BC cocaine pre-dates religious pre-Inca Pachamama supernatural protection Union South American Nations UNASUR declarations ancestral cultural expression violation indigenous religious traditional rights moral Evo Morales New York Times Transnational Institute Debate Papers Martin Jelsma Legislative Reform Drug Policies Coca production cultural justification coca chewing Andes social relationship coffee Western nations international ban phasing out tradition 3000 BC cocaine consumption religious traditions pre-Inca period Pachamama supernatural world UNASUR ancestral cultural expression indigenous rights international discouragement moral level Morales Transnational Institute legislative reform drug policies Coca production cultural grounds chewing Andes social relationship coffee Western nations international ban phasing out tradition 3000 BC cocaine pre-dates consumption religious pre-Inca Pachamama supernatural protection South American UNASUR declarations ancestral expression chewing coca leaves violation indigenous rights moral Evo Morales New York Times Transnational Institute Debate Papers Martin Jelsma Legislative Reform Drug Policies Coca cultural grounds coca chewing Andes coffee Western nations international ban phasing out 3000 BC cocaine religious traditions pre-Inca Pachamama Union of South American Nations UNASUR ancestral cultural expression indigenous rights moral level Evo Morales Transnational Institute legislative reform drug policies
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con01a	Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations historical wrongs compensation colonialism descendants economic impact moral responsibility international relations legal precedent restitution temporal factors victim identification wealth distribution economic depression payment mechanisms moral amends property restoration item restitution country development financial burden reparations timing World War II Germany Israel colonization effects wrongdoing acknowledgment societal change long-term effects economic reparations moral reparations cultural impact historical debts international justice economic reparations feasibility victim descendants financial assessment reparations debate ethical considerations political implications societal benefits reparations time reparations opportunity victims wrongdoing colonisation property restoration development countries precedent Germany Israel World War II descendants wealth economic depression judgment financial burden Western countries calculation morality historical injustice legal claims intergenerational debt compensation international law historical reparation colonial legacy economic impact social justice reparations historical injustice colonialism compensation victim descendants economic impact moral responsibility international precedent time factor reparative justice wealth distribution societal development legal obligations moral amends financial feasibility economic depression wealth disparity reparations timeline World War II Germany Israel colonial legacy injured parties reparations purpose property restoration item restitution moral injury financial reparations long-term effects victim identification economic culpability reparations debate moral vs practical considerations time reparations victims opportunity amends injury wrongdoing dead colonisation purpose property restore items development countries state affairs precedent Germany Israel World War II victims descendants wealthy financially cripple Western country economic depression work out pay should time reparations victims wrongdoing colonisation property restoration development countries precedent Germany Israel World War II descendants economic depression financial impact judgment implementation ethics reparations historical injustices colonisation victims time descendants economic depression Germany Israel World War II financial compensation moral obligation practical feasibility precedent reparations historical injustice colonialism time limitation victim identification economic development precedent Germany Israel World War II economic impact descendant wealth moral obligation practical implementation reparations colonisation victims descendants wealth economic depression purpose precedent judgement payment amends injury wrongdoing property restoration development countries state of affairs time opportunity financial impact Western country compensation historical injustice moral obligation legal precedent 德国 以色列 二战 1952 1945 reparations historical injustices colonialism amends victim compensation economic impacts precedent Germany Israel World War II descendant wealth economic depression moral obligation practical challenges time factor legal framework international relations social equity reparative justice long-term effects ancestral harm modern reparations debate financial feasibility ethical considerations restitution societal development policy-making public opinion historical accountability reparations time opportunity victims wrongdoing colonisation property restoration items development countries precedent Germany Israel World War II descendants independently wealthy economic depression financial judgment payment ethics morality historical injustice compensation international relations colonialism legacy intergenerational debt reparative justice societal impact economic reparations historical reparations legal precedents moral obligations temporal justice intergenerational equity economic compensation historical accountability moral philosophy financial reparations social justice colonial legacy economic development historical context moral judgment
test-science-eassgbatj-pro02a	Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. animal welfare ethical concerns animal testing laboratory animals harm reduction animal rights animal alternatives scientific research animal experimentation cruelty-free research moral obligations humane methods alternative testing animal protection research ethics animal conservation non-invasive studies synthetic models in vitro testing computer simulations animal suffering lethal procedures animal mortality animal release wild habitats pet adoption animal sanctuaries wildlife conservation ethical research sentient beings animal legislation biomedical research pharmaceutical testing cosmetic testing vivisection animal advocacy sentient creatures ethical treatment animal liberation animal exploitation scientific animal rights animal welfare ethical concerns laboratory animals animal testing animal experimentation animal cruelty animal protection humane alternatives research ethics animal liberation speciesism animal suffering scientific research animal deaths ethical treatment animal models vivisection non-invasive methods animal sanctuaries animal research animal harm animal experimentation animal testing animal welfare animal rights animal death research ethics medical research animal release animal captivity wild animals animal suffering animal use animal sacrifice moral objections ethical concerns research alternatives cruelty-free research non-animal testing animal liberation animal abuse humane research animal protection animal conservation experimental animals laboratory animals animal ethics animal policy animal advocacy animal cruelty animal death toll animal welfare standards animal research regulations animal testing statistics animal experimentation controversy animal research debate animal research severe harm animal suffering post-experiment killing annual animal usage releasing research animals wild animals animal welfare animal rights research ethics banning animal research animal experimentation non-animal alternatives humane research methods ethical science practices animal research severe harm animal welfare animal testing laboratory animals ethical concerns animal rights research ethics alternative methods ban animal testing animal experimentation animal mortality humane treatment animal suffering scientific research non-animal models harm reduction animal protection animal advocacy end animal testing animal research severe harm animals involved experiment harm post-experiment killing annual animal use medical research animals wild release dangers unsuitability as pets wild from birth animal interest prevent deaths ban research animal research severe harm animal welfare ethical concerns medical testing laboratory animals animal rights animal experimentation humane alternatives animal suffering killing animals animal ethics release into wild pet suitability wild animals research alternatives animal protection banning animal research animal death prevention animal research severe harm animal welfare ethical concerns animal experimentation laboratory animals animal rights research ethics cruelty-free research alternatives to animal testing animal suffering medical testing animal death animal release wild animals pet suitability humane solutions animal liberation research bans non-animal research methods animal welfare ethical concerns animal testing laboratory animals humane alternatives animal rights scientific research animal suffering animal death animal release wild animals pet adoption research ethics animal protection banning animal research animal welfare ethical issues laboratory animals alternatives to animal testing animal rights animal experimentation humane research methods animal suffering cruelty-free research animal liberation scientific alternatives non-animal models vivisection animal ethics humane science laboratory animal welfare animal testing regulations animal protection moral status of animals animal research ethics
test-international-appghblsba-con02a	A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, Lesotho decentralized government local authority Basotho population South Africa legislative authority executive authority accountability democracy secession movements abaThembu king Dalindyebo independent state smaller state general solutions territorial governance voice representation improvement opportunities southern Africa Europe governance proximity citizen-government relationship political representation democratic leadership state size public voice regional governance legislative representation executive representation legislative influence executive influence local governance regional autonomy national governance subnational governance government responsiveness public wishes public needs territorial government decentralized authority decentralized authority local governance Lesotho Basotho South Africa population disparity legislative representation executive authority secession movements democracy Southern Africa accountability abaThembu independent state king Dalindyebo European secession smaller state benefits general solutions territorial governance Lesotho decentralized authority opportunities solutions Basotho legislative authority executive authority South Africa population democracy Southern Africa accountability secession movements abaThembu independent state local government general solutions representation vote king Dalindyebo local governance decentralized authority Basotho population legislative representation executive authority South African governance Lesotho democracy secession movements abaThembu independence accountability in governance small state benefits local government efficacy regional representation democratic leadership Lesotho-South Africa relations local decentralized authority Lesotho Basotho population legislative executive South Africa democracy secession representation accountability abaThembu independent state vote improvement general solutions territorial government closer respond wishes needs European movements king Dalindyebo City Press globalpost Leader local governance decentralized authority Lesotho Basotho South Africa population disparity legislative representation executive authority democracy secession movements abaThembu king Dalindyebo accountability smaller state local government general solutions territorial management regional autonomy democratic leadership Southern Africa decentralized authority local governance Lesotho Basotho South Africa population disparity legislative representation executive authority democratic representation secession movements abaThembu independent state accountability smaller state vote importance general solutions territorial governance democratic leadership Southern Africa secession local government proximity responsiveness needs wishes improvement regional solutions European secession king Dalindyebo City Press globalpost Leader Michael J. Jordan local governance decentralized authority Lesotho Basotho South Africa population disparity legislative representation executive authority government proximity democratic leadership Southern Africa secession movements abaThembu independent state vote importance accountability improvement European examples smaller state benefits general solutions territorial governance democratic representation regional autonomy local decision-making community needs political voice minority representation democratic participation decentralized administration governance effectiveness Lesotho democracy South African challenges secessionist tendencies regional governance local relevance improved accountability democratic leadership grassroots governance state independence local control Lesotho decentralized authority local government population Basotho South Africa legislative authority executive authority democracy secession movements abaThembu king independent state accountability representation smaller state general solutions territorial governance Southern Africa Europe King Dalindyebo City Press globalpost Leader decentralized authority local governance Lesotho Basotho South Africa population legislative authority executive authority democracy secession movements abaThembu king Dalindyebo accountability smaller state European secession general solutions territory management democratic leadership Southern Africa political representation
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con04a	Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. artists copyright protection financial support families creative output copyright laws revenue creative commons financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work artists copyright financial support families creative output profit policy creative commons revenue financial burden robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work copyright financial support families creative output profit revenue creative commons public domain policy financial burden robust copyright protection struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work Artists copyright protection financial support families creative output existing copyright laws policy creative commons potential revenue financial burden robust copyright system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation less secure copyright find other work artists copyright financial support families creative output profit sale creative commons revenue financial burden robust system protection struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work copyright protection financial support artists creative output existing copyright laws policy impact creative commons revenue potential family support financial burden robust copyright system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright alternative work copyright protection financial support artists creative output existing copyright laws policy creative commons potential revenue financial burden robust copyright system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work copyright protection financial support artists creative output copyright laws policy impact creative commons revenue potential family support financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright alternative work copyright financial support artists creative output copyright laws creative commons revenue families policy copyright protection material wants appreciation secure copyright other work copyright protection financial support creative output existing copyright laws creative commons potential revenue financial burden robust copyright system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro01a	Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader Rwanda one man’s ideas silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech misunderstandings government high rank officials exile ex-intelligence chief murdered South Africa hard-line one-party secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue inclusive unconditional comprehensive country’s future progress Rwandans re-election controlled potential leader stable future democracy freedom of speech press loyal opposition democratization NGOs loyal opposition country improvement progress authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech misunderstandings government high rank officials ex-intelligence chief murdered South Africa hard-line one-party secretive police state façade democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue Rwandans re-election terms controlled people potential leader stable future democracy freedom of speech press loyal opposition CFR Aljazeera The Guardian Authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech misunderstandings government high rank officials exile ex-intelligence chief murdered South Africa hard-line one-party secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue genuine inclusive unconditional comprehensive country’s future progress Rwandans re-election controlled people potential leader stable future democracy opposition patriots freedom of speech press country improvement progress loyal opposition Rwanda democratization NGOs authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader one-man rule critics silenced opposition suppression media restrictions free speech limitations government misunderstandings high-ranking officials in exile ex-intelligence chief murdered hard-line state secretive police state façade of democracy conflict prevention government stability national dialogue inclusive dialogue unconditional dialogue comprehensive dialogue country’s future progress Rwandan re-election controlled belief loyal opposition democracy progress freedom of speech opposition rights country improvement Rwanda Aljazeera Africa news Stephen Kenzer Julie Fisher CFR thegurdian.com Authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media censorship free speech government misunderstandings high-ranking officials in exile ex-intelligence chief murdered hard-line state one-party state secretive police state façade of democracy national dialogue future conflict government breakdown Rwandan re-election controlled belief stable future democracy loyal opposition freedom of speech press freedom country improvement democratization NGOs Authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media censorship free speech government misunderstanding high-ranking officials in exile ex-intelligence chief murdered hard-line one-party state secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue inclusive dialogue unconditional dialogue comprehensive dialogue country’s future progress Rwandans re-election controlled belief potential leader stable future democracy loyal opposition freedom of speech press freedom country improvement democracy progress Rwanda Aljazeera Africa news Rwandan ex-spy Authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader Rwanda one man’s ideas silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech misunderstandings government high rank officials exile ex-intelligence chief murdered South Africa hard-line one-party secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue genuine inclusive unconditional comprehensive future progress Rwandans re-election controlled potential leader stable future democracy freedom of speech press loyal opposition democratization NGOs authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader Rwanda one-man rule silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech government misunderstandings high-ranking officials in exile ex-intelligence chief murdered hard-line one-party state secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue Rwandan re-election controlled beliefs stable future democracy freedom of speech press loyal opposition democratization NGOs emerging voices Julie Fisher Stephen Kenzer Aljazeera Africa news the Guardian CFR Authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader one-man rule silenced critics opposition suppression tough rules media censorship free speech restrictions government misunderstandings high-ranking officials in exile murdered ex-intelligence chief hard-line police state facade of democracy conflict prevention government stability national dialogue inclusive governance unconditional dialogue comprehensive dialogue future progress Rwandan re-election controlled populace potential leadership stable future democracy freedom of speech loyal opposition Aljazeera Africa news Rwandan ex-spy chief South Africa Stephen Kenzer Kagame's authoritarian turn CFR Julie Authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader Rwanda one man’s ideas critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech misunderstandings government high rank officials exile ex-intelligence chief murdered South Africa hard-line one-party secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue Rwandans re-election controlled people potential leader stable future democracy loyal opposition freedom of speech press share views country improvement progress Rwanda democratization NGOs loyal opposition recognition
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro01a	"Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 radical changes Catholic Church stability tension doctrines teachings Church of England women bishops contraception ban denominations faiths tension Church collapse gay priests Anglican church schism maintain ban stability action Catholic Church stability radical changes doctrine teachings tension Church of England women bishops controversy membership decline contraception ban denominational differences faiths gay priests Anglican church schism Jeffrey John Andrew Brown Guardian.co.uk 2010 radical changes Catholic Church stability risk tension doctrines teachings Church of England women bishops contraception ban denominations faiths Jeffrey John Anglican schism gay priests collapse maintenance ban continuation Catholic Church radical changes stability doctrine tension Church of England women bishops contraception ban denominations faiths Jeffrey John Anglican schism gay priests collapse maintenance ban stability interests Jeffery John global Anglican schism potted history Guardian.co.uk Andrew Brown 2010 Catholic Church stability radical changes doctrines teachings tension Church of England women bishops contraception denominations faiths gay priests Anglican church schism Jeffrey John Andrew Brown Guardian 2010 Catholic Church stability radical changes doctrinal shifts contraception ban women bishops Church of England gay priests Anglican schism religious controversy member dissent doctrinal tension faith integrity religious institutions conservative doctrine progressive changes church governance spiritual leadership religious traditions contraceptive policies ecclesiastical decisions faith community religious upheaval doctrinal consistency moral values church authority theological debates religious reform societal pressures church membership religious practices faith evolution denominational differences doctrinal purity church分裂 religious conflict conservative backlash progressive movements faith-based radical changes Catholic Church stability doctrinal shifts Church of England women bishops contraception ban religious tensions schism risk Anglican communion gay priests Jeffrey John global Anglican schism religious doctrines church leadership faith community denominational differences ethical controversies religious reform church membership spiritual authority Catholic Church radical changes stability doctrinal shifts tension Church of England women bishops contraception ban denominational differences gay priests Anglican schism Jeffrey John Church cohesion doctrinal consistency institutional integrity radical changes Catholic Church stability doctrinal shifts Church of England women bishops contraception ban religious doctrines faith tensions Anglican church gay priests schism religious institutions doctrinal consistency faith community religious leadership conservative vs progressive religious reforms stability vs change Church membership doctrinal evolution traditional values modern challenges religious authority ecclesiastical politics faith-based conflicts Catholic doctrine Anglican communion religious controversy Church governance moral teachings religious tradition doctrinal integrity faith preservation Church divided religious adaptation faith practices ethical dilemmas Church Catholic Church stability radical changes doctrinal shifts contraception ban Church of England women bishops Anglican schism gay priests religious tensions doctrinal consistency faithfulness tradition modernization ecclesiastical governance denominational uniqueness theological disputes membership decline institutional integrity moral authority"
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con01a	Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) moral consideration human rights animal rights moral worth human characteristics animal characteristics moral value moral justification ethical treatment speciesism rights truncation moral harm moral good experimentation ethics human-animal comparison brain development social groups communication abilities awareness of mortality interconnected interests life value ethical philosophy Frey's argument moral standing value of life ethics in practice 动物权利 人类权利 道德价值 社会复杂性 沟通能力 意识 存在意识 死亡意识 道德考量 特性比较 实验伦理 利益权衡 道德伤害 道德正当性 Frey观点 物种主义 生命价值 animal rights human rights moral worth complex beings brain development social groups communication ability interconnected desires self-awareness mortality awareness moral consideration unequal value truncated rights experimentation ethics moral harm moral good speciesism value of life ethics in practice animal rights human rights moral worth complex beings brain development social groups communication desires preferences interests self-awareness mortality moral consideration moral value truncated rights experimentation moral harm moral good speciesism R. G. Frey ethics moral standing value of life animal rights human rights moral worth moral consideration human complexity brain development social groups communication desires preferences interests self-awareness mortality animal characteristics unequal value truncated rights experimentation moral justification speciesism ethical theory R. G. Frey Ethics in Practice La Follette Blackwell Pub moral harm moral good human benefit animal rights human rights moral worth moral consideration cognitive abilities social groups communication self-awareness mortality truncated rights moral justification experimentation ethical philosophy speciesism value of life moral standing ethics in practice R. G. Frey animal rights human rights moral worth complex beings large brains social groups communication desires preferences interests self-awareness mortality moral consideration unequal value truncated rights experimentation moral harm moral good speciesism ethical justification benefit to humans animals' rights human rights moral worth complex beings large brains social groups communication interconnected desires preferences interests self-awareness mortality moral consideration unequal value truncated rights experimentation moral harm moral good Frey speciesism ethics value of life Animal rights human rights moral worth complex beings large brains social groups communication desires preferences interests awareness existence mortality moral consideration characteristics unequal value truncated rights experimentation moral harm moral good speciesism ethical practice Frey moral standing value of life animal rights human rights moral worth moral consideration human complexity brain development social groups communication ability interconnected desires preferences interests awareness of existence mortality animal characteristics truncated rights moral value speciesism moral harm moral good experimentation ethics Frey R. G. moral standing value of life ethics in practice La Follette
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con01a	Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google Chinese market search market business opportunity market share China business perspective search industry growth revenue technology expansion competition Baidu Android Gmail digital market internet services global strategy economic impact user base digital penetration mobile market online services international business market analysis technology sector consumer behavior regulatory environment cultural factors internet censorship corporate strategy innovation product development market entry strategic planning business development digital economy e-commerce online advertising user engagement digital marketing consumer electronics tech trends industry dynamics market forces Google Chinese market search market business opportunity market share growth Baidu gmail android mobile platform 2010 incident business perspective revenue competition technology sector international business digital market smartphone app store online services internet censorship user base economic impact strategic decision market entry technological advancement consumer behavior digital economy advertising revenue market trends digital marketing e-commerce internet users cybersecurity regulatory environment multinational corporations global market technology policy innovation data privacy internet governance digital divide social media content distribution online Google Chinese market 2010 search market value market growth market share loss business opportunity search market growth Gmail Android business development China retreat new growth strategies Baidu mobile platform Google Chinese market search market business opportunity market share business perspective market growth business expansion market entry strategic importance competitive landscape revenue potential technological presence Android Gmail Baidu market dynamics digital presence international business economic impact commercial interests regional markets digital services tech industry global business online services market analysis economic value strategic planning business development consumer base industry trends market competition business opportunities tech giants market valuation business impact digital market tech strategy commercial success market environment technology sector business decisions market potential Google Chinese market search market business opportunity market share business perspective growth Baidu Android Gmail mobile platform competition digital market technology sector Google Chinese market search market business opportunity market share growth Baidu Android Gmail business perspective China retreat new growth mobile platform search share competition digital market revenue opportunities strategic importance technology sector Google Chinese market search market 2010 $1.7 billion 50% growth market share business opportunity gmail android Baidu mobile platform Melanie Lee Reuters Kyle Baxter Google Chinese market search market value growth rate market share business opportunity gmail android Baidu mobile platform China retreat new growth search share business perspective market position technological expansion digital market international business strategic planning online services consumer base competition digital innovation revenue generation user engagement technological adaptation market dynamics economic impact global market trends digital ecosystem tech giants consumer electronics internet services cybersecurity regulatory environment economic forecast strategic alliances market analysis business strategies investor relations market competition technology sector business operations digital transformation Google China market search market business opportunity market share growth Baidu Android Gmail business perspective economic impact technology sector global competition digital market user base internet services strategic positioning market entry competitive advantage online presence China market search market growth Google market share business opportunity market entry Gmail Android Baidu market competition strategic importance tech industry international business digital services consumer electronics mobile platforms business expansion economic impact technology trends online services user base
test-international-bldimehbn-pro01a	Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement acceptable print expletives graphic images violence sex personal details distress minors protection jurisdiction unvarnished truth ramifications self-censorship discretion professional news outlets denounced high-minded intelligentsia free speech offend market liberal newspapers exposés bad behaviour blacks homosexuals readership minimise harm ethics western arab world homosexuality cultural sensibilities facts study BBC guide Broadcasters scenes of torture journalistic judgement expletives graphic images personal details minors protection unvarnished truth self-censorship discretion professional judgement news ethics market sensitivity cultural sensibilities Arab world homosexuality U.S. newspaper journalists editorial policy harm minimization Posner Deppa Plaisance BBC guide Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication Trask University of Sussex The New York Times broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement expletives graphic violence sex personal details distress courtesy minors law unvarnished truth ramifications self-censorship discretion professional free speech market bad behaviour blacks homosexuals readership ethics harm cultural sensibilities Arab world homosexuality activities counter factual Trask Larry University Sussex BBC guide editorial policy Posner Richard Bad News York Times Deppa broadcasters scenes of torture offence journalists editors judgement acceptable expletives graphic images violence sex personal details distress courtesy identities of minors law unvarnished truth self-censorship discretion professional judgement news outlets free speech market liberal newspapers exposés bad behaviour blacks homosexuals readership ethics harm cultural sensibilities Arab world homosexuality BBC guide editorial policy Richard Posner Bad News New York Times Joan A Deppa Patrick Lee Plaisance perceptions manifestations autonomy Broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement acceptable expletives graphic violence sex personal details distress minors law unvarnished truth ramifications self-censorship discretion professional news outlets market liberal newspapers exposés bad behaviour blacks homosexuals readership study ethics Western Arab world homosexuality cultural sensibilities BBC editorial policy Posner Richard Bad News New York Times Deppa Joan Plaisance Broadcasters scenes of torture offence journalists editors judgement expletives graphic images violence sex personal details distress minors law unvarnished truth self-censorship discretion professional judgement free speech market readership bad behaviour blacks homosexuals news outlets ethics Western journalists Arab world homosexuality cultural sensibilities BBC guide editorial policy Posner Richard Deppa Joan A Plaisance Patrick Lee Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication Broadcasters scenes of torture offence journalists editors judgement expletives graphic images violence sex personal details distress minors identities law unvarnished truth ramifications self-censorship discretion professional judgement free speech market exposés bad behaviour readership harm reporting ethics cultural sensibilities BBC guide editorial policy Richard Posner Joan Deppa Patrick Lee Plaisance U.S. Newspaper Journalists autonomy transparency broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement expletives graphic violence sex personal details distress minors law unvarnished truth self-censorship discretion professional free speech market bad behaviour readership ethics harm cultural sensibilities BBC guide editorial policy Posner Deppa Plaisance newspaper autonomy transparency broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement acceptable expletives graphic violence sex personal details distress minors protection unvarnished truth self-censorship discretion professional free speech market offensive readership exposés bad behaviour blacks homosexuals ethics harm definition cultural sensibilities Arab world homosexuality BBC guide editorial policy Posner New York Times Deppa Plaisance Association Education Journalism Mass Communication broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement acceptable print expletives graphic images violence sex personal details distress courtesy minors law jurisdictions unvarnished truth ramifications self-censorship discretion professional judgement discretion professional judgement high-minded intelligentsia free speech market liberal newspapers exposés bad behaviour blacks homosexuals readership ethics harm cause minimise cultural sensibilities Arab world homosexuality unpleasant offensive activities
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro02a	Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. terrorism Al Qaida human rights counterterrorism fear violence due process government responsibility citizen protection extreme measures torture innocence policy motivations random attacks societal safety terrorist organisations Al Qaida rights of individuals fighting terrorism terror networks fear and suffering legal due process innocent civilians government responsibilities protecting citizens extreme measures torture justification Terrorism Al Qaida human rights counterterrorism violence government responsibility public safety extreme measures torture innocent civilians legal due process terrorist motivations societal protection ethical warfare security policies terrorist atrocities fear tactics pain suffering lawful responses civil liberties state authority citizen protection aggressive defense moral justification international law human dignity national security intelligence operations covert actions preventive measures threat neutralization crisis management tactical interventions strategic responses law enforcement judicial oversight ethical dilemmas political violence societal impact reactive measures proactive strategies civilian Terrorist organizations Al Qaida individual rights fighting terrorism extreme measures torture government responsibility citizen protection legal due process innocent victims terrorist motivations random violence societal safety political policies terror tactics fearmongering suffering death retaliation security measures human rights ethical considerations state power civil liberties defensive strategies preemptive actions moral justification international law human dignity lawful methods violence prevention public policy security ethics democratic values human security national defense militant groups combatting terrorism ethical warfare non-combatant immunity strategic responses terrorism Al Qaida human rights counterterrorism government responsibility public safety torture extremist groups legal due process innocent civilians terrorist motivations extreme measures national security ethical considerations Terrorist organisations Al Qaida rights of individuals fight fire with fire terror networks fear pain suffering legal due process rights of appeal death to innocents government role citizen safety extreme measures torture protection random death destruction motivating factors atrocities policy safety security legal boundaries human rights ethical considerations terrorism Al Qaida human rights government responsibility citizen protection extreme measures torture terrorist networks fear violence due process innocent civilians policy justification security measures counterterrorism ethical considerations legal boundaries state authority individual freedoms terrorism Al Qaida rights individuals fight fire fear pain suffering terror organisations legal due process death innocent citizens safety governments protection extreme measures torture atrocities policies motivation random destruction review appeal Terrorist organisations Al Qaida rights of individuals fighting terrorism terror networks fear pain suffering legal due process rights of appeal death innocent civilians government responsibility citizen safety extreme measures torture Terrorist organisations Al Qaida rights of individuals fight fire with fire fear pain suffering stock in trade legal due process rights of appeal death innocent members society power to alter events policies terrorist atrocities governments protect citizens safety tools ensure innocents threatened random death destruction extreme measures torture
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro05a	Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. microfinance health care access loans credit banking facilities poverty income irregularities finance health education non-financial services healthcare systems Ghana inaccessibility household ill health protection microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit microfinance institutions income irregularities health care affordability non-financial services health education financial protection healthcare systems Ghana inaccessibility ill health household poverty Microfinance health care loans credit poverty banking facilities income irregularities finance accessibility health education Ghana Ofori-Adjei household poverty non-financial services healthcare systems microfinance institutions health protection financial inclusion health care affordability poor population Microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit health care services irregular income microfinance institutions affordable health care finance access health education non-financial services poverty protection healthcare systems integration Ghana Ofori-Adjei 2007 inaccessibility resolution ill health household poverty microfinance health care poverty loans credit banking facilities health education financial services income irregularities Ghana Ofori-Adjei household poverty non-financial services microfinance institutions healthcare systems financial protection health access financial inclusion health integration microfinance protection health care loans credit banking facilities poverty income irregularities finance access healthcare systems Ghana microfinance institutions health education non-financial services household poverty illness financial protection microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit health care services irregular income health care affordability microfinance institutions healthcare systems Ghana household poverty health education non-financial services microfinance health care access poverty alleviation banking facilities loans credit income irregularities finance schemes health education non-financial services healthcare integration Ghana Ofori-Adjei 2007 poverty protection household health microfinance institutions microfinance health care access loans credit banking facilities poverty affordability income irregularities non-financial services health education integration healthcare systems inaccessibility protection household poverty Ofori-Adjei Ghana healthcare access microcredit poverty alleviation financial inclusion health education Ghana healthcare microfinance integration irregular income support non-financial services health protection economic empowerment healthcare affordability
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con03a	The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. Russia Putin Medvedev dictatorship strong leadership political analysts Kremlin-watchers ruling elite clans decision-making power status quo Russian politics internal policy external policy elections 2008 influence power stakeholders public interest Russia Putin Medvedev dictatorship strong leadership political analysts Kremlin-watchers ruling elite decision making power inner circle Russian politics status quo national interest influence power structure political system governance leadership roles electoral impact political dynamics governance structure elite control state management public interest political power authoritarianism democratic concerns Russian governance political influence elite circles policy direction political control leadership dynamics political reforms power distribution government stability political stability leadership effectiveness political commentary power dynamics political analysis leadership evaluation governance assessment political Russia dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev Putin Kremlin political analysts unspoken agreement external policy internal policy elections ruling elite clans decision making shareholders status quo public interest debate Russia dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev pawn Putin Kremlin-watchers ruling elite clans decision-making power status quo Russian people political analysts Yevgeny Volk Moscow external policy internal policy 2008 elections Kremlin influential figures political stage political system leadership dynamics governance state control elite circles shareholders enrichment public visibility management debate national interest political influence Russia Putin Medvedev dictatorship strong leadership political analysts Kremlin-watchers ruling elite clans decision making status quo national interest people's interest internal policy external policy elections power distribution influence management enrichment political stage commentator opinions leadership roles unspoken agreements political circles influence wielders governance public interest leadership dynamics political structure state control elite groups political commentary governance analysis power structures political power leadership debates policy direction political influence political elite state governance political control leadership roles political influence status quo powerful people state control Russia dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev pawn Putin political analysts Kremlin-watchers ruling elite clans internal policy external policy elections decision-making power managers shareholders Russia's interests people's interests Russia Putin Medvedev dictatorship strong leadership political stage commentators Yevgeny Volk political analyst Moscow unspoken agreement external policy internal policy elections 2008 Kremlin-watchers ruling elite clans decision making influential managers shareholders best interest people status quo power state control leadership governance politics debate influence control elite regime governance criticism democracy leadership authority political system government power structure political influence political control political dynamics political leadership political power political Russia Putin Medvedev dictatorship Kremlin political power elite clans decision-making status quo leadership influence policy elections governance stakeholders shareholders enrichment public interest debate Synopsis control regime authority political analysis analyst commentary state management political landscape internal policy external policy 2008 elections unspoken agreement power dynamics political system ruling elite political circles political control government structure political influence state affairs political stability political transition political figures state governance political reform political debate political environment Russia Putin Medvedev dictatorship leadership Kremlin political influence elite clans decision-making status quo Russia's interests people's interests internal policy external policy political analysts Yevgeny Volk power governance political system leadership dynamics elite circles shareholders managers political control governance structure political debate public interest national interest political dynamics power structure political elite political circles power dynamics Russia's political landscape authoritarianism political leadership political control state management political power elite control political influence elite circles Kremlin watchers Russia Putin Medvedev dictatorship strong leadership political analysts Kremlin-watchers ruling elite decision making power influential people status quo best interest Russian people political clans internal policy external policy 2008 elections power dynamics political influence state control
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro02a	It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. evidence legal system justice attorney-client privilege empirical data burden of proof criminal cases civil matters reasonable doubt balance of probabilities transparency law reform evidence legal system attorney-client privilege just law empirical evidence criminal cases civil matters burden of proof reasonable doubt balance of probabilities legal transparency justice abolished privileges evidence legal system attorney-client privilege just law criminal cases civil matters burden of proof beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities empirical evidence legal reform justice transparency legal principles attorney-client privilege evidence admissibility legal system transparency just law principles burden of evidence criminal vs civil cases legal reforms empirical evidence access justice system integrity attorney-client privilege empirical evidence just law legal system evidence-based beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities civil matters criminal cases legal transparency abolish privilege judicial domain fair trial legal principles evidence admissibility attorney-client privilege legal system evidence admissibility burden of proof just law empirical evidence court proceedings criminal cases civil matters legal reform judicial integrity transparency in law evidence legal system attorney-client privilege just law burden of proof criminal cases civil matters empirical evidence legal accuracy justice transparency courtroom procedures legal reforms admissible evidence judicial fairness evidence legal system attorney-client privilege legal ethics judicial process proof reasonable doubt balance of probabilities criminal law civil law jurisprudence justice transparency empirical evidence legal reform client confidentiality attorney-client privilege evidence admissibility legal system transparency beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities empirical evidence just law legal ethics court procedures justice reform evidence disclosure legal privilege abolition judicial fairness legal documentation case law legal principles evidence importance legal doctrines legal philosophy evidence attorney-client privilege legal system just law empirical evidence burden of proof beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities criminal cases civil matters legal outcomes justice document accessibility abolishing privilege comprehensive evidence judicial process legal transparency fair trial legal reforms evidence admissibility
test-education-udfakusma-pro01a	Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Higher education open access universities education equality academic resources global education open educational resources economic growth educational opportunities worldwide access academic inclusivity cost barriers educational institutions resource availability global impact developed countries educational principles academic achievements open education learning opportunities opens up education higher education universal access educational equity university accessibility academic resources global education open educational resources economic growth educational opportunities non-traditional learners academic inclusivity educational finance global education gap developed countries education international education access educational barriers academic potential resource distribution educational empowerment higher education open access university resources global education economic growth academic inclusivity educational opportunities open educational resources educational equity academic access developed countries underprivileged populations learning materials online education distance learning free education universal education educational barriers financial constraints academic diversity opens up education higher education access universities access educational equity global education disparity open educational resources economic growth through education universal higher education academic resources equality non-university education opportunities education for all affordable higher education education and economic development global higher education access impact of education access education and social mobility higher education open education university access educational equity academic resources global education economic growth open educational resources educational opportunities academic inclusivity Higher education universal access educational opportunities academic resources global impact economic growth open educational resources university attendance academic inclination financial barriers educational equity global education disparity education higher education universities access affordability academic inclination higher educational opportunities resources global impact open educational resources global economic growth educational equity developmental countries academic work world population education policy university attendance learning resources educational inclusivity Higher education open access educational opportunities global impact academic resources economic growth universal education inclusivity affordability non-academic learners open educational resources equity in education global education disparity educational institutions university access academic inclinations educational principles resource distribution knowledge sharing developed countries educational barriers academic work international education educational reform learning opportunities economic development educational technology digital divide online learning distance education educational policy societal benefit inclusiveness educational quality lifelong learning skill development global learning academic achievement educational attainment educational support community education Higher education access affordability university global impact open educational resources economic growth academic opportunities resource equality educational institutions world population developed countries educational principles academic inclination educational levels educational access educational opportunities educational resources global education open education Higher education universal access educational equity academic resources global education open educational resources economic growth educational opportunities university access academic inclusivity
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro02a	"Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec self-determination governance representation Canadian government legitimacy independence sovereignty Meech Lake Accord constitutional rights political representation federalism separatism national rights cultural recognition constitutional exclusion legal legitimacy government negotiations Canadian federation legislative representation Quebec sovereignty constitutional amendments political rights historical grievances democratic principles national identity Canadian politics constitutional law governance autonomy political autonomy constitutional recognition special status Quebec interests political autonomy national self-determination constitutional debate regional representation Canadian constitution Quebec refusal constitutional signing Quebec issues constitutional amendment process Quebec self-determination right government representation denied legitimacy Canadian federation independence sovereignty Meech Lake Accord patriated 1982 backroom deal negotiations issues ignored special status needs distant society constitution signed interests Canadian politics illegitimately adequate representation Quebec self-determination right to govern Canadian government legitimacy Meech Lake Accord patriation 1982 exclusion negotiations special status distant society Canadian constitution refusal to sign representation Canadian politics independence sovereignty systemic denial political rights constitutional recognition Quebec's interests national identity minority rights federalism separatism democratic rights legal basis historical context political autonomy national self-determination international law regional autonomy constitutional law Canadian history political conflict constitutional amendment Quebecois identity cultural rights political representation government Quebec self-determination right to independence Canadian government legitimacy Meech Lake Accord patriation of Canadian Constitution special status representation Canadian politics sovereignty systematic denial governance form of government federalism constitutional recognition Quebec's interests constitutional legitimacy backroom deal refusal to sign adequate representation distant society unrecognized needs political autonomy national self-determination federal-provincial relations constitutional rights historical context constitutional amendments Quebec-Canada relationship constitutional refusal constitutional negotiations Quebec sovereignty constitutional disputes Canadian federation Quebec's constitutional journey constitutional exclusion political Quebec self-determination governance representation Canadian government legitimacy federation Canadian Constitution Meech Lake Accord patriation 1982 special status distinct society Canadian politics independence sovereignty adequate representation Quebec self-determination right government representation denied governance Canadian government legitimacy federation Canadian Constitution 1982 Meech Lake Accord negotiations special status distant society Canada constitution interests needs independence sovereignty representation Canadian politics Quebec self-determination government representation sovereignty Canadian government legitimacy federation Canadian Constitution Meech Lake Accord negotiations special status distant society constitution interests independence politics patriation 1982 backroom deal recognition needs exclusion ignored refused to sign adequately represent illegitimately taken denied adequate representation Quebec self-determination right to independence Canadian government legitimacy Canadian Constitution Meech Lake Accord special status representation Canadian politics sovereignty patriation 1982 backroom deal excluded negotiations distant society refusal to sign inadequate representation systematic denial form of government right to governance political rights constitutional recognition national identity institutionalized discrimination federal-provincial relations cultural preservation political autonomy democratic rights Canadian federation national unity Quebec sovereignty movement constitutional reform political struggle historical context legal framework political representation constitutional exclusion political Quebec self-determination right to govern systematic denial Canadian government legitimacy Canadian Constitution Meech Lake Accord special status distant society representation independence sovereignty adequate representation political rights Canadian federation constitutional negotiations patriation 1982 Quebec's interests constitutional refusal denied recognition political autonomy nationhood constitutional legitimacy democratic rights governance federalism Canadian politics Quebec separatism national identity cultural rights political representation constitutional conflict federal-provincial relations constitutional amendments Quebeckers governance rights legal rights minority rights Quebec self-determination right to independence Canadian government Canadian Constitution Meech Lake Accord systematic denial governance sovereignty representation legitimacy distant society constitutional recognition political representation independence patriation backroom deal entrenchment special status needs constitutional signing interests federalism autonomy Quebec sovereignty Canadian federation political rights constitutional rights democratic representation national identity cultural recognition legal justification political legitimacy constitutional amendment federal-provincial relations constitutional negotiation Quebec separatism national self-determination indigenous rights minority rights political movement constitutional"
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro02a	"Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women's rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender inequality sexual harassment workplace advertising influence younger generations objectification consequences violence against women gender-based discrimination sexualized images study findings women's rights gender equality stereotyping discrimination objectification prejudice human rights gender advertising influence younger generations sexualization violence against women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination study findings sexualized images media impact societal norms feminist issues legal protections social change awareness campaigns education on gender issues women's rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender advertising younger generations objectification of women violence against women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination based on gender sexualized images of women study newswise.com women's rights gender equality stereotyping discrimination objectification human rights advertising influence younger generations gender roles sexual harassment workplace inequality violence against women sexualized images media impact gender bias social change feminist issues legal protections gender studies women's rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender advertising younger generations sexualized images violence against women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination based on gender Newswise.com study rise in sexualized images 2010 women's rights gender equality stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights advertising influence younger generations sexualized images violence against women workplace inequality sexual harassment gender-based discrimination women's rights gender equality stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender advertising younger generations sexualized images violence against women sexual harassment workplace gender inequality discrimination based on gender women's rights gender stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights advertising influence younger generations stereotypical images men's roles violence against women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination sexualized images study findings Women's rights gender equality stereotyping discrimination objectification human rights gender advertising younger generations sexual harassment workplace violence against women sexualized images study Newswise.com women's rights gender equality stereotyping discrimination objectification prejudice human rights gender advertising influence younger generations sexualized images violence against women sexual harassment workplace discrimination gender inequality"
test-culture-mthbah-con01a	Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. small businesses advertisements product awareness advertising market competition leveling the playing field marketing strategies consumer interest information freedom large companies brand recognition small businesses advertisements products known advertising level playing field market cleverly consumers restrict information large companies brand awareness competition marketing strategies consumer interest business growth visibility advertising freedom small businesses advertisements products awareness advertising competition marketing information freedom large companies consumer interest small businesses advertisements product visibility advertising importance leveling the playing field market competition consumer interest information freedom large corporations market awareness small businesses advertisements product awareness advertising importance leveling the playing field market competition consumer interest information freedom large companies market presence small businesses advertisements product visibility advertising importance level playing field market competition consumer interest information freedom large companies market strategies business growth advertising impact marketing effectiveness small business challenges competitive advantage advertising restrictions business awareness product marketing consumer engagement market opportunity small businesses advertisements product awareness advertising importance market competition leveling the playing field consumer interest information freedom large companies market visibility Small businesses advertising product awareness market competition consumer interest information freedom large companies marketing strategies level playing field business growth local enterprises commercial visibility market entry brand recognition small businesses advertisements product visibility advertising restrictions market competition consumer interest information freedom large companies marketing strategies leveling the playing field advertising strategies small business marketing market competition consumer awareness advertising freedom level playing field product promotion business growth marketing effectiveness information dissemination
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con02a	There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption plant-based iron iron-rich foods iron deficiency symptoms breathlessness fatigue poor concentration school performance work productivity economic impact frequent illness depression malnourishment Bupa Health Information Team iron-deficiency anaemia iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption plant-based iron pulses green leafy vegetables nuts breathlessness fatigue poor concentration school performance work productivity economic impact frequent illness depression malnourishment Bupa health information iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption plant-based iron iron-rich foods pulses green leafy vegetables nuts breathlessness fatigue poor concentration school performance work productivity economic impact frequent illness depression malnutrition Bupa health information iron-deficiency anemia vegetarian diet iron deficiency iron absorption plant-based iron iron-rich foods fatigue shortness of breath poor concentration school performance work productivity economic impact frequent illness depression malnourishment health complications Bupa's Health Information Team iron-deficiency anaemia iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet nutrient absorption iron-rich foods plant-based iron fatigue shortness of breath poor concentration academic performance work productivity economic impact frequent illness depression malnourishment health complications dietary supplements fortification balanced diet nutritional advice vegetarian diet vegan diet iron deficiency iron absorption iron sources plant-based iron iron-deficiency symptoms breathlessness fatigue poor concentration school performance work productivity economic impact frequent illness depression malnourishment health consequences nutritional deficiencies Bupa's Health Information Team iron-deficiency anaemia vegetarian vegan diet iron deficiency nutrient absorption plant-based iron fatigue breathlessness concentration problems school performance work productivity economic impact frequent illness depression malnourishment health complications Bupa iron-deficiency anemia vegetarian vegan diet iron deficiency absorption pulses green leafy vegetables nuts symptoms breathlessness tiredness short attention span poor concentration school performance work performance productivity loss personal effects economic effects frequently ill depression malnourishment health information Bupa iron-deficiency anaemia iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption non-heme iron fatigue breathlessness poor concentration malnutrition reduced productivity economic impact frequent illness depression anaemia health risks nutrient deficiency pulse consumption leafy greens nuts dietary supplements balanced diet fortification heme iron Bupa health information iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption plant-based iron iron-rich foods pulses green leafy vegetables nuts breathlessness fatigue poor concentration school performance work performance productivity loss economic impact frequent illness depression malnourishment health complications Bupa Health Information Team iron-deficiency anemia
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro01a	The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. ICC war criminals prosecution law-abiding states United States ratification grave offences genocide human rights violations jurisdiction Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant preliminary investigation spurious accusations state credibility Tribunal impartiality ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo US forces scrutiny crime prevention ICC war criminals prosecution United States ratification lawful behavior grave offences Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant proceedings preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility State actions impartiality ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo US forces scrutiny crime prevention ICC war criminals prosecution United States ratification lawful behavior grave offences genocide human rights jurisdiction Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant preliminary investigation spurious accusations state credibility ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo US forces scrutiny crimes prevention ICC war criminals prosecution law-abiding states United States ratify lawful behavior most grave offences genocide human rights violations jurisdiction Prosecutor's discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant proceedings preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility state's actions US acceptance ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo US forces scrutiny crime prevention ICC prosecution war criminals United States ratification lawful behavior jurisdiction grave offences Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility State actions impartiality ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo scrutiny deployment prevention ICC prosecution war criminals United States ratify lawfully grave offences genocide human rights jurisdiction Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant proceedings preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility State actions impartiality ICTY KFOR peacekeeping scrutiny crimes prevention ICC war criminals prosecution United States ratification lawfully grave offences genocide human rights jurisdiction Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant proceedings preliminary investigation accusations credibility state actions impartiality ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo scrutiny US forces crimes deployment prevention ICC war criminals prosecution United States ratification lawful behavior grave offences Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility US forces ICTY KFOR peacekeeping scrutiny crimes prevention ICC war criminals prosecution United States ratification lawful behavior grave offences genocide human rights violations Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility state actions impartiality ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo forces scrutiny crime prevention ICC prosecution war criminals United States ratification grave offences genocide human rights Prosecutor's discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility State's actions impartiality ICTY KFOR peacekeeping scrutiny deployment crimes prevention
test-international-ipecfiepg-con02a	Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, default Greece problems temporary public sector corruption tax evasion exports economy recovery Eurozone borrowing taxpayers inefficiencies supervision IMF ECB European Commission austerity job cuts crisis funding single currency leave Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis May 2012 The Guardian Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Eurozone crisis currency exit financial supervision economic reform job cuts fiscal responsibility debt crisis financial stability economic policy European Union financial markets economic governance Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis currency borrowing taxpayer inefficiencies reforms job cuts future problems defaulting Greece problems temporary hardship inefficient public sector corruption tax evasion Greek exports economy recovery underlying issues Eurozone exit borrowing access taxpayer burden public sector reform austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision crisis management economic reform financial recovery long-term solutions immediate consequences Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Eurozone exit borrowing access taxpayer burden structural reform long-term solutions Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision job cuts borrowing taxpayer burden structural reform long-term solutions short-term hardship Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis single currency The Guardian Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery borrowing austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission supervision funding Barrell Eurozone crisis single currency Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision borrowing taxpayers job cuts reform Eurozone crisis single currency Ray Barrell The Guardian Greece default Eurozone economic recovery public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision crisis management structural reform financial stability borrowing access taxpayer burden long-term solutions short-term hardships Greece default Eurozone economic recovery public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision crisis euro currency borrowing access taxpayer burden structural reforms long-term solutions
test-law-ilppppghb-pro02a	Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. self-determination independence colonial powers proprietary rights minority peoples restitution land rights compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice indigenous rights cultural preservation legal recognition sovereignty self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority groups restitution land rights compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights minority peoples separation restitution land theft compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice outcomes self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution land theft compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice outcomes self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority groups restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems representation identity choice self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro01a	Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. coca leaf chewing hard drugs coffee narcotic drugs 1961 Single Convention cocaine World Health Organisation health effects therapeutic uses Andean cultures obesity addiction caffeine cultivation traditional consumption legislative reform drug policies coca chewing coca leaves hard drugs coffee 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs narcotic cocaine paste concentrate World Health Organisation health effects therapeutic sacred social functions obesity caffeine addiction cultivation traditional form legislative reform drug policies coca leaf chewing hard drugs coffee narcotic drugs 1961 Single Convention cocaine World Health Organisation Andean populations obesity caffeine addiction health effects cultivation ban traditional consumption legislative reform drug policies coca chewing cocaine coca leaf drug policy narcotic drugs health effects Andean populations traditional use coffee comparison World Health Organisation obesity addiction legislative reform coca cultivation cultural significance legal status mild effects psychoactive substances indigenous rights international conventions coca chewing hard drugs coffee coca leaf narcotic drugs 1961 Single Convention cocaine World Health Organisation health effects therapeutic functions social functions indigenous Andean populations obesity caffeine health reasons cultivation traditional form legislative reform drug policies Coca leaf chewing cocaine hard drugs coffee 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca paste concentrate World Health Organisation indigenous Andean populations health effects obesity addiction caffeine cultivation traditional form legislative reform drug policies Evo Morales Martin Jelsma New York Times Transnational Institute coca chewing hard drugs coffee coca leaf natural state narcotic 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs cocaine extract paste concentrate mild effects World Health Organisation negative health effects therapeutic functions sacred functions social functions indigenous Andean populations obesity addiction caffeine health reasons cultivation ban traditional form legislative reform drug policies Transnational Institute Evo Morales New York Times Martin Jelsma coca leaves chewing hard drugs coffee narcotic drugs 1961 Single Convention cocaine World Health Organisation Andean populations health effects therapeutic uses social functions obesity addiction caffeine cultivation ban traditional consumption legislative reform drug policies coca chewing coca leaf cocaine hard drugs coffee 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs World Health Organisation Andean populations obesity caffeine health effects coca cultivation legislative reform drug policies coca chewing hard drugs coffee coca leaf 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs cocaine paste concentrate World Health Organisation health effects therapeutic sacred social functions obesity caffeine addiction cultivation traditional ban legislation drug policies Andean populations Evo Morales Martin Jelsma New York Times Transnational Institute
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con02a	Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google Chinese internet freedom censorship Baidu information access Hong Kong Google.com.hk search engine internet presence China internet censorship digital rights global internet information freedom web search online censorship China internet policies internet governance tech companies in China digital censorship internet control web access information blockade search optimization internet democracy net freedom online freedom digital surveillance restricted internet internet restrictions Karen Wickre internet testimony internet regulation online information digital rights advocacy internet presence in China Chinese internet users internet user rights internet access improvement search Google Chinese internet freedom censorship Baidu information access Hong Kong Google.com.hk Karen Wickre internet in China search engine presence user access information broadening censored search engine restricted internet monitored access local Google presence optimal information flow Chinese domestic market 2006 entry testimony February 15 2006 December 22 2011 Google Chinese internet freedom staying in China access to information censorship Baidu google.com Google.com.hk internet in China Karen Wickre information expansion local presence internet censorship search engine alternatives user access global vs local access monitored internet restricted internet censored search engines Google Chinese internet freedom information access censorship Baidu Google.com.hk internet presence search engine restrictions Karen Wickre internet in China information gathering censored search local internet services digital rights internet policy Google Chinese internet freedom information access censorship Baidu Google.com.hk Karen Wickre internet in China search efficiency query expansion local presence user experience information availability digital rights online censorship Google Chinese internet freedom staying in China information access Baidu censored search engine Hong Kong Google.com.hk Karen Wickre internet in China testimony information broadening local Google optimal censorship Google Chinese internet freedom information access censorship Baidu google.com Google.com.hk local presence internet regulation digital rights Karen Wickre Testimony: The Internet in China 2006 internet governance online privacy content restriction search engine market China's internet policy digital censorship international internet companies information dissemination internet user rights global internet freedom China's digital landscape online information access internet censorship impact digital freedom internet in China search engine censorship internet freedom advocacy China's internet environment information control digital access online freedom internet Google Chinese internet freedom information access censorship Baidu Google.com.hk internet presence search engine User access information broadening local accessibility internet censorship Hong Kong Karen Wickre Testimony Internet in China 2006 2011 Google Chinese internet freedom censorship Baidu information access Hong Kong Google.com.hk internet policy digital rights China tech market Karen Wickre US-China relations internet governance digital censorship internet freedom advocacy Chinese internet freedom Google presence in China information access censored search engines Baidu Google.com.hk Karen Wickre testimony internet censorship Chinese user experience local Google version internet information broadening alternative search options monitored internet access
test-science-eassgbatj-pro03a	It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experiments human skin testing past research medical advancements ethical alternatives non-animal methods animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experiments human skin testing historical necessity ethical alternatives medical advancements research methods animal testing drug development chemical simulations tissue experiments human skin testing animal research past advancements ethical alternatives biomedical research non-animal methods alternative methods computer simulations tissue experimentation human skin testing ethical research drug development animal testing alternatives historical advancements current technologies non-animal research biochemical understanding modern science pharmaceutical innovation laboratory techniques animal-free testing ethical considerations scientific progress research methodologies drug safety human relevance animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experiments human skin samples ethical research animal research alternatives past advancements current methods non-animal testing animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experiments human skin testing historical advancements animal research necessity ethical alternatives biomedical research pharmaceutical innovation animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical interactions tissue experiments human skin samples past advancements ethical research methods alternative testing scientific progress animal welfare medical ethics research innovations humane testing non-animal models toxicology studies biomedical research clinical trials preclinical testing regulatory acceptance animal testing drug development chemical simulations tissue experimentation human skin testing past advancements ethical alternatives computer modeling non-animal research methods pharmaceutical innovation animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experimentation human skin samples past advancements ethical research non-animal methods medical progress animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experimentation human skin samples past advancements ethical research methods alternatives to animal testing biotechnology innovations
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con02a	Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief international relations colonial powers former colonies Robert Mugabe Gaddafi dictatorship symbolism of reparations foreign policy colonial legacy economic development political accountability aid effectiveness economic impact international aid sustainable development economic measures long-term relationship aid focus economic benefit dictatorship blame shifting West international cooperation economic support political responsibility reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth former colonies fairer trade rules debt relief efficient measure aid foreign policy Robert Mugabe colonial powers Gaddafi Libya symbolism international relations dictators West reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief symbolism colonial powers foreign policy dictator Robert Mugabe colonial responsibility international relations Italy Libya Gaddafi West reparations short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief long-term relationship former colonies symbolism of reparations colonial powers paid their debt foreign policy dictators Robert Mugabe colonial blame international relations Italy's reparations Libya Gaddafi dictatorship blaming the West reparations short-term economic measure sustainable growth long-term systems fairer trade rules debt relief symbolism colonial powers Robert Mugabe Gaddafi dictatorship international relations blame West Libya Italy reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief long-term relationship former colonies symbolism colonial powers foreign policy dictators Robert Mugabe colonial responsibility international relations Italy Libya Gaddafi dictatorship blaming the West reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade debt relief colonial powers foreign policy symbolism Robert Mugabe colonial debt Gaddafi dictatorship international relations economic impact sustainable development colonial history fair trade agreements economic aid political responsibility reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief long-term relationship former colonies symbolism colonial powers foreign policy dictators Robert Mugabe problems shortcomings international relations Italy Libya Gaddafi Libyan people West blame strengthening dictatorship reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth long-term relationship former colonies fairer trade rules debt relief symbolism colonial powers foreign policy dictators Robert Mugabe colonial responsibility international relations Italy Libya Gaddafi dictatorship Libyan people West blaming shortcomings reparations short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade debt relief international relations colonial powers Robert Mugabe Gaddafi dictatorship symbolism foreign policy accountability development aid economic development political responsibility
test-international-appghblsba-con01a	Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, annexation cooperation Lesotho South Africa legal systems judicial systems inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national identity EU economic integration foreign investment socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation Lesotho South Africa cooperation inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area law system Court of Appeal national identity EU integration annexation socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation foreign investment economic reforms trade social connections Annexation cooperation Lesotho South Africa law system Justices Court of Appeal inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national identity history EU Southern Africa integration economic reforms foreign investment World Trade Organisation Annexation Cooperation Lesotho South Africa Law System Justices Court of Appeal Inter-governmental Organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Socio-economic Cooperation Political Cooperation Security Cooperation Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area National Identity History EU Integration Southern Africa Economic Reforms Foreign Investment Annexation Cooperation Lesotho South Africa Law System Justices Court of Appeal Inter-governmental Organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Socio-economic Cooperation Political Cooperation Security Cooperation Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area National Identity History European Union Integration Economic Reforms Foreign Investment Lesotho South Africa cooperation annexation law system Court of Appeal inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national identity EU integration foreign investment World Trade Organisation annexation cooperation Lesotho South Africa law system Justices Court of Appeal inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national identity history EU integration negative consequences control economic reforms foreign investment World Trade Organisation Lesotho South Africa cooperation annexation law system Court of Appeal inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation trade social connections national identity history EU integration foreign investment economic reforms World Trade Organisation annexation cooperation Lesotho South Africa legal systems Justices Court of Appeal inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national identity EU Southern Africa integration foreign investment World Trade Organisation Lesotho South Africa cooperation integration annexation African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation national identity EU foreign investment inter-governmental organizations law system Court of Appeal South African jurists trade social connections economic reforms World Trade Organisation U.S. Department of State
test-society-epiasghbf-pro01a	The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women work control life second wage poverty reduction households healthcare education women empowerment home work Kenya jewellery income way of life readings Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction access to capital financial capital employment wages loans women's empowerment financial security healthcare education women working from home Kenya jewellery design income earning improving way of life jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control life second wage households financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction access to capital financial capital employment wages loans women empowerment financial security healthcare education women working from home jewellery design Kenya Ellis et al Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control second wage household poverty financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 livelihoods financial capital employment poverty reduction sustainable development women empowerment wage income economic security healthcare investment education investment home-based work jewelry design Kenya economic independence asset building capital access wage earning second income poverty alleviation financial security economic benefits income generation economic empowerment livelihood improvement economic opportunities financial independence economic participation economic growth job creation income stability economic resilience economic inclusion economic welfare financial management economic self-sufficiency income diversification economic contribution financial planning income supplementation economic activities financial health jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction access to capital financial capital employment wages loans women empowerment household income financial security healthcare education women working from home Kenya jewellery design income earning way of life improvement Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access to capital financial capital employment wages loans women control of life household poverty healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery income way of life Ellis et al Petty jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control life second wage households financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment poverty reduction sustainable livelihoods employment access to capital wages loans women's empowerment healthcare education economic security home-based work income generation Kenya jewellery design self-sufficiency economic independence
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro03a	It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. excessive moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts client interests legal ethics professional responsibilities confidentiality obligations solitary decision-making moral dilemmas legal representation client-solicitor relationship ethical burdens legal professionalism conflict resolution moral responsibility ethical standards legal practice client confidentiality moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information ethical dilemmas legal responsibilities client confidentiality moral conflicts professional ethics legal profession client-solicitor relationship moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information ethical responsibility professional ethics client confidentiality legal ethics moral conflicts solicitor role client interests ethical dilemmas excessive moral burden attorney-client privilege confidential information solicitor's responsibility moral conflicts client interests legal ethics professional burden solitary decision-making unjustified moral responsibility excessive moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts client interests professional responsibility ethical dilemmas legal ethics confidentiality obligations moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidentiality information management moral conflicts client interests professional responsibility ethical dilemmas legal ethics attorney-client privilege moral responsibility solicitor's burden confidentiality professional ethics client-solicitor relationship moral conflicts legal profession ethical dilemmas client information solitary decision-making professional obligations moral justification client interests moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts client interests legal ethics professional responsibility confidentiality obligations solicitor-client relationship moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information ethical dilemmas professional responsibility client confidentiality legal ethics moral conflicts solicitor's role client interests justified interests professional standards legal profession ethical standards excessive moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts client interests professional ethics legal responsibility confidentiality solitary responsibility moral justification legal representation
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro04a	Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . baseball collisions catcher runner slide block rule change fairness advantage home plate injury major league baseball amateur baseball buster posey ricky doyle NESN baseball collisions catcher runner rule changes slide rule avoid contact block plate fairness balance home plate safety major league baseball amateur baseball buster posey injury sport ethics competition game dynamics rule enforcement player protection traditional gameplay baseball collisions catcher runner rule changes slide rule avoid contact block plate advantage fairness home plate major league buster posey injury baseball dynamics sports ethics amateur baseball professional baseball game strategy safety competition baseball home-plate collisions catcher runner rule changes slide rule no blocking rule fairness competitive balance Major League Baseball amateur baseball injury concerns Buster Posey Ricky Doyle NESN Baseball collisions catcher runner rules slide avoid block plate advantage balance Major League Baseball amateur baseball fair match injury Buster Posey home-plate NESN Ricky Doyle baseball home-plate collisions catcher runner rule changes slide rule no-blocking rule Major League Baseball amateur baseball fairness safety Ricky Doyle Buster Posey injury baseball home-plate collisions catcher runner rule changes slide rule avoid contact rule blocking the plate fair play balance Ricky Doyle NESN Buster Posey injury amateur baseball rules Major League Baseball baseball collisions catcher runner slide avoid block plate rule Major League Baseball amateur baseball advantage fairness balance injury Buster Posey home-plate NESN Ricky Doyle home-plate collisions major league baseball catcher advantage runner advantage slide rule avoid contact rule amateur baseball rule change fairness baseball dynamics buster posey injury baseball safety baseball rules competitive balance baseball collisions home-plate catcher runner rules fairness slide avoid block plate advantage MLB amateur injury Buster Posey Ricky Doyle NESN May 29 2011
test-environment-ehwsnwu-pro01a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground nuclear storage radioactive waste nuclear technology medical imaging nuclear power energy demand renewable energy nuclear waste reuse deep underground storage nuclear waste disposal World Nuclear News EU nuclear policy non-nuclear states nuclear research investment in nuclear technology nuclear waste management viable energy solutions technological limitations nuclear power stations environmental impact international consensus Germany nuclear phase-out Underground nuclear storage nuclear waste radioactive waste non-nuclear states nuclear technology medical imaging nuclear power energy demand renewable energy nuclear waste reuse deep underground storage World Nuclear News Underground nuclear storage nuclear waste non-nuclear states radioactive waste medical imaging nuclear technology energy demand renewable power nuclear power waste reuse deep underground storage World Nuclear News Underground Nuclear Storage Nuclear Waste Non-Nuclear States Radioactive Waste Research and Medicine Nuclear Material Nuclear Technology Medical Imaging Energy Demand Renewable Power Nuclear Power Waste Reuse Deep Underground Storage EU Nuclear Policy World Nuclear News Underground Nuclear Storage Nuclear Waste Management Radioactive Waste Medical Imaging Nuclear Technology Energy Demand Renewable Power Nuclear Power Stations Waste Reuse Deep Underground Storage EU Nuclear Policy Underground Nuclear Storage Nuclear Waste Non-Nuclear States Nuclear Technology Medical Imaging Radioactive Elements Energy Demand Renewable Power Nuclear Power Stations Waste Reuse Deep Underground Storage EU Nuclear Policy Underground Nuclear Storage Nuclear Waste Radioactive Waste Non-Nuclear States Nuclear Technology Medical Imaging Nuclear Power Energy Demand Renewable Energy Nuclear Waste Reuse Deep Underground Storage Waste Disposal EU Nuclear Policy Underground nuclear storage radioactive waste non-nuclear states nuclear technology medical imaging energy demand renewable power nuclear power stations waste reuse deep underground storage EU plan World Nuclear News Nuclear waste underground storage non-nuclear states radioactive waste medical imaging nuclear technology energy demand renewable energy nuclear power waste disposal deep storage Germany EU plan World Nuclear News Underground nuclear storage nuclear waste radioactive waste nuclear technology medical imaging nuclear power energy demand renewable energy nuclear reuse waste disposal deep underground storage EU nuclear policy
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con02a	People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. animal testing drug development human suffering healthcare innovation pharmaceutical costs medical breakthroughs profit margins research funding drug approval patient access global health benefits penicillin discovery drug market UK healthcare medical ethics cost-benefit analysis drug safety clinical trials medical advancements health policy drug development animal testing medical research pharmaceutical industry drug approval cost of drug research profit margins drug discovery human suffering future generations medical benefits penicillin drug breakthroughs health policy ethics in medicine clinical trials patient access healthcare economics regulatory standards pharmaceutical innovation animal testing drug development human suffering medical research profit margins drug approval pharmaceutical industry new drugs penicillin drug costs patient access drug safety pharmaceutical profits drug discovery healthcare benefits drug innovation research costs medical breakthroughs drug effectiveness public health impact animal testing drug development human suffering medical breakthroughs pharmaceutical profits research costs drug accessibility healthcare innovation patient benefits future generations penicillin impact drug approval process healthcare economics medical ethics clinical trials regulatory standards pharmaceutical industry public health treatment availability cost-effectiveness drug development animal testing medical research human suffering health benefits pharmaceutical profits research costs drug approval patient access penicillin healthcare innovation global health medical breakthroughs profit margins drug discovery future generations policy impact healthcare economics treatment availability medicinal chemistry animal testing drug approval medical advancements research costs profit margins drug development human suffering new drugs pharmaceutical industry health benefits future generations penicillin drug safety policy impact cost-benefit analysis healthcare innovation market entry drug efficacy regulatory standards public health animal testing drug development new drugs United Kingdom medical use human pain suffering patients future generations penicillin research costs profit margins drug discovery health benefits global impact ethical considerations scientific progress pharmaceutical industry regulatory standards healthcare innovation public health patient access medicinal chemistry clinical trials drug approval bioethics cost-effectiveness treatment options medical breakthroughs patient outcomes regulatory approval healthcare policy drug efficacy safety standards medical research healthcare economics drug pricing pharmaceutical innovation drug development process patient care healthcare advancements medical ethics animal testing drug development new drugs United Kingdom pharmaceutical research profit margins medical breakthroughs human suffering healthcare policy drug safety penicillin drug approval research costs future generations healthcare innovation medical ethics treatment access global health drug discovery economic impacts healthcare economics patient benefits healthcare advancements policy implications drug efficacy medical research healthcare costs healthcare reforms public health drug regulations healthcare accessibility medical ethics pharmaceutical industry drug pricing healthcare equity treatment outcomes healthcare stakeholders medical progress healthcare resources healthcare quality medical treatments healthcare systems animal testing drug development medical research patient access pharmaceutical costs profit margins public health research funding suffering reduction treatment availability future generations healthcare innovation regulatory policies drug approval global impact ethical considerations economic factors scientific advancements health benefits penicillin discovery drug breakthroughs market dynamics medical ethics health economics safety standards drug efficacy clinical trials pharmaceutical industry therapeutic advances healthcare disparities policy implications drug innovation patient outcomes medical breakthroughs health care improvements clinical research drug regulation health care costs public policy medical ethics research investment animal testing drug development medical breakthroughs profit margins research costs patient access long-term benefits global impact pharmaceutical industry healthcare innovation
test-international-bldimehbn-pro02a	On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, gay marriage human rights privacy individual rights self-determination religious communities offence news stories legal procon.org gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination religious communities offensive content news stories individual rights procon.org legal rights community beliefs homosexual relations public opinion individual freedom right to avoid offence privacy self-determination gay marriage human rights religious communities offense news stories individual rights legal procon.org activism homosexual relations community beliefs rights to privacy avoidance of offense consistency intervention traditions opinions subjects of news gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination religious communities offensive content news stories individual rights freedom from intervention procon.org campaign legal debate respect tradition beliefs homosexual relations rights to privacy avoid offence inconsistency viewers readers gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination religious beliefs offensive content news stories individual rights community rights legal rights procon.org rights to privacy freedom from intervention respect for opinions right to avoid offence gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination offensive content religious communities news stories individual rights procon.org legal rights campaign marriage rights community beliefs privacy principle mutual respect rights advocacy offensive demands news viewers reader rights gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination offensive content religious beliefs news stories individual rights community rights procon.org human rights campaign legal rights personal freedoms societal norms ethical considerations gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination offense religious communities news stories individual rights procon.org legal rights moral objections community beliefs freedom from intervention gay rights gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination religious communities offensive content news stories individual rights procon.org legal rights moral arguments social acceptance freedom of belief public opinion debate ethical considerations marriage equality community values personal freedom legal recognition same-sex marriage privacy rights moral relativism societal norms legal protections individual dignity human dignity cultural sensitivity respectful discourse legal debate moral philosophy civil rights social justice freedom of expression religious freedom equality tolerance discrimination legal standards ethical standards public policy social issues civil gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination religious communities offense news stories legal rights individual freedoms community beliefs procon.org human rights campaign
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro03a	Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks crisis management extremism urgent response enhanced interrogation forceful methods rapid information retrieval terrorist threats immediate action legal procedures time-sensitive operations waterboarding diehard proponents effective techniques quick results Manhattan bomb scenario time crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks time-sensitive crisis response extremist tactics enhanced interrogation waterboarding terrorist threats rapid information gathering legal procedures due process emergency measures quick results force and fear unconventional methods immediate action urgent situations security concerns Expedited interrogation crisis management threat neutralization rapid decision-making time crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks crisis time-sensitive extremists death-seeking extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb in Manhattan urgent information diehard proponents unpleasant techniques waterboarding effectiveness response to terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure days weeks time crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks time crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks crisis response extremists death cults enhanced interrogation force and fear waterboarding terrorist threats quick information due process legal procedure time-sensitive intelligence ethical dilemmas crisis management immediate action human rights considerations counterterrorism strategies lawful interrogation rapid decision-making security measures threat assessment
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro01a	Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, privacy personal information data collection online privacy data misuse third-party sharing data breach credit scores personal data control profit-driven data selling online profiling data security individual privacy rights corporate data practices personal information theft online activities tracking personal data protection internet privacy laws data resale privacy invasion data oversight personal data collation data ethics consumer data rights data exploitation data consent online data risks personal data market privacy violations data selling impact individual data control online privacy concerns internet data security data collation data protection personal information security collecting selling personal information violation privacy gathering data companies invasive individuals online private parties anonymity collate market products services tailored interference oversight unacceptable risk misuse third parties consented customers personal details abuses corporations agents data breach exposed impact determining credit scores control access private profit motive theft canadian press academics watchdog probe online profiling ctv news risk based security reported breaches pr privacy violation personal data online activities data collection marketing internet privacy data misuse third-party sales data breaches credit scores personal information control profit motive data profiling data security collecting personal information selling personal data privacy violation invasive data gathering online privacy personal data security unauthorized data resale personal information misuse data breaches credit score impact control over personal information profit-driven data selling personal information theft online profiling data breaches records big companies buying data personal data resale risks privacy personal information data collection online privacy data misuse data breach credit scores data resale consumer protection internet privacy data security personal data online profiling data oversight corporate data practices data consent information security personal information control data profiling data protection privacy invasion data privacy laws data selling online data collection data privacy risks data security breaches data consent management data usage policies privacy violation personal information data collection online privacy personal data misuse data breaches credit scores information control profit-driven data selling online profiling big data trade privacy theft individual data rights personal information security corporate data practices online activities tracking personal data oversight internet privacy erosion third-party data access data security risks personal data impact data collection ethics data resale online anonymity privacy invasion personal data regulation data breach statistics individual data protection data use transparency data privacy laws consumer data rights online services privacy data exploitation privacy protection measures privacy violation personal data data gathering online privacy personal information data reselling third-party consent data breaches personal data misuse credit scores data control profit-driven data selling personal information theft privacy violation personal data online privacy data collection invasive data gathering personal information online activities anonymity data marketing tailored marketing internet privacy data interference data security data misuse third-party data customer consent data breach personal information abuse credit scores data control profit-driven data selling personal information theft privacy violation personal data collection online privacy data misuse third-party data sharing data breaches personal information control profit-driven data selling big data profiling credit score impact online tracking digital privacy rights personal data security consumer data protection data resale risks online anonymity data oversight data market exploitation individual privacy theft regulatory need for data privacy privacy violation personal data online privacy data collection invasive practices online activities personal information data collation marketing strategies tailored advertising internet interference privacy security data misuse third-party selling customer consent personal details data breaches credit scores profit motive data selling personal information theft online profiling reported breaches big data companies data buying data selling practices
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro04a	Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security vulnerability risks climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable growth beneficial communities larger scale Zimbabwe production households nation Kiva NGO affordable capital remote loans farmers rental system tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security reduce vulnerability risks climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth beneficial communities larger scale Zimbabwe production households nation Kiva NGO affordable capital remote loans farmers rental system borrow tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth community benefits Zimbabwe production improvement households nation Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security reduce vulnerability climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth beneficial communities Zimbabwe production improvement households communities nation Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system borrow tools resources Agricultural systems Africa Agrarian crisis Microfinance Rural communities Food security Climate change Unstable demand Political tensions Small scale agriculture Large scale agriculture Zimbabwe Production improvement Households Communities Nation Kiva NGO Affordable capital Remote communities Loans Small-scale farmers Rental system Tools Resources agrarian crisis microfinance food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth community benefit Zimbabwe production improvement household benefit national benefit Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective for growth beneficial for communities large scale agriculture Zimbabwe production improvement households communities nation Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources Agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainability growth community benefits Zimbabwe production improvement households nation Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth community benefits Zimbabwe production improvement households communities nation Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth beneficial communities Zimbabwe production improvement households nation Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con02a	Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified organisms GM food food supply developing world environmental benefits pest resistance pesticide reduction higher crop yield lower food prices water conservation vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental deterioration charity dependency necessity of GM technology genetically modified organisms GMOs food supply developing world benefits GM food pests pesticide use environment crop yield food prices technology water shortage vitamin A deficiency World Health Organization golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental deterioration charity Western governments genetically modified organisms GM food food supply developing world benefits environmental impact pest resistance pesticide reduction crop yield food prices water efficiency vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental degradation technology necessity charity Western governments genetically modified organisms food supply developing world benefits GM food pest resistance pesticide use environmental impact crop yield food prices water efficiency vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental sustainability necessity of GM technology genetically modified organisms food supply developing world benefits GM food pest resistance pesticide reduction environmental impact higher crop yield lower food prices water efficiency vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental sustainability genetically modified organisms food supply developing world GM food benefits pest resistance pesticide use environmental impact higher crop yield food prices water efficiency vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental sustainability genetically modified organisms GMOs food supply developing world benefits GM food pest resistance pesticide use environmental impact higher crop yield lower food prices water scarcity drought-resistant crops vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental degradation food security sustainable agriculture biotechnology health benefits nutritional improvement genetically modified organisms GM food food supply developing world environmental benefits pesticide reduction higher crop yield lower food prices water-efficient crops vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental sustainability genetically modified organisms GM food food supply developing world pest resistance pesticide use crop yield food prices water shortage drought resistance vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental degradation necessity of GM technology Genetically modified organisms GM food food supply developing world benefits pest resistance pesticide reduction environmental impact crop yield food prices water efficiency vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental sustainability necessity technology solution charity Western governments
test-law-ilppppghb-pro01a	"Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. self-determination minority cultures state policies indigenous rights cultural preservation Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibet Chinese government citizenship relocation cultural dilution human rights future generations national inquiry indigenous languages traditional culture policy analysis minority protections self-governance international law ethnic minorities cultural identity historical injustices reparative policies intergenerational trauma social justice cultural assimilation political autonomy global indigenous issues human rights violations cultural rights minority affairs ethnic diversity cultural heritage legal frameworks minority representation Aboriginal Australians Tibetan culture ethnic cleansing self-determination minority cultures state policies rights of minorities cultural preservation indigenous rights Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibet Chinese government policy cultural dilution future generations citizenship relocation traditional culture human rights Australia National Museum of Australia Bringing Them Home report self-determination minority cultures cultural rights indigenous rights state policies Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture Chinese government cultural preservation future generations citizenship rights human rights government intervention cultural assimilation political autonomy ethnic minorities cultural heritage legal protections international law self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural preservation indigenous rights Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibet Chinese government cultural dilution future generations citizenship rights human rights cultural identity language preservation government responsibility international law cultural autonomy ethnic minorities traditional practices self-determination minority cultures state policies indigenous rights Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture minority protections cultural preservation citizenship denial forced assimilation native languages government intervention ethnic rights human rights cultural dilution future generations policy reform international law cultural identity self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural preservation indigenous rights Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture cultural dilution citizenship rights minority protections future generations traditional culture government policies human rights cultural assimilation Aboriginal children Torres Strait Islander Chinese government cultural identity native languages historical injustices social justice international law ethnic minority cultural diversity human rights violations legal protections ethnic cleansing cultural heritage national identity political autonomy cultural rights minority empowerment community rights cultural revival Indigenous self-governance cultural sovereignty minority representation cultural self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural rights indigenous peoples Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibet Chinese policy cultural preservation future generations citizenship rights human rights ethnic minorities cultural identity language loss government intervention minority protection autonomy cultural genocide self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural preservation indigenous rights Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibet cultural dilution Chinese government future generations citizenship rights human rights policy analysis cultural identity language preservation international law minority protections self-governance ethnic diversity cultural sovereignty self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural dilution minority rights future generations Aboriginal rights stolen generation indigenous cultures Tibetan culture Chinese government cultural preservation human rights citizenship relocation policies indigenous languages traditional practices policy impact cultural identity international law ethnic minorities social justice autonomy self-governance historical injustices reconciliation indigenous movements global indigenous issues cultural revitalization minority protection laws international support advocacy discrimination assimilation heritage preservation ethnocultural diversity political recognition social inclusion empowerment colonialism post-colonial self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural rights indigenous rights Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture Chinese government cultural dilution citizenship human rights future generations national inquiry government policy cultural preservation ethnic minorities sovereignty autonomy international law minority protection cultural identity linguistic rights historical injustices reparation reconciliation social justice United Nations human rights violations ethnic cleansing cultural genocide traditional practices minority representation legal frameworks global human rights cultural diversity heritage preservation community leadership political autonomy cultural revival educational rights land rights international"
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con04a	"Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enriching inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimize corruption corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition report enrichment inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimize corruption Corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enrichment inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimization accountability transparency governance political influence bribery embezzlement administrative reform legal framework public sector economic impact social issues international perception democratic institutions civil society whistleblower investigative journalism anti-corruption policies enforcement sanctions international pressure diplomatic relations human rights watchdog organizations media freedom electoral processes political opposition regime authoritarianism rule of law Corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enriching inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimized corruption corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enrichment inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimization political influence governance accountability transparency corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report boom in corruption inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimized corruption corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition report enrichment inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep authority management minimization power prime minister ex-president Corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enrichment inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimization political influence bribery governance issues political corruption executive power Kremlin Russian politics oligarchy economic impact legal system transparency accountability Russia corruption strong leadership Prime Minister Vladimir Putin President Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report corruption boom inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimized corruption corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enriching inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimized corruption"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con01a	Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. freedom of speech censorship political regulation intellectual constructs altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire equality social development cultural development offensive speech emancipation open debate opinion suppression freedom of speech censorship political regulation ideas intellectual construct altruistic self-interest Voltaire equality lifestyles social development cultural development offense society culture emancipation liberation debate banning opinions views free expression historical context democratic values human rights civil liberties speech codes public discourse tolerance diversity of thought 言论自由 审查 政治管制 观点 知识结构 利他主义自我利益 伏尔泰 平等 生活方式 社会发展 文化发展 冒犯 社会 文化 解放 公开辩论 禁止观点 言论 表达 freedom of speech censorship political regulation 言论自由 intellectual constructs altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire equality social development cultural development offensive speech emancipation open debate opinions views societal fear productive discourse historical context democratic principles human rights expression tolerance diversity intellectual freedom societal progress cultural evolution legislative control free expression public discourse communication rights minority rights civil liberties democratic values thought policing liberal democracy authoritarianism oppressive regimes speech regulation legislative oversight intellectual diversity rhetorical freedom debate discussion dialogue freedom of speech censorship intellectual freedom political regulation historical consequences altruistic self-interest idea suppression Voltaire equality lifestyle acceptance liberty social development cultural development offense societal strength emancipation open debate opinion banning freedom of speech censorship political regulation historical precedents intellectual constructs altruistic self-interest idea suppression Voltaire equality societal views lifestyle acceptance imprisonment liberty offense social development cultural development societal strength emancipation open debate opinion suppression freedom of speech regulation of speech historical consequences of speech regulation intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire's quote equality for all groups accepting all lifestyles liberty and incarceration preventing social and cultural development strength through offense fear of the hidden open debate productivity versus censorship freedom of speech political regulation historical precedence Voltaire equality lifestyle acceptance social development cultural evolution emancipation open debate opinion suppression intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas offensive statements societal strength cultural strength fear hate hidden or unspoken truths freedom of speech censorship political regulation intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire equality lifestyles liberty social development cultural development offense emancipation open debate opinion suppression freedom of speech political regulation censorship intellectual constructs altruistic self-interest idea suppression Voltaire equal rights lifestyle acceptance free expression social development cultural progress offense as growth emancipation open debate opinion banning freedom of speech equality political regulation intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire defends disagreement social development cultural development being offended societal strength open debate opinion suppression emancipation liberation productive discourse banning opinions historical context moral principle human rights democratic values speech regulation censorship social progress cultural progress intellectual freedom debate importance tolerance diversity of thought expression rights societal benefit cultural exchange free expression democratic society public discourse opinion diversity speech limits intellectual courage societal growth cultural resilience constructive dialogue opinion
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con03a	If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. politics religion symbols workplace branding consumer endorsement court complaint employment religious faith objection offended imagery meaning symbol candidacy company protest confrontation service provider ticket healthcare quirer policy debate freedom expression secular belief impact visual representation protest legal action pursue demonstration public opinion controversy tolerance diversity inclusion exclusion ethics morality societal norms standards cultural sensitivity awareness reaction response acceptance rejection imagery confrontation discomfort pleasant unpleasant political slogans inappropriate iconography image endorsing political candidate company court religious conviction job religious faith situation consumer service endorsements candidate soda political branding corporate branding religious symbols god pray action images symbols meaning explicit statement objection offended symbol represent airline tickets healthcare unpleasant political slogans inappropriate iconography religious conviction job relevance consumer expectations religious symbols objectionable imagery workplace neutrality symbol meaning offensive symbols employee expression customer comfort professional conduct freedom of expression religious freedom workplace policies corporate branding political endorsement religious endorsement public service consumer rights employee rights legal precedent social norms symbolic meaning cultural sensitivity religious attire professional attire workplace diversity inclusive practices legal disputes employee attire corporate image political neutrality religious neutrality customer experience employee beliefs corporate responsibility social responsibility workplace environment policy enforcement symbolic wearing badges political slogans inappropriate display iconography principles religious conviction job relevance consumer expectation political endorsement corporate branding religious symbols offensive imagery legal complaint symbol meaning consumer rights workplace policy religious expression public service personal beliefs professional conduct symbol objection airline passengers healthcare patients offensive symbols public confrontation (symbol meaning) religious symbols political endorsements corporate branding workplace appropriateness consumer expectations freedom of expression offense symbolism job relevance public services customer experience legal complaints religious conviction imagery impact workplace policies professional conduct consumer rights religious freedom symbol meaning public reaction ethical considerations corporate responsibility religious neutrality job role workplace diversity image implications consumer protection professional ethics 符号意义 宗教中立 工作场所多样性 图像影响 消费者保护 职业道德 wearing badges political slogans inappropriate display iconography religious conviction job relevance consumer expectations political endorsement corporate branding religious symbols symbol meaning objectionable imagery consumer rights workplace neutrality religious freedom public display offensive symbols legal action personal beliefs professional conduct political slogan inappropriate iconography endorsement political candidate company religious conviction job relevance religious faith consumer expectations political branding corporate branding suggestions god prayer legal action symbol meaning objection offended airline tickets healthcare unpleasant imagery political slogan inappropriate iconography image political candidate company religious conviction job relevance religious faith consumer expectations political branding corporate branding religious symbols symbol meaning objection offense airline tickets healthcare unpleasant imagery wearing badges political slogans inappropriate display iconography endorsing candidates corporate branding religious conviction job relevance religious faith consumer expectations political branding corporate endorsements religious symbols symbolic meaning offensive imagery public service healthcare settings airline passengers customer experience symbolic representation religious freedom workplace neutrality consumer rights pictorial symbols objectionable content service environment professional attire public display symbol interpretation cultural sensitivity religious imagery commercial spaces workplace diversity consumer protection symbol offense professional standards public opinion legal precedent imagery impact consumer interaction service industry symbolic endorsement political slogans inappropriate iconography endorse political candidate religious conviction job relevance religious faith consumer expectations political branding corporate branding imagery meaning symbol representation objection offended airline tickets healthcare unpleasant imagery
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro03a	International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Self-Determination Quebec Independence Legal Rights Representation Federal Government Canada Culture Language Legislation Supreme Court Violation International Community Oppression Self-Governance Quebecois Rights Bill 101 Maxime Bernier Hudon R. International law self-determination Quebec independence legal mandates right to self-governance Supreme Court of Canada Reference re Secession of Quebec Quebecois representation federal government of Canada Bill 101 legislative protection cultural rights language rights legal actions oppression international community governmental protection individual rights systematic denial basic representation self-governance Quebecois interests Canada's federal courts Maxime Bernier Quebec law international norms human rights political rights minority rights state sovereignty territorial integrity unilateral secession democratic principles ethnic communities linguistic communities International Law Self-Determination Quebec Independence Legal Rights Representation Federal Government Canada Legislation Language Protection Cultural Rights Supreme Court Reference re Secession of Quebec Bill 101 Maxime Bernier Canadian Press The Canadian Encyclopedia Human Rights Governance Oppression International Community Self-Governance International Law Self-Determination Quebec Independence Right to Self-Determination Violation of International Law Quebecois Representation Federal Government of Canada Quebecois Legislation Language Protection Cultural Rights Supreme Court of Canada Bill 101 Quebec Secession Legal Right to Independence International Community Government Protection Basic Representation Self-Governance Maxime Bernier Canadian Press The Canadian Encyclopedia International Law Self-Determination Quebec Independence Federal Representation Cultural Legislation Bill 101 Supreme Court of Canada Reference re Secession of Quebec Quebecois Rights Legal Action International Community Government Protection Basic Representation Self-Governance Violation of Law Maxime Bernier The Canadian Press The Canadian Encyclopedia R Hudon International law Quebec independence self-determination federal government Canada representation cultural rights legislation Supreme Court secession Bill 101 legal action contempt governance oppression basic rights Quebecois international community mandating independence violation denying self-determination inadequate representation language protection cultural protection legal right to independence International law self-determination Quebec independence rights federal government Canada representation legislation language culture violation Supreme Court Reference re Secession of Quebec Maxime Bernier Bill 101 legal action oppression governance self-governance Canadian Press The Canadian Encyclopedia International Law Self-Determination Quebec Independence Representation Federal Government Canada Cultural Rights Legislation Supreme Court Secession Bill 101 Human Rights Legal Action Quebecois Protection Language Contempt Governance Basic Rights Oppression International Community Violation Mandates Adequate Representation Self-Governance Denial Legal Right Recognition Peoples Rights Systematic Denial Retain Culture Retain Language Maxime Bernier Hudon R. International law Quebec independence self-determination denial of representation federal government Canada Quebecois rights language protection cultural protection legal action Supreme Court of Canada Reference re Secession of Quebec Maxime Bernier Bill 101 The Canadian Encyclopedia International law self-determination Quebec independence representation cultural rights legal violation federal government Canada Supreme Court Bill 101 Quebecois oppression governance rights retention legislation contempt legal action secession
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro01a	Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership monopoly power intangible assets physical property investment invention profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience financial gain societal benefit creative works commercial use legal protection tangible safeguards equitable use societal growth creative sharing outmoded notions artistic value creative process legal doctrine fair compromise profit rights social good experiential value legal principles intellectual assets economic incentives artistic rights societal rights copyright doctrine tangible reality creative commons licenses non-commercial use artistic creation Intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection individual ideas public domain artistic creation ownership rights intangible assets monopoly power tangible property profit motives societal benefit Creative Commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience commercial use financial gain societal rights legal doctrines intellectual property law creative commons licenses commercial rights artistic sharing outmoded copyright fair compromise Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald K Walsh Creative Commons proposal societal growth artistic value legal protections equitable use invention encouragement tangible safeguards idea dissemination creator profits social goods legal debate property rights Intellectual property copyright legal fiction public domain idea ownership monopoly power tangible property intangible assets profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience commercial use financial gain society right creators rights intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership intangible assets monopoly power physical property investment invention profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience commercial use financial gain society rights artistic sharing outmoded copyright intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain artists creators ownership ideas property rights intangible assets monopoly power physical property tangible safeguards investment invention profit motives creative commons non-commercial licenses commercial use artistic experience financial gain society sharing outmoded notions copyright law creative process social good fair compromise intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership tangible property intangible assets monopoly power creative commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience commercial use financial gain society growth legal protection profit motives inventive investment equitable use outmoded notions artistic value Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald K Walsh Creative Commons proposal Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership tangible assets intangible assets profit motives society Creative Commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience commercial use financial gain creators' rights society's rights monopoly power equitable use investment invention creative process outmoded notions artistic value social good compromise fair use legal protection dissemination creative commons licenses Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald K. Walsh Creative Commons proposal Intellectual property legal fiction copyright idea ownership public domain monopoly power intangible assets physical property investment invention profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience financial gain commercial use society creative process outmoded notions fair compromise Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership monopoly power tangible assets intangible assets profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience financial gain commercial use creative process social good outmoded notions society rights artists rights Intellectual property legal fiction copyright idea ownership public domain monopoly power intangible assets tangible property investment invention profit motive Creative Commons non-commercial use artistic experience financial gain commercial rights social good sharing outmoded notions fair compromise creative process equitable use society rights experiencing works -artistic-licensing
test-religion-frghbbgi-con01a	Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom Godly wisdom human wisdom divine revelation spiritual understanding moral arguments scientific critique theological knowledge faith-based reasoning supernatural wisdom human limitations divine revelation religious epistemology sacred knowledge theological epistemology divine understanding human cognition spiritual insight biblical wisdom theological wisdom revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom divine knowledge spiritual understanding theological insight biblical wisdom religious cognition supernatural revelation moral critique scientific critique human limitations divine revelation spiritual truth transcendent wisdom revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom divine revelation spiritual understanding moral arguments scientific critique faith-based knowledge theological wisdom biblical insight spiritual insight divine truth religious understanding transcendental wisdom spiritual revelation faith and reason beyond human comprehension divine mystery revealed religion revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom divine revelation theological understanding moral arguments scientific critiques faith-based knowledge spiritual insight theological interpretation biblical wisdom supernatural knowledge divine understanding religious epistemology spiritual discernment human limitations God's revelation faith-based reasoning transcendent wisdom revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom criticism nature of humanity understanding limits morality science divine revelation theological arguments spiritual knowledge faith-based reasoning revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom criticism nature of humanity understanding God’s wisdom limitations of human understanding morality science divine revelation arguments against God’s wisdom spiritual understanding biblical wisdom theological wisdom Revealed wisdom divine knowledge spiritual understanding human limitations God's revelation moral arguments scientific critique theological insight spiritual truth divine revelation human wisdom Godly knowledge religious epistemology faith-based understanding supernatural wisdom biblical wisdom theological wisdom spiritual discernment divine insight God's will revealed truth spiritual enlightenment faith-based knowledge transcendent wisdom divine understanding spiritual revelation theological reasoning revelatory knowledge sacred wisdom God's wisdom spiritual cognition divine comprehension supernatural insight faith-based cognition religious wisdom doctrinal understanding spiritual awareness revelatory revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom divine revelation supernatural understanding moral arguments scientific arguments human limitations divine nature theological insight revelation theology faith-based knowledge spiritual wisdom eternal truth biblical wisdom spiritual understanding divine insight religious epistemology non-rational knowledge transcendent wisdom Revealed wisdom Godly wisdom human wisdom criticism nature of humanity understanding God morality science arguments divine revelation spiritual knowledge theological understanding philosophical debate faith-based reasoning religious belief epistemology divine truth human limitations spiritual insight revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom criticism morality science divine revelation understanding limitations theological arguments spiritual knowledge
test-environment-opecewiahw-con04a	The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, cost Grand Inga pie in the sky funding problems Inga III Westcor financial backing private companies investment risk GDP Democratic Republic of Congo Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook Alternative Energy Africa ESI-Africa.com cost high Grand Inga pie in the sky immense $50-100 billion GDP country Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 financial backing South Africans private companies risk Central Intelligence Agency Congo Democratic Republic World Factbook Alternative Energy Africa ESI-Africa.com DRC investment cost high Grand Inga pie in the sky immense $50-100 billion twice GDP country Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 smaller project financial backing South Africans private companies risk DRC funding Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook Congo Democratic Republic Alternative Energy Africa ESI-Africa.com cost too high Grand Inga pie in the sky immense cost $50-100 billion twice GDP Inga III funding problems Westcor private companies risk smaller project financial backing South Africans investment DRC Congo Democratic Republic of the Congo Central Intelligence Agency The World Factbook Alternative Energy Africa ESI-Africa.com energy infrastructure development economic financial international projects challenges electricity hydroelectric power Africa utilities investment risks economic feasibility project scale financial commitments economic development power generation cost high Grand Inga pie in the sky immense $50-100 billion twice GDP Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 financial backing South Africans private companies risk DRC funding cost high Grand Inga pie in the sky immense $50-100 billion GDP country Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 financial backing South Africans private companies risk DRC Central Intelligence Agency The World Factbook Congo Democratic Republic of the ESI-Africa.com Alternative Energy Africa cost Grand Inga pie in the sky expense GDP country Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 financial backing South Africans private companies risk investment Central Intelligence Agency Congo Democratic Republic of the World Factbook ESI-Africa.com DRC Alternative Energy Africa cost Grand Inga pie in the sky immense cost $50-100 billion twice GDP Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 financial backing South Africans private companies risk DRC Inga III funding Grand Inga cost funding Inga III Westcor private companies investment GDP Congo Democratic Republic of the energy projects financial backing risk development infrastructure cost high Grand Inga pie in the sky immense $50-100 billion twice GDP Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 financial backing South Africans private companies risk Central Intelligence Agency Congo Democratic Republic World Factbook ESI-Africa.com DRC looking funding
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con03a	Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright violation ownership rights graduated response policy Internet Service Providers traffic monitoring fines HADOPI France unauthorized content digital signature tax reports online business tax payments digital security cybersecurity online transactions legislative measures content protection digital rights management internet governance policy enforcement technology implementation user privacy data protection legal frameworks regulatory compliance digital commerce e-commerce intellectual property online security cybercrime prevention digital identity electronic signatures online authentication secure transactions internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright violation right of ownership graduated response policy Internet Service Providers ISP monitoring HADOPI digital signature online tax filing online business transactions government policy content piracy France digital signatures technology tax report online cybersecurity intellectual property protection online content distribution digital rights management online transaction security legal downloading online content regulation digital content market piracy prevention digital content protection online copyright enforcement internet policy digital economy online citizen activities cyber legislation digital signatures implementation electronic Internet regulation economic stability online criminal behavior file sharing copyright infringement piracy content distribution ownership rights graduated response policy ISP monitoring HADOPI France digital signatures online transactions tax filing cybersecurity legal frameworks digital rights policy implementation public policy technological enforcement online citizenship digital economy copyright protection internet governance digital security privacy concerns cybersecurity measures legislative approaches regulatory measures digital authentication electronic signatures online compliance internet law digital content management intellectual property online services digital infrastructure government intervention technology policy digital identity data protection online internet regulation working economy online criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy intellectual property copyright violation digital rights management graduated response policy ISP monitoring HADOPI digital signature online tax filing cybersecurity online commerce content protection digital copyright laws internet policy online signatures tax reporting digital transactions Internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright violation ownership rights graduated response policy Internet Service Providers ISP monitoring HADOPI France unauthorized content digital signatures online tax filing online business tax reports cyber laws digital rights content protection online security piracy prevention digital signatures cybersecurity policy implementation legal frameworks internet governance user behavior digital economy online transactions government intervention regulatory measures digital content intellectual property online market consumer behavior digital identity electronic commerce cybersecurity measures data protection Internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright violation right of ownership graduated response policy Internet Service Providers monitoring internet traffic HADOPI unauthorized content digital signature online tax filing online business transactions copyright law digital rights management online security privacy concerns government intervention cyber law digital economy online content distribution internet policy legal downloads digital signatures cybersecurity internet governance online copyright enforcement digital rights internet crime online taxation digital authentication online transaction security internet ethics digital content protection online consumer protection internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright violation ownership rights graduated response policy Internet Service Providers HADOPI unauthorized content digital signature online tax filing online business transactions digital rights management cyber law online content distribution intellectual property protection cybersecurity digital identity verification internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright violation ownership rights graduated response policy internet service providers traffic monitoring HADOPI unauthorized content tax reports digital signatures online business tax payment Sarkozy's Internet Piracy Law Digital Signatures Wikipedia internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright violation ownership rights content creators graduated response policy internet service providers traffic monitoring user fines HADOPI unauthorized content digital signature tax reports online transactions cybersecurity privacy rights digital commerce intellectual property protection online security policy implementation digital rights management content distribution internet governance legislative measures technological solutions consumer behavior digital economy regulatory frameworks internet ethics legal frameworks digital identity e-commerce data protection online enforcement public policy cyber law internet internet regulation criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright violation ownership rights graduated response policy internet service providers ISP monitoring HADOPI digital signature online tax filing online business transactions cybersecurity digital rights management internet law online economy piracy prevention government intervention digital identity electronic signatures tax compliance online security cyber legislation content protection digital content distribution internet governance online rights digital commerce file download monitoring piracy fines user accountability digital authentication secure online transactions regulatory frameworks internet policies copyright law digital era
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro04a	This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. ban public places smoking introduction existing bans notice changes rules clarity availability Saudi Arabia airports Smith Louise Smoking in public places ban in force Commons Library Standard Note Parliament 20 May 2011 ban introduction public places smoking ban existing bans people notice rule clarity Saudi Arabia airports Smith Louise Smoking in public places Commons Library Standard Note Parliament May 2011 ban public places smoking introduction difficulties notice changes rules clarity availability airports Saudi Arabia Smith Louise Parliament 2011 public places smoking ban existing bans Saudi Arabia airports notice of changes clear rules Louise Smith Parliament Commons Library Standard Note public places smoking ban implementation notice period rule clarity Saudi Arabia airports Commons Library Standard Note Louise Smith 20 May 2011 public places smoking ban existing bans Saudi Arabia airports notice of changes clear rules Commons Library Standard Note Louise Smith 20 May 2011 ban public places smoking introduction notice rules clarity Saudi Arabia airports existing bans difficulties Louise Smith Parliament Commons Library Standard Note 20 May 2011 public places smoking ban existing bans notification clear rules Saudi Arabia airports Commons Library Standard Note Louise Smith 20 May 2011 public places smoking ban introduction process existing bans notice of changes clear rules Saudi Arabia airports commons library standard note louise smith 20 may 2011 ban public places smoking introduction implementation Saudi Arabia airports rules clarity notice Commons Library Standard Note Louise Smith 20 May 2011
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con01a	“Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, capital punishment deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments James Cockayne benefits capital punishment universally deterrence cost savings justice Africa international crime drugs conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments benefits capital punishment universally deterrence cost savings justice Africa international crime drugs conflicts crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments capital punishment deterrence value cost savings principles of justice international crime drugs Africa conflicts crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments benefits capital punishment universally deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments Benefits capital punishment universal arguments deterrence cost savings justice principles international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments benefits capital punishment universal arguments deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments benefits capital punishment universal arguments deterrence value cost savings principles of justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade James Cockayne African Arguments benefits capital punishment universal arguments deterrence cost savings justice principles international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade policy debate moral arguments law enforcement public safety societal impact ethical considerations human rights legal systems crime prevention punishment effectiveness social justice regional security political stability economic factors public opinion legal reforms judicial practices moral philosophy crime statistics punishment theories judicial ethics international law human rights violations crime control social control retributive justice restorative justice criminal justice system benefits capital punishment universally deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro04a	Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, increase minorities college admission processes impersonal favourably biased white affluent students quotas minority students standard tests college admission exams Brazil quotas brown black students universities better education rich white counterparts perform college exams university admission process fair university campuses racial inequality affirmative action education Stahlberg S.G. Racial Inequality Affirmative Action Education Brazil increase minorities college admission processes impersonal biased white affluent students quotas minority standard tests exams Brazil quotas brown black universities affordable education performance university admission campuses racial inequality affirmative action education Stahlberg August 2010 increase number minorities college admission processes impersonal favourably biased white affluent students quotas minority standard tests college admission exams Brazil quotas brown black students universities education rich white counterparts perform well college exams admission university fairer university campuses racial inequality affirmative action education Stahlberg S.G. August 2010 increase minority college admissions impersonal college admissions bias in college admissions white affluent student advantage quotas for minority students standardized test reliance Brazil university quotas education inequality racial inequality in education affirmative action in education fairer admission processes minority representation in universities economic barriers to education performance gap in college exams university campus diversity Minorities College admission Impersonal processes Bias White students Affluent students Quotas Minority students Standard tests College admission exams Brazil Quotas for minorities Brown students Black students Universities Education inequality Racial inequality Affirmative action Educational opportunities Underprivileged students Fair admission University campuses Stahlberg Racial inequality in education Brazil education policy increase minority college admissions impersonal college admission processes bias in college admissions white affluent student advantage quotas for minority students standard tests in college admissions college admission exams Brazil university quotas racial inequality in education affirmative action in education educational disadvantage for minorities fairer college admission process increase campus diversity Stahlberg racial inequality study affirmative action racial inequality education equity minority quotas college admissions standardized testing educational opportunity socioeconomic factors Brazil university diversity admission policies fairness in education Minorities College admission Impersonal processes Bias White students Affluent students Quotas Minority students Standard tests College exams Brazil Quotas for minorities Brown students Black students Education inequality Affirmative action Educational opportunities University campuses Racial inequality Educational reform Admission fairness Underprivileged students Socioeconomic status Academic performance Test scores Higher education Diversity Inclusion Equity University admissions Policy Brazil education Stahlberg Racial quotas Affirmative action policies Educational justice Access to education Disadvantaged students affirmative action educational inequality racial diversity university admissions standardized testing socioeconomic factors minority representation college quotas educational equity Brazil education policy racial quotas admission criteria educational opportunities affluent students minority students fair admission processes academic performance university campuses Stahlberg S.G. college admissions minority quotas affirmative action racial inequality educational equity standardized testing Brazil university quotas socioeconomic disparities admission fairness diversity in higher education
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro02a	Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] politicians difficult decisions fear incarceration state legitimate use of force territory government state force responsibility state power police action civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies subsidies abuse of power illegal actions state interest nuclear bomb risk aversion prosecution security policy public discourse public interest political decisions immunity political abuses citizen rights prosecution of politicians apolitical crimes political crimes national security torture ideology risk CIA policy-makers security policy prosecution goals legal challenges ethical considerations political responsibility state authority legal politicians difficult decisions incarceration state monopoly legitimate use of force government state force responsibility state power police action civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies subsidies state resources abuse of power illegal actions state interest illegal raid nuclear bomb CIA officials risk-averse prosecution policy-makers public interest political abuses citizen rights political immunity apolitical crimes national security torture ideology security policy legal protections decision-making process accountability political decisions legal consequences politicians decision-making fear incarceration state monopoly legitimate use of force government state force responsibility police action civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies state resources abuse of power good faith national interest illegal actions state interest nuclear threat risk aversion prosecution policy-makers security policy political decisions public interest prosecution system apolitical crimes political abuses citizen rights national security torture ideology CIA risk aversion politicians difficult decisions fear incarceration state monopoly legitimate force territory government institutions state force responsibility decision-making police action civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies subsidies industries state resources power abuse illegal state interest nuclear bomb policy-makers risk averse CIA prosecution security policy public discourse public interest limited system apolitical crimes political decisions prosecution goals political abuses state power citizen rights political decision-making state power legal risks politician incarceration public interest state force monopoly policy accountability political responsibility civil unrest economic policy state resources legal abuse risk aversion political immunity prosecution goals citizen rights political abuse national security ideology CIA risk aversion illegal actions state interest torture ideology security policy prosecution Politicians difficult decisions fear incarceration state monopoly legitimate use of force government state force responsibility exercising state power police action civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies subsidies state resources abuse of power legal actions public interest risk aversion prosecution security policy national security political abuses citizen rights immunity political decisions apolitical crimes Politicians decision-making fear of incarceration state monopoly on force legitimate use of force government responsibility state institutions civil unrest terrorism economic policies state subsidies abuse of power legal gray areas public interest risk aversion CIA prosecution political immunity national security torture citizen rights political abuses state power Politicians difficult decisions fear incarceration state monopoly legitimate use of force government state force responsibility decision-making police action civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies subsidize industries state resources abuse of power illegal state interest nuclear bomb risk-averse CIA officials prosecution security policy public discourse public interest limited system prosecution of apolitical crimes immunity political decisions protection political abuses state power citizen rights security national security Torture and the Ideology of National Security Global Dialogue Robert Crawford politics decision-making prosecution state power monopoly of force civil unrest terrorism economic policy state interest risk aversion public interest political immunity abuse of power citizen rights national security CIA torture policy-making legal risks political decisions governance leadership accountability ethical dilemmas policy implementation state institutions public service legal frameworks political ethics security policies governance challenges political responsibility legal protection political actions state responsibilities decision ethics political environment institutional constraints political repercussions legal consequences statecraft political integrity public trust legal safeguards political decision-making state power legitimate use of force civil unrest terrorist interrogation economic policies state resources abuse of power public interest risk aversion prosecution of officials political immunity national security citizen rights legal accountability ethical governance policy-making ethics political responsibility state force institutions illegal actions for public good security policy political abuse prevention legal repercussions governmental accountability moral responsibility in politics legislative immunity judicial oversight political ethics state interests public trust political decision consequences legal frameworks for politicians policy implementation political courage lawful governance political decision ethics state force
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro03a	Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based admission university fees economic barriers poverty education access high-income jobs socioeconomic status Tribune Opinion Greeley Tribune equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based admission university fees access to education poverty economic mobility high-income jobs educational inequality socioeconomic status Tribune Opinion Greeley Tribune equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit university fees lower attendance poorer groups economic situation high-income jobs education poverty access to education socioeconomic barriers educational equity higher education funding academic meritocracy social mobility tuition fees financial barriers education inequality right to equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree true merit access to university institution of fees lower attendance poorer groups economic situation high-income jobs education paves way poverty Greeley Tribune equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based admission university fees access to education economic mobility poverty high-income jobs educational inequality socioeconomic status access to higher education tuition fees financial barriers educational opportunities social mobility economic disadvantage educational attainment meritocracy equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree true merit university fees lower attendance poorer groups economic situation high-income jobs education poverty Greeley Tribune equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree lines of work university graduates merit economic situation birth university fees lower attendance poorer groups high-income jobs poverty education Tribune Opinion Greeley Tribune equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based admission university fees access to education lower attendance poorer groups economic status high-income jobs education poverty tribunal opinion greeley tribune equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit university attendance economic situation poverty high-income jobs education fees social mobility access to education economic inequality educational opportunity career advancement financial barriers societal impact meritocracy educational equity equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit university attendance economic barriers poverty education high-income jobs social mobility
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con02a	Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrities financial power disenfranchised political policies big business donations wealthy personalities film stars music stars liberal politics left-wing non-financial power endorsement political parties disproportionate punishment liberal parties counter-balance big business power mining automotive industry republicans cultural elites social movements business elections environment political system campaign finance influence advocacy public opinion media influence policy-making electoral campaigns lobbying political contributions regulatory capture democracy equality media coverage public engagement social change political dynamics partisan bias legislative celebrity endorsement financial power political influence liberal parties big business donations political system social movements cultural elites elections environment republican donations mining industry automotive industry counter-balance non-financial power celebrity political endorsement financial power disenfranchised liberal policies big business donations political parties non-financial influence film stars music stars political balance mining industry automotive industry republicans counter-balance cultural elites social movements electoral influence business personalities celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised big business political donations wealthy personalities film stars music stars liberal politics left-wing politics non-financial power endorsements political parties disproportionate punishment counter-balance power of big business donations mining industry automotive industry republicans political system cultural elites social movements business interests elections environmental policy celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised liberal politics big business donations political influence film stars music stars endorsement non-financial power political parties counter-balance mining industry automotive industry republicans elections environmental policy cultural elites social movements sociological inquiry business environment political system revenue advocacy policies donations USA inequality punishment power dynamics political funding media influence public opinion lobbying corporate interests regulatory俘虏 政策平衡 选举资金 名人效应 社会影响力 政治平权 行业捐赠 celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised political parties policies big business donations wealthy individuals film stars music stars liberal politics left wing non-financial power endorsement political influence counter-balance power dynamics mining industry automotive industry republicans cultural elites social movements business elections environment political system financial support political donations electoral financing campaign contributions political funding partisan dynamics lobbying advocacy public influence policy making economic impact political leverage media influence celebrity endorsement political activism financial regulation campaign finance reform celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised big business donations wealthy business personalities film stars music stars liberal left wing political parties non-financial power endorsement disproportionate punishment liberal parties counter-balance power of big business mining industry automotive industry republicans USA political system cultural elites social movements elections environment business environmental policy political influence public opinion advocacy fundraising policy-making regulatory capture political equality democratic process media coverage public awareness social impact economic inequality political donations campaign finance reform celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised political policies big business donations wealthy business personalities film stars music stars liberal politics left-wing politics non-financial power endorsement political parties liberal parties counter-balance power of big business mining industry automotive industry republicans cultural elites social movements business elections environmental policy celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised political parties big business donations wealthy business personalities film stars music stars liberal politics left wing non-financial power endorsements political balance counter-balance power of big business mining industry automotive industry republicans election funding cultural elites social movements business influence environmental policy political system electoral donations political finance corporate donations political inequalities celebrity endorsements political inequality celebrity endorsement financial power political donations big business liberal policies political parties non-financial influence social movements cultural elites mining industry automotive industry republicans political system counter-balance electoral funding business personalities political advocacy liberal wing financial counterbalance political equity donation restrictions political impact advocacy imbalance policy influence electoral contributions business donations political finance liberal parties financial support political endorsements elite influence electoral dynamics financial advantage political influence policy-making financial regulation political funding donation laws advocacy groups political campaigns financial donations
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro03a	International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 international concern Rwanda aid dependency international community relations destabilization focus growth countries cutting aid allegations government insecurity Congo donor governments human rights freedom restrictions freedom of speech international reaction trade ties success goals aid human rights issues donor countries Uganda criminalisation homosexuality Rwanda aid dependency international relations donor countries human rights freedom of speech aid cuts trade ties Congo insecurity DFID BBC Martin Plaut Uganda anti-gay law criminalisation of homosexuality Rwanda international aid aid dependency government support international relations Congo conflict donor countries human rights freedom of speech aid cuts trade ties Uganda anti-gay laws DFID UK aid BBC Martin Plaut Guardian international concern Rwanda aid dependency country progress international community relations destabilization government support insecurity in Congo donor governments human rights freedom freedom of speech restrictions international reaction aid cuts trade ties Rwanda’s goals human rights issues Uganda criminalisation of homosexuality aid reduction DFID Rwanda poverty reduction UK aid anti-gay law Martin Plaut BBC news theguardian.com International aid Rwanda government support economic growth human rights freedom of speech donor countries aid reduction trade relations political stability DFID BBC Guardian Uganda homosexuality law insecurity in Congo Rwanda aid dependency international relations human rights donor countries aid cuts policy alignment Congo conflict freedom of speech trade ties policy restrictions Uganda homosexuality criminalisation international community DFID BBC Guardian development goals economic stability political support international concern Rwanda aid dependent progress international community relations destabilizing growth human rights freedom speech restrictions international reaction cutting aid trade ties success goals DFID Rwanda poverty reduction BBC news UK aid cut insecurity in Congo government support Plaut Martin Uganda anti-gay law donor countries criminalisation of homosexuality theguardian.com February 2014 November 2012 July 2012 Rwanda aid dependence international relations human rights freedom of speech donor countries economic growth DFID UK aid BBC Uganda anti-gay laws Martin Plaut Congo insecurity government support poverty reduction trade ties international community destabilisation progress achievements 切割援助 刑事化同性恋 人权问题 国际反应 言论自由限制 经济目标 强制支持 国际关注 发展援助 合作中断 Rwanda international aid economic dependence aid cuts Congo conflict human rights freedom of speech donor relations UK aid Uganda anti-gay laws international reaction economic sanctions poverty reduction DFID BBC Martin Plaut guardian donor governments trade ties government support insecurity progressing country international community destabilisation focus growth criminalisation homosexuality strong backers international concern Rwanda’s goals success restrictions international community allegations support international community backbone achievements Spoiling relations international stability economic impact humanitarian issues political pressure Rwanda aid dependency international relations human rights freedom of speech economic growth development aid donor countries Uganda homosexuality law aid cuts Congo insecurity DFID UK aid international community government support progress poverty reduction
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro03a	Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants developing countries benefit industriousness crises middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth work opportunities skilled workers population developed countries educated population skills brain drain influx skilled workers development counteracting migrants developing countries industriousness crises middle professional classes economic migrants educated youth skilled workers brain drain population education development economic opportunities resources knowledge skilled migration developed countries workforce counteracting benefits migrants developing countries industriousness crises middle professional classes economic migrants educated youth skilled workers brain drain population development Docquier Lohest Marfouk World Bank Economic Review migrants developing countries benefit industriousness crises middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth work opportunities skilled workers population developed countries educated population skills brain drain counteracting development World Bank Frédéric Docquier Olivier Lohest Abdeslam Marfouk Migrants developing countries industriousness middle professional classes economic migrants educated youth skilled workers brain drain counteracting development population education economic opportunities resources knowledge skills benefits inflow workforce Docquier Frédéric Lohest Olivier Marfouk Abdeslam World Bank Economic Review migrants developing countries industriousness crises middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth better work opportunities skilled workers population developed countries highly educated skilled population benefit influx skilled workers development brain drain counteracting Docquier Frédéric Lohest Olivier Marfouk Abdeslam World Bank Economic Review brain drain developing countries migrants developing countries industriousness crises middle professional classes economic migrants educated youth better work opportunities skilled workers brain drain population education development economic benefits counteracting brain drain skilled population Docquier Lohest Marfouk World Bank Economic Review migrants developing countries industriousness crises middle professional classes economic migrants educated youth skilled workers brain drain counteracting brain drain population development education skills work opportunities developed countries workforce economic growth human capital migration benefits migrants developing countries industriousness crises middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth better work opportunities skilled workers population developed countries highly educated skilled population benefit influx skilled workers development brain drain counteracting Docquier Frédéric Lohest Olivier Marfouk Abdeslam World Bank Economic Review migrants developing countries skilled workers economic migrants brain drain education middle professional classes crises resources knowledge work opportunities population developed countries influx counteracting
test-environment-aiahwagit-con03a	Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ legalisation trade horns ivory furs pelts hunters endangered animals extinction protected status prices demand supply Asia rhino horns poaching militarization farming South Africa conservation policy wildlife management economics illegal trade wildlife crime animal protection sustainable use trophy hunting market dynamics legislative reform species preservation environmental ethics economic incentives CITES international trade biodiversity ecological impact poacher behavior anti-poaching strategies wildlife trafficking species recovery legal markets conservation funding public opinion animal welfare ethical hunting legalizing trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals protecting animals extinction prevention high prices illegal trade rhino horns demand and supply price reduction profitability poaching militarization animal farming South Africa rhino horn farming government intervention seized items wildlife conservation legalisation trade horns ivory furs pelts hunters endangered animals extinction protected status poaching illegality rhino horns demand supply price profitability hunting government seizure destruction farming South Africa militarization poachers intervention legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts protecting endangered animals preventing extinction high prices illegal trade rhino horns supply and demand poaching militarization South Africa rhino farming price reduction profitability conservation animal protection illegal wildlife trade endangered species wildlife crime sustainable use legal market regulation enforcement wildlife policy economic incentives poaching prevention species preservation ecological impact ethical considerations international law wildlife management biodiversity environmental policy trophy hunting animal welfare eco-tourism community involvement habitat conservation genetic diversity legalisation trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals protection poaching supply demand price profitability hunting farming rhino horn militarization poachers intervention South Africa legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals protecting species economic incentives poaching supply and demand market prices rhino horns illegal trade conservation militarization poaching war farming South Africa government policies seizure and destruction legalisation trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals protection poaching militarization demand supply price profitability farming rhino horn South Africa conservation extinction illegal market trafficking policy wildlife economic incentives sustainablility rhino horn ivory trade fur trade pelt trade endangered species poaching militarization conservation wildlife farming South Africa rhino horn farming tusks illegal trade wildlife protection poachers demand and supply economic value extinction prevention animal rights environmental policy legal trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals poaching protection demand supply pricing profitability farming rhino horn South Africa militarization poachers intervention conservation wildlife economics policy legalisation trade horns ivory furs pelts hunters endangered animals protection poaching illegality demand supply price profitability farming rhino horn militarization wildlife conservation economic incentives wildlife farming South Africa policy extinction market forces conservation strategies government intervention seizure destruction enforcement wildlife trade regulations ecological impact ethical considerations biodiversity sustainable use legal trade illegal trade wildlife crime economic models species preservation market economics legal frameworks environmental policy poaching prevention regulatory reform conservation economics wildlife management
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con03a	Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, political stability market confidence economic leadership transparency succession planning investment certainty business environment tax policies subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport infrastructure leader quality economic growth leadership impact market uncertainty rumors investment decisions national leadership post-war economic analysis political stability market confidence leadership transparency economic parameters leader quality succession planning investment uncertainty business environment government transparency economic growth leader change impact market reactions political leadership economic policy business investment market stability leadership impact economic decision-making political environment leader succession political stability market confidence leader health transparency succession planning economic growth leadership quality investment decisions business environment tax policy subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leadership impact market uncertainty rumor control investment security leadership change economic parameters markets stability business political stability leader illness transparency succession future certainty investment decisions political environment leader quality economic growth national leadership post-war growth leadership impact bureaucratic parameters taxes subsidies energy prices transport availability political stability market confidence leadership transparency economic parameters business environment succession planning investment certainty leader quality economic growth leadership impact market rumours bureaucratic influence energy pricing transport infrastructure leadership change growth variation national leadership post-war economics political stability transparency leader's health succession market certainty investment decisions leader quality economic growth leadership impact business environment taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links national leadership post-war growth leadership change effects markets stability business political stability leader illness transparency succession investment decisions economic impact leader quality growth national leadership post-war growth taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leadership change economic parameters political stability market confidence leadership transparency economic growth succession planning investment decisions business environment leader quality national leadership economic parameters taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leadership change market uncertainty rumor control investment climate economic policy Markets stability business political stability leader illness transparency succession investment decisions political environment leaders economy business environment taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leader quality economic growth national leadership World War II political stability transparency succession market confidence economic leadership business environment taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leader quality economic growth investment decisions rumor mitigation national leadership post-war growth leadership impact market outcomes leadership succession business predictability
test-international-bldimehbn-pro03a	Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, news propaganda audience interest market realities cultural values financial sustainability media ethics Al Jazeera gay rights European audience Middle Eastern audience News of the World advertiser pressure reader backlash media self-censorship journalistic integrity content acceptability market-driven journalism news selection criteria cultural sensitivity media bias news imposition patronizing consumers financial suicide news outlets viewer preferences advertising impact content relevance reporting standards media studies journalism practices media criticism news consumption media economics content strategy editorial decisions cultural differences media localization audience engagement media landscape news propaganda objection subject interest viewers news outlets customers financial suicide market realities self-destruct Al Jazeera English language channels gay rights European audience Middle Eastern audience cultural values orthodox religion advertisers readers News of the World Brian Pellot Anita Krajnc Toronto Media Co-op news propaganda viewer interest market realities Al Jazeera cultural values gay rights Middle East European audience financial considerations advertisers reader reactions news outlets content selection patronizing sacrifice best practices media ethics reporting standards audience preferences news ethics media bias propaganda audience interest market-driven journalism cultural sensitivity gay rights Al Jazeera News of the World advertiser influence reader backlash self-censorship market realities journalistic integrity reporting standards editorial policies cultural values religious considerations media consumption news outlets viewer preferences financial sustainability patronizing content market adaptation consumer-driven content news selection public interest media criticism journalism ethics editorial decision-making content acceptability audience engagement media landscape news content cultural relevance media studies press freedom information control media responsibility news reporting news propaganda market audience interests cultural values financial suicide self-destruct Al Jazeera gay rights Arabic English Middle East European readers advertisers News of the World reporting homosexuality patronizing simple realities sacrificing the good best news outlets viewers customers stations websites papers cultural values orthodox religion media journalism ethics editorial decisions consumer preferences media studies public opinion media impact societal values information dissemination media bias editorial policy news outlets market interests viewer preferences propaganda financial stability cultural values advertising impact audience acceptability Al Jazeera gay rights Middle Eastern audience European audience media self-censorship news bias market realities consumer influence editorial decisions cultural sensitivity financial suicide sacrificing good for best reader backlash advertiser actions News of the World media ethics reporting standards editorial policies content imposition patronizing audiences market-driven journalism news coverage cultural norms religious beliefs media consumption audience engagement news relevance media responsibility news imposition market pressures media strategies audience news propaganda interest viewers market financial suicide cultural values religion Al Jazeera English Arabic Middle Eastern gay rights homosexuality reporting audience advertisers readers News of the World self-destruct sacrifice best reality journalism media ethics patronizing competition freedom speech debate cultural sensitivity international broadcast stations websites papers consumer preferences social issues politics economics business strategy content production editorial policy public opinion acceptance tolerance diversity inclusion exclusion sensitivity outrage news propagation media bias audience interest market dynamics journalistic ethics cultural sensitivity propaganda vs news viewer preferences advertiser influence market self-regulation financial sustainability media responsibility content imposition patronizing journalism market realities news outlet profitability audience values cultural values orthodox religion regional broadcasting Al Jazeera English Al Jazeera Arabic European audience Middle Eastern audience News of the World media self-destruction sacrificing good for best homosexual rights reporting free speech debate Toronto Media Co-op news propaganda viewer interest market realities financial considerations cultural sensitivity audience preferences Al Jazeera gay rights News of the World advertising impact media ethics self-censorship content selection journalistic integrity consumer expectations market adaptation regional differences cultural values media strategy news propaganda viewer interest market realities news outlets consumer preferences financial viability cultural values media ethics Al Jazeera gay rights reporting standards audience segmentation advertiser influence media self-censorship market-driven journalism cultural sensitivity journalistic integrity media consumers news consumption media studies media criticism
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con02a	There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. freedom of speech censorship government regulation offense public opinion employment discrimination sexuality prejudice historical precedent argument validity equality principle dangerous precedent societal norms legal protection verbal offense state power individual rights expression of ideas silencing dissent democratic values freedom of speech censorship state control offense protection public opinion government intervention prejudice reduction silencing dissent historical perspective argument weakness equality principle criminalizing insult societal norms individual rights expression of ideas legal boundaries democratic values offensive speech speech regulation social progress free speech censorship state control offense public opinion government intervention employment discrimination physical safety prejudice banning ideas historical context argument strength equality principle dangerous precedent freedom of speech state power censorship offense public opinion prejudice employment discrimination physical safety equality silencing dissent argument strength historical banning dangerous precedent insulting others free speech offence state power censorship public opinion prejudice employment discrimination physical safety equality historical perspective argument strength dangerous precedent 表达自由 冒犯 国家权力 审查制度 公众舆论 偏见 就业歧视 身体安全 平等 历史视角 论点强度 危险先例 right not to be offended protecting against offense state power censorship free speech government role physical safety employment protection public opinion combating prejudice silencing views historical banning weak arguments equality principle Mike Harris Guardian 2012 freedom of speech censorship government control offense protection public opinion employment discrimination sexuality rights physical safety speech offense banning ideas historical precedent weak arguments equality principle dangerous precedent Mike Harris Guardian crime to insult freedom of speech offensive speech state power censorship public opinion prejudice equality historical bans argument strength employment protection physical safety speech regulation societal norms government role offense protection debate principles offense vs. harm legal precedents intellectual freedom silencing views offense state power free speech censorship physical safety employment protection public opinion government intervention prejudice silencing views banning ideas historical context arguments equality dangerous precedent freedom of speech state power offense protection censorship public opinion government intervention prejudice silencing views historical context argument strength equality principle dangerous precedent
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro03a	"In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. Catholic Church contraception AIDS HIV barrier methods casual sex marriage Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae responsibility public health moral teachings sexual behavior condom distribution tragedy money sexual ethics religious doctrine sexual abstinence Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae condoms marriage sexual teachings responsible sexual behavior health policies religious doctrines contraception debate moral teachings sexual ethics public health tragedy money problems epidemic justified religious beliefs sexual abstinence contraception methods sexual practices marriage teachings religious authority sexual responsibility health consequences moral guidance sexual norms religious stance sexual health sexual morality sexual education sexual behavior sexual activities sexual relationships sexual choices sexual conduct sexual values Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI money condoms tragedy Evangelium Vitae Pope John Paul II sex outside marriage teachings responsibility AIDS epidemic justification contraception methods moral teachings sexual behavior ethical guidelines religious beliefs public health sexual health contraception ban sexual practices Church doctrine sexual morality sexual responsibility sexual ethics sexual education sexual abstinence sexual restraint sexual discipline sexual fidelity sexual commitment sexual intimacy sexual relationships sexual partnership sexual unions sexual conduct sexual choices sexual norms sexual values Catholic Church teachings AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Evangelium Vitae marriage condoms Pope John Paul II contraception sexual ethics moral teachings public health tragedy money sexual behavior religious doctrine sexual responsibility epidemic sexual abstinence marital fidelity contraception ban condoms distribution sexual morality church authority sexual practices health policies religious beliefs sexual health sexual education moral guidance sexual restraint sexual relationships sexual conduct sexual teachings sexual values sexual norms sexual discipline sexual intentions sexual outcomes sexual impact sexual Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae condoms sex outside marriage tragedy money teachings responsibility epidemic justification contraception methods moral teachings sexual behavior public health religious doctrine sexual ethics contraception ban sexual abstinence marriage sexual health Church's role moral guidance Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex AIDS HIV Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae sexual teachings contraception marriage public health moral teachings religious doctrine condoms AIDS epidemic responsible behavior sexual morality theological perspective life ethics human sexuality church authority moral responsibility sexual abstinence prophylactics sexual education religious influence health policies moral guidance sexual practices health risks moral consistency sexual relationships religious beliefs sexual health moral implications ethical considerations sexual behavior religious teachings sexual responsibility moral principles sexual ethics Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae contraception sex outside marriage moral teachings public health sexual ethics religious teachings condoms tragedy money sexual behavior sexual responsibility marital sex abstinence contraception ban sexual morality AIDS epidemic religious doctrine sexual practices sexual health sexual guidelines moral guidance sexual restraint sexual education health policies religious influence sexual policies health outcomes moral consistency sexual choices sexual norms sexual freedom sexual abstinence sexual responsibility sexual conduct Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae marriage contraception public health morality religious teachings sexual behavior condoms epidemic responsibility money tragedy sexual ethics abstinence prophylaxis religious authority health policies sexual health moral guidelines sexual abstinence moral theology vaccine sexual education sex outside marriage theological perspectives health and morality global health sexual practices condom distribution sexual morality sexual responsibility sexual intercourse sexual abstinence education sexual norms sexual values sexual Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae marriage condoms tragedy money distribution problems teachings justification epidemic health morality responsibility Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex AIDS HIV Pope Benedict XVI Evangelium Vitae Pope John Paul II marriage contraception morality religious teachings public health sexual behavior epidemic condoms responsibility tragedy money sexual ethics faithful adherence doctrinal consistency sexual abstinence moral authority health policy religious doctrine sexual intercourse prophylactics sexual education chastity Vatican Christian morality health politics theological perspective sexual health religious beliefs sexual practices abstinence sexual restraint church authority moral guidance sexual responsibility sexual transmission disease"
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con01a	Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. persuasion coercion voter engagement compulsory voting election results political disengagement government transparency voting systems low voter turnout political education citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democratic responsibilities root problems political awareness persuasion coercion compulsory voting political engagement government transparency voter turnout political education citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democratic responsibilities election results political conversation educational approaches low turnout solutions voter disengagement political awareness electoral process democratic participation root problem identification voting motivation persuasion coercion voter engagement compulsory voting political education government transparency citizenship classes election results voter turnout political conversation suffragette movement reform bills democratic responsibilities root problem political apathy Persuasion coercion voting political engagement societal representation compulsory voting election results government transparency current voting system low voter turnout political education schools political conversation public awareness politics impact citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills 19th century democracy responsibilities root problem political apathy voter engagement strategies educational reform democratic participation Persuasion coercion voter engagement compulsory voting election results political education government transparency citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democratic responsibilities low voter turnout political conversation root problem side effects curing disease Persuasion coercion compulsory voting political engagement government transparency voting system low voter turnout political education schools political conversation citizenship classes electoral process suffragette movement reform bills democracy root problem political awareness persuasion coercion voting political engagement compulsory voting election results representation government transparency voter turnout political education schools political conversation citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democracy root problem political awareness persuasion coercion compulsory voting political engagement government transparency voter turnout education political conversation citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democracy electoral process root problem political education political efficacy civic responsibility voter apathy democratic participation persuasion coercion compulsory voting political engagement government transparency voting systems low voter turnout political education citizenship classes electoral process suffragette movement reform bills democracy root problem political conversation education in schools public awareness political responsibility side effects disease metaphor persuasion coercion compulsory voting political engagement government transparency voter turnout political education citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democratic responsibilities election results political conversation education in schools political awareness root problems political apathy voting systems democratic participation
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro03a	Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance savings borrowing markets land property personal security dignity increasing returns Ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing markets land property personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns market entry economic empowerment financial inclusion ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance access startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism enabling entrepreneurialism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing market entry land property personal security dignity increasing returns Ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns market entry poverty reduction financial inclusion economic empowerment community development microloans capital investment entrepreneurial opportunities financial services economic growth sustainable development poverty alleviation financial education risk management investment local economy social impact microcredit community empowerment financial access capital flow economic activity asset building financial stability income generation livelihood improvement ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit lend with care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns market entry ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to financial capital initiating capitalism capital enables entrepreneurialism business ideas community benefit lend with care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing land and property markets personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital financial capital capitalism access to capital business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community development Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property markets personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital financial capital initiating capitalism access to capital business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns market entry empowerment entrepreneurs
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con01a	Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 genetically modified food legal status scientific advancement natural genetic modification selective breeding DNA changes modern modification techniques crop cultivation genetic changes radical modifications wheat cultivation Trewas A. Leaver C. Nature journal genetic engineering biotechnology agricultural practices evolutionary processes genetic diversity food safety regulatory policies genetically modified organisms GMOs DNA modification selective breeding crop cultivation natural genetic modification scientific advances legal status of GMOs genetic engineering biotechnology agricultural history wheat evolution plant genetics DNA changes genetic techniques biotech crops genetic diversity modern agriculture genetic selection nature's genetic modification bioengineering crop improvement genetic innovation DNA strand comparison genetic similarity genetic modifications plant breeding techniques genetic research genetic manipulation genetic traits genetic evolution crop genetic engineering genetic modification ethics genetic modification safety genetic modification benefits genetic modification controversies genetic modification regulations genetically modified food legal status genetic modification natural process selective breeding DNA changes modern modification techniques crop cultivation radical changes wheat cultivation genetic engineering biotechnology agricultural advancements plant genetics science history nature's genetic modification bioengineering ethics environmental impact food safety regulatory policies genetically modified food legal status scientific advances natural process selective breeding DNA modification crop cultivation modern techniques DNA changes genetic modification nature wheat evolution scientific evidence biotechnology agricultural practices genetic engineering traditional breeding genetic diversity food safety regulatory policies genetically modified food legal scientific advance natural genetic modification selective breeding crop cultivation DNA changes modern techniques DNA strand selective breeding changes radical modifications wheat cultivation no-yield crop super-crop nature genetic modification Trewas A. Leaver C. Nature journal genetically modified food legal usage genetic modification natural process selective breeding crop cultivation DNA changes modern techniques DNA strand comparison radical changes wheat cultivation scientific advance nature's genetic modification Trewas A. Leaver C. Nature publication genetically modified food scientific advance legal use genetic modification natural process selective breeding DNA changes modern modification techniques crop cultivation farmers thousands of years same changes faster more selective DNA strands original strand impossible to distinguish selective breeding changes radical modifications wheat no-yield rice-type crop super-crop nature genetic modification scientific evidence crop improvement biotechnology plant breeding genetic engineering regulatory policies food safety environmental impact genetic diversity agricultural practices historical context technological advancements ethical considerations public perception health effects sustainable agriculture genetically modified food scientific advance legality genetic modification natural process selective breeding crop cultivation DNA changes modern modification techniques genetic alterations wheat cultivation historical selective breeding Nature journal Trewas A. Leaver C. genetically modified food scientific advance legal use natural process crop cultivation selective breeding DNA changes modern modification techniques strand comparison radical changes wheat cultivation Nature journal genetic modification ethics biotechnology advancements agricultural history plant genetics food safety regulatory policies environmental impact public perception Genetic modification selective breeding DNA changes modern techniques natural process crop cultivation legal status scientific advances wheat evolution genetic engineering Nature journal Trewas A. Leaver C.
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro02a	The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. Copyright Creative Commons Information spreading Default rights Creator protections Reuse Publicly-funded works Attribution For-profit deals Absolute control Stagnation Orphan works Copyright infringement Commercial viability Knowledge democratization Globalization Printing press Copyright law Legal reform Cultural enrichment Access to information Intellectual property Licensing schemes Public domain Creative output Market of ideas Legal barriers Information commons Digital rights Fair use Open access Intellectual commons Copyright duration Copyright reform Public interest Creative works Legal ownership Commercial availability Knowledge sharing Artistic works Copyright default copyright harmful spreading information automatic rights restrictive reuse creative commons licenses public-funded works attribution creator for-profit deals absolute control reuse consideration stagnation orphan works copyright infringement knowledge enrichment democratization knowledge globalization knowledge printing press shorter copyright creativity freedom copyright Creative Commons public domain orphan works copyright law reuse rights attribution democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge printing press commercial availability non-commercial use license agreements creator protections information sharing cultural enrichment legal reform intellectual property digital rights management access to information creative output knowledge dissemination fair use public funding defaults automatic copyright restrictive rights permission seeking copyright infringement market of ideas enrichment stagnation control reuse consideration commons licensing scheme artistic works knowledge access copyright ownership commercial viability legal uncertainty creative commons licenses default copyright harmful spreading information restrictive reuse creative commons licenses public-funded works attribution creators for-profit deals absolute control creation stagnation orphan works copyright infringement knowledge creative output commercially viable democratization globalization knowledge printing press analogy shorter copyright free creativity copyright Creative Commons information spreading default rights creator protections reuse public funding attribution for-profit deals orphan works copyright infringement knowledge access commercial viability democratization globalization printing press intellectual property cultural enrichment legal reform open access default copyright harmful spreading information automatic creator rights full copyright protection reuse restrictions creative commons licenses public-funded works copyright default alteration creator attributions for-profit deals absolute control stagnation orphan works copyright infringement fears knowledge languishing copyright ownership confusion commercially viable democratization knowledge globalization creativity printing press analogy shorter copyright creativity freedom default copyright harmful spreading information experience copyright law automatic rights creator full copyright protection restrictive reuse contracts Creative Commons licenses publicly-funded works normalizing force copyright defaults creator protections attribution for-profit deals absolute control reuse stagnation special permissions greater access enrichment orphan works unknown ownership copyright infringement knowledge creative output commercial viability democratization globalization knowledge printing press creativity market of ideas copyright duration legal reform intellectual property cultural heritage public domain default copyright information spreading restrictive reuse creative commons licenses publicly-funded works copyright protection attribution for-profit deals absolute control creator protections stagnation special permissions orphan works copyright infringement knowledge enrichment commercial viability democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge printing press analogy shorter copyright creativity freedom copyright Creative Commons default rights information spreading creator protections reuse public funding orphan works copyright infringement commercial viability democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge printing press copyright law attribution for-profit deals stagnation access knowledge enrichment deluge of knowledge critical advancement market of ideas sharing legal reform cultural enrichment intellectual property digital age public domain licensing schemes copyright terms legal barriers information access creative output cultural heritage legislative change collective benefit policy reform copyright overhaul knowledge dissemination societal benefit creative freedom information commons default copyright restrictive reuse creative commons public funding copyright law creator rights attribution for-profit deals absolute control stagnation orphan works copyright infringement commercial viability knowledge enrichment democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge printing press copyright ownership market of ideas shortening copyright duration creativity liberation
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro04a	Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. political trials public perception political integrity role models political corruption prosecution impact political spectrum institutional damage state functioning political successors legitimacy of charges misdeeds exposure political trials public perception integrity of office role models political corruption institutional damage prosecution impact political legitimacy state functioning successor effects Politician trial integrity office public perception political position criminal acts role models populace misdeeds successors innocent institution corruption scandal prosecution country citizens opposing sides political spectrum legitimacy charges political institutions state functioning political trials public perception political integrity role models political corruption successor impact institutional damage prosecution legitimacy political spectrum state functioning politician trial integrity office public perception political position criminal acts role models populace misdeeds successors innocent institution corruption scandal prosecution country citizens opposing sides political spectrum legitimacy charges political institutions state functioning Politician trial integrity damage public perception political position criminal acts role models populace misdeeds political successors institutional taint corruption scandal prosecution process political spectrum charge legitimacy state functioning political institutions politician trial integrity office public perception political position criminal acts role models populace misdeeds successors innocent institution taint corruption scandal prosecution citizens political spectrum legitimacy charges damage political institutions state functioning public perception political integrity role models political succession institutional damage prosecution legitimacy political spectrum state functioning criminal acts political office trial impact societal trust political institutions governmental stability public confidence political scandal corruption perception legal process civic responsibility political health politician trial integrity office public perception political position criminal acts role models populace misdeeds successors innocent institution corruption scandal prosecution citizens opposing sides political spectrum legitimacy charges political institutions state function politician trial integrity office public perception political position holder criminal acts role models populace misdeeds successors innocent institution corruption scandal prosecution country citizens opposing sides political spectrum legitimacy charges damage political institutions state functioning
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con01a	Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation safe internet security threats online critical infrastructure systems energy transport system citizens corporations public organizations identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber threats governments Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams cyber security information exchange threat prevention expertise sharing perpetrators online safety regular police threat warnings information sharing cooperation private CSIRTs US-CERT NCSC internet regulation safe internet security threats online safety critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber-attacks government response Computer Emergency Response Teams CERTs Incident Response and Security Teams IRTs Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRTs cyber-threats information exchange threat prevention perpetrators private CSIRTs cybersecurity agencies online safety agencies police threat warnings information sharing cybersecurity cooperation US-CERT NCSC Dutch CERT Internet regulation cyber security safety online critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber threats government response Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRT information sharing cyber police threat prevention hacker attacks cybercrime online security cybersecurity policies CERT IRT CSIRT cooperation public-private partnership NCSC US-CERT cyber defense digital safety network security online threats cyber attack response information security digital security teams cyber protection government agencies cyber Internet regulation safe internet security threats online safety critical infrastructure energy transport system hacking identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber attacks government response Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRT information sharing cyber threats threat warnings expertise exchange preventing cyber threats perpetrators intergovernmental agencies private CSIRTs cooperation information exchange online security police analogy threat awareness public-private collaboration US-CERT NCSC Internet regulation cyber security critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber threats Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams government agencies CERTs IRTs CSIRTs cyber defense information sharing threat warnings private CSIRTs online safety regular police US-CERT NCSC internet regulation safe internet security threats critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber threats governments Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRT citizens organizations new threat warnings expertise exchange cyber threat prevention information exchange perpetrators intergovernmental agencies private CSIRTs cooperation online safety regular police information sharing threat warnings internet regulation safe internet security threats critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber threats governments Computer Emergency Response Teams CERTs Incident Response and Security Teams IRTs Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRT cyber security information exchange perpetrators intergovernmental agencies private CSIRTs cooperation online safety regular police threat warnings expertise sharing Internet regulation cybersecurity online safety critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank account security government response cyber threats Computer Emergency Response Teams CERTs Incident Response Teams IRTs Computer Security Incident Response Teams CSIRTs public sector attacks private CSIRTs threat warnings cyber expertise information exchange online policing threat prevention cyber criminals public safety private sector cooperation US-CERT NCSC Dutch CERT Internet regulation safe internet security threats online safety critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber-attacks government response Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams cyber-threats information sharing expertise exchange private CSIRTs online safety agencies regular police threat warnings cyber security CERTs IRTs CSIRTs US-CERT NCSC Dutch CERT internet regulation safe internet security threats critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber-threats governments Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRT cyber threats expertise threat prevention information exchange perpetrators intergovernmental agencies private CSIRTs police threat warnings safer world US-CERT NCSC Dutch CERT
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con02a	Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance heinous crimes online communication global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption methods government intervention ISPs mobile companies internet history tracking data requests police information access search warrant Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic automatic filtering harm prevention terrorism legal measures justice department child pornography online safety cybercrime digital privacy legislative action public policy crime prevention digital security online child exploitation👋 Internet governance heinous crimes online communication global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material internet distribution encryption methods government intervention ISPs mobile companies internet histories data requests police access search warrants Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic child pornography terrorism harm prevention legal measures online safety digital privacy cybercrime law enforcement legislative proposals Australia content filtering cybersecurity victim protection digital rights public policy Internet governance heinous crimes online communication global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material easy distribution anonymous distribution encryption methods government intervention ISPs mobile companies tracking internet histories data requests police information access search warrants Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic automatic filtering harm prevention terrorism child pornography justice department current laws online child porn Bernadette Mcmenamin Internet governance heinous crimes global crime problems coordinated responses child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption methods government intervention ISPs mobile companies internet history tracking data requests police information access search warrants Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic ISPs automatic filtering harm prevention terrorism drastic measures child porn online safety justice department legal frameworks cybersecurity digital communication criminal activities legal interventions privacy concerns public safety technology regulation law enforcement international cooperation online predators digital forensics secure communications online child exploitation digital rights ethical considerations Internet governance heinous crimes online criminal activities global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption methods government interventions ISP tracking data requests police information access search warrants Canadian government mandatory filtering Australian government harm prevention terrorism justice department child pornography legal measures online safety digital privacy cybercrime law enforcement internet security digital forensics Internet governance combat heinous crimes global crime problems coordinated responses child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption methods government intervention ISPs tracking mobile companies internet histories data handover police information access search warrant Canadian government mandatory filtering Australian government internet traffic automatic filtering drastic measures harm prevention terrorism child pornography Justice Department current laws Bernadette Mcmenamin internet governance heinous crimes communication global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption government intervention ISPs mobile companies internet histories data requests police information search warrant Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic automatic filtering Australia drastic measures terrorism harm prevention justice department child porn laws Bernadette Mcmenamin Internet governance heinous crimes global crime problems child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption government intervention ISPs mobile companies tracking internet histories data requests search warrants mandatory filtering internet traffic prevention of harm terrorism legal measures online safety cybersecurity digital privacy law enforcement regulatory frameworks public policy tech ethics child protection online predators content moderation privacy rights digital surveillance cyber law international cooperation policy debate legislative proposals digital communication crime prevention digital security surveillance policies online child exploitation criminal justice technological solutions legal responses ethical considerations Internet governance heinous crimes online communication global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material easy distribution anonymous distribution encryption methods government intervention ISPs mobile companies tracking internet histories data requests police access search warrants Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic automatic filtering drastic measures terrorism harm prevention child pornography online safety justice department current laws battle child porn Australia McMenamin Bernadette internet governance heinous crimes global crime communication means criminals child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption government intervention ISPs mobile companies internet history tracking data handover police information access search warrant Canadian government mandatory filtering Australian government internet traffic automatic filtering drastic measures terrorism harm prevention
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro03a	In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] abuses of power public accountability political prosecution corruption deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence political removal electorate punishment political legacy term limits party reputation Nixon pardon political scandal major abuses power public accountability politicians prosecution punishment deterrence corruption western liberal democracies impeachment American system vote of no confidence Westminster system political duties gross misconduct electoral accountability political legacy Nixon Ford pardon criminality scandal impeachment vote of no confidence electoral accountability legacy political duty corruption deterrence legal prosecution political misconduct public accountability party damage Nixon pardon political legacy western democracies political immunity gross misconduct electorate punishment political will term limits re-election scandal criminality major abuses of power public accountability politicians prosecution deterrence corruption impeachment vote of no confidence western liberal democracies political will electorate term limits legacy Nixon Gerald Ford pardon political legacy legal accountability gross misconduct major abuses of power public accountability prosecuting politicians punishment deterrence corruption impeachment vote of no confidence political duties removal from office gross misconduct electorate term limits legacy Nixon Ford pardon accountability public politicians abuses of power prosecution corruption deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence electorate legacy political will removal from office term limits legal accountability Nixon pardon scandal political duties western democracies gross misconduct reelection party damage abuse of power public accountability prosecuting politicians deter corruption impeachment vote of no confidence political removal electoral consequences party damage political legacy Nixon scandal Ford pardon abuse of power public accountability politician prosecution corruption deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence political removal electoral accountability political legacy Nixon pardon Gerald Ford Proclamation 4311 abuses of power public accountability politicians prosecution corruption deterrence western democracies impeachment vote of no confidence political will electorate term limits legacy Richard Nixon Gerald Ford Proclamation 4311 impeachment vote of no confidence electoral accountability legacy concerns legal prosecution political immunity public scrutiny term limits corruption deterrence Nixon pardon
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro04a	The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: university fees student loans financial burden higher education costs debt repayment academic performance pressure dropout rates job selection long-term debt free college education access to higher education student finance education affordability student debt crisis college affordability tuition fees student financial aid education policy economic impact of student debt education inequality student loans university fees financial burden higher education costs debt repayment educational debt college affordability student financial aid loan pressure dropout rates career choices long-term debt free university education college accessibility student performance economic impact higher education funding tuition fees student debt crisis educational inequality university fees student loans financial burden young people education costs debt pressure academic performance dropout rates career choices debt repayment working life free university education college affordability student debt higher education finance loan repayment plans economic impact long-term debt educational opportunity financial aid university fees student loans financial burden young people education costs school loans funding education United States loan pressure academic performance student dropout debt repayment job choice free university education career freedom long-term debt Brookings Institution Press National Public Radio university fees student loans financial burden young people education costs debt repayment job choice academic performance dropout rates free university education long-term debt career decisions educational access economic pressure student finance higher education funding college affordability debt-free education student debt crisis financial aid policies university fees school loans financial burden student debt tuition costs education finance higher education funding student performance pressure dropout rates job choice influence long-term debt free university education debt-free education education economics student financial aid loan repayment career choices economic burden student finances higher education affordability university fees student loans financial burden young people educational costs debt pressure academic performance dropout rates job selection debt repayment working life free education college access career choices long-term debt educational finance student debt financial aid economic impact higher education policy university fees student loans financial burden education costs tuition fees higher education debt repayment student debt financial pressure education finance free university education educational access student performance career choice long-term debt economic impact education policy financial aid student finance educational opportunity university fees student loans financial burden young people higher education college affordability debt pressure academic performance dropout rates career choices debt repayment working life free university education study options Brookings Institution Press National Public Radio University fees school loans student debt financial burden education costs college affordability debt repayment career choice free university education higher education finance student performance dropout rates long-term debt Thomas Kane Brookings Institution Press Christine Hill National Public Radio
test-environment-opecewiahw-con03a	Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displacement communities reservoir Grand Inga Inga I Inga II construction compensation Camp Kinshasa Congo benefit Ruto Sanyanga International Policy Digest Dams communities displacement reservoir Grand Inga Inga I Inga II construction water level compensation Camp Kinshasa Congo Grand Inga Dam benefits Sanyanga Ruto International Policy Digest Dams displacement communities reservoir water level Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefit construction impact relocation policy environmental social reservoir size prefabricated town historical context future prospects Ruto Sanyanga International Policy Digest dams displaced communities reservoir creation water level raising Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo Grand Inga Dam benefits Ruto Sanyanga International Policy Digest Dams communities displacement reservoir Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefits Ruto Sanyanga International Policy Digest Dams reservoir community displacement Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefit construction impact water level environmental impact social issues policy digest Ruto Sanyanga Dams displacement communities reservoir water level Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo Grand Inga Dam International Policy Digest Dams displacement communities reservoir Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefit construction water level prefabricated town policy digest Sanyanga Ruto Dams Displacement Communities Reservoir Grand Inga Construction Inga I Inga II Compensation Camp Kinshasa Congo Benefits Grand Inga Dam International Policy Digest Dams displacement communities reservoir Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefits construction water level prefabricated town policy international digest Sanyanga Ruto
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro03a	Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. affirmative action university diversity minority students negative perceptions elite institutions student population racial stereotypes quotas disadvantaged students campus cultural climate educational equity inclusive education university admissions social integration racial representation higher education access student demographics enrolment strategies institutional image educational barriers affirmative action quotas minority students university diversity negative perceptions campus climate race top universities talented potential students welcoming environment organic change encouragement disadvantaged students Ancis J.R. Student perceptions of campus cultural climate Journal of Counselling and Development affirmative action quotas university admissions negative perceptions elite institutions minority students student population campus climate diversity talent applications stereotypes racism cultural environment higher education educational equity inclusion representation recruitment strategies college access disadvantaged students long-term impact short-term measures Ancis research counseling and development race relations institutional change policy implementation societal attitudes student experience educational barriers outreach programs educational opportunities social justice equity in education Affirmative action quotas changing student perceptions minority representation university diversity inclusive environments overcoming stereotypes encouraging applications disadvantaged students campus cultural climate racial diversity higher education access positive university image talent attraction educational equity social inclusion institutional welcoming combating racism systemic change student body transformation long-term impact immediate measures policy intervention educational barriers perception shift demographic shift inclusive recruitment practices academic community cultural representation minority students elite institutions application encouragement supportive learning environment equitable opportunities social mobility academic success diverse perspectives enriched educational experience proactive measures achieving Affirmative action quotas university diversity minority students application rates elite institutions campus climate racial perceptions education equity student demographics talent recruitment institutional inclusion higher education access cultural representation academic environment social integration education policy affirmative action benefits student body composition educational opportunities disadvantaged students long-term impact short-term measures university admissions diversity initiatives inclusive education equity in education racial diversity campus inclusivity minority representation higher education challenges educational stereotypes student population makeup cultural climate higher education reform educational disparities affirmative action necessity student retention university life affirmative action university diversity minority student enrollment changing university perceptions combating university stereotypes increasing campus inclusivity student body representation elite institution accessibility educational equity racial representation in higher education Affirmative action quotas campus diversity minority students university admissions elitism student body composition racial perceptions educational equity college application barriers campus climate cultural inclusivity higher education access underrepresented groups academic representation proactive recruitment student experience institutional racism talent pool higher education reform policy intervention social integration educational opportunity inclusive education student demographic positive perception institutional change academic community minority representation academic diversity student recruitment campus culture educational outreach stereotype challenge affirmative recruitment educational barriers student engagement academic environment socio-economic factors equity in education affirmative action quotas university diversity minority students negative perceptions campus climate student population talented potential students elite institutions racial stereotypes inclusive environment disadvantaged students higher education equity application rates underrepresented groups affirmative action university diversity student perceptions elite institutions minority students quotas cultural climate campus inclusivity application rates educational equity affirmative action university diversity student perceptions minority students elite institutions campus climate racial demographics quota systems educational equity application rates disadvantaged students institutional inclusivity higher education access cultural representation academic environment recruitment strategies student body composition social stereotypes educational barriers policy interventions
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro03a	The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. creative commons copyright artists reach markets internet mass media 21st century flexibility viral impact earnings Nine Inch Nails commercial uses distribution state sharing mandating art licenses Creative Commons copyright artists reach markets internet mass media 21st century flexibility viral impact earnings Nine Inch Nails control commercial use recognition distribution artistic control state sharing mandate art licensing Creative Commons artists reach markets traditional copyright licensing internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility viral impact recognition earnings Nine Inch Nails commercial uses control distribution state sharing mandating art licenses creative commons effective means artists build expand reach markets traditional copyright licensing arrangements internet 21st century mass media freedom flexibility go viral major impact generate name earnings Nine Inch Nails albums 2008 commercial uses content control constricting outmoded significant reach state facilitation sharing mandating distribution art licenses Creative Commons copyright artists market expansion internet mass media 21st century viral recognition earnings Nine Inch Nails control commercial use attribution artistic reach impact state facilitation sharing distribution outmoded copyright flexibility freedom public domain licensing regulations artistic control commercialization fan engagement cultural dissemination legal framework alternative business models revenue generation content sharing digital age copyright reform artistic rights piracy consumer access marketing strategy artistic expression legal protection creative industries digital distribution fan participation public sharing cultural creative commons effective artists reach markets traditional copyright internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility go viral major impact generate name earnings Nine Inch Nails 2008 retain control commercial uses credited artistic control distribution constricting outmoded state facilitate sharing mandating distribution art creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright licensing internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility go viral impact name recognition earnings Nine Inch Nails 2008 albums Amazon MP3 sales control commercial uses credit distribution state sharing art licenses Creative Commons copyright artists reach markets internet mass media 21st century flexibility viral impact earnings Nine Inch Nails 2008 albums Amazon MP3 commercial uses recognition control distribution state facilitation sharing art licensing creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright licensing internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility viral impact name recognition earnings nine inch nails 2008 commercial uses content credit artistic control distribution state mandate art sharing creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright internet mass media 21st century flexibility viral impact earnings Nine Inch Nails commercial uses recognition control distribution state sharing mandating art licenses
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con03a	Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream politics voter decision-making key issues education economy healthcare policy marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues political impact minority representation public reaction Cameron gay marriage political distraction economic crisis celebrity minority advocacy politics voter decisions key issues education economy healthcare marginal gay rights religious freedoms environmental impact proportion votes political parties concentration detriment public reaction UK Cameron gay marriage political boost hostility distraction economic crisis celebrity involvement minority issues political movements voter decision-making key issues marginal issues education economy healthcare gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues voter impact political campaigns public reaction political support Cameron gay marriage UK politics economic crisis political distractions celebrity involvement minority interests mainstream politics advocacy issues voter decision-making key issues marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues minority issues political impact public reaction UK politics Cameron gay marriage economic crisis political distraction celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream politics voter decisions key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues minority issues political impact public reaction Cameron gay marriage political boost economic crisis distraction celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream politics voter decision-making key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues public reaction Cameron gay marriage political boost economic crisis distraction celebrity involvement minority interests mainstream politics advocacy voter decision-making key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues minority issues public reaction UK Cameron gay marriage political boost economic crisis distraction celebrity involvement minority interests political movements advocacy key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues voter behavior political impact minority issues public reaction Cameron gay marriage political boost economic crisis distraction celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream politics voter decisions key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues impact assessment minority issues political impact voter proportion public reaction UK Cameron gay marriage political distraction economic crisis celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream politics voter decision-making key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues political impact minority representation public reaction political strategies UK politics Cameron gay marriage economic crisis political distractions
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro02a	Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, migrants developed countries treatment Traiskirchen Austria Amnesty inhumane conditions aid safe transportation government services healthcare welfare cost developing countries austerity Greece refugees UNHCR human rights Aid treatment migrants developed countries inhumane conditions Amnesty Traiskirchen migrant camp Austria essential services healthcare welfare cost-effectiveness developing countries economic struggles austerity Greece refugee crisis UNHCR arrivals soar 2015 migrants developed countries treatment aid Traiskirchen Austria Amnesty inhumane conditions cost-effectiveness developing countries Greece refugee crisis healthcare welfare transportation human rights asylum seekers UNHCR migration policies European Union Aid Migrants Developed countries Traiskirchen migrant camp Austria Amnesty International Inhumane conditions Safe transportation Government services Healthcare Welfare Developing countries Cost-effectiveness Austerity Greece Refugee crisis UNHCR Refugee arrivals aid treatment migrants developed countries Traiskirchen Austria Amnesty inhumane conditions earmarked safe transportation government services healthcare welfare cost developing countries austerity Greece refugees UNHCR human rights aid migrant treatment developed countries Traiskirchen camp Austria Amnesty inhumane conditions earmarked aid safe transportation government services healthcare welfare cost efficiency developing countries austerity Greece refugee crisis UNHCR William Spindler soaring migrant numbers aid migrants treatment developed countries Traiskirchen Austria inhumane conditions Amnesty August 2015 earmarked safe transportation essential government services healthcare welfare cost developing countries developed countries austerity Greece 124 000 migrants 750% rise 2015 UNHCR William Spindler aid treatment migrants developed countries Traiskirchen migrant camp Amnesty inhumane conditions safe transportation government services healthcare welfare developing countries cost efficiency austerity Greece refugees migrant crisis UNHCR human rights economic impact social services international aid policy recommendations humanitarian assistance migration management border control asylum seekers refugee camps living conditions public health social integration economic migration legal frameworks migrant rights migrants developed countries treatment aid Traiskirchen Austria Amnesty inhumane conditions safe transportation government services healthcare welfare cost-effectiveness developing countries austerity Greece refugee crisis UNHCR human rights migrant treatment developed countries inhumane conditions aid provision cost-effectiveness migrant crisis Greece refugee influx Amnesty International Traiskirchen camp essential services safe transportation healthcare welfare austerity measures human rights violations
test-environment-aiahwagit-con04a	Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses deterrent thrill illegal hunting close calls challenges independence protection game reserves necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition opportunities Africans licit work alternative livelihood terrorist attacks extinction West Africa heavy-handed poaching motivations tougher responses deter thrill illegal hunting challenges independence protection game reserves necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition alternative livelihood sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist attacks West Africa lions heavy handed poaching motivations tougher responses illegal hunting thrill seeking game reserves poachers necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition alternative livelihood sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist funding West Africa lions heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers close calls challenges independence increased protection game reserves necessity-driven poaching rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition alternative livelihood economic opportunities sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist funding West Africa lions wildlife conservation socioeconomic factors enforcement strategies heavy-handed poaching motivations illegal hunting thrill challenges independence game reserves necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition Africans livelihood alternative work terrorism extinction lions West Africa heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses illegal hunting thrill of poaching close calls challenges independence poaching necessity rhinoceros horn value bush meat nutrition source poaching opportunities alternative livelihood animal protection failures sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses poacher deterrents illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers close calls challenges sense of independence increased protection game reserves necessity-driven poaching rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition source alternative livelihoods sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses poacher psychology thrill-seeking behavior illegal hunting game reserve protection poaching necessity economic incentives rhinoceros horn value bush meat nutrition alternative livelihoods sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa conservation strategies community engagement sustainable alternatives heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses poachers illegal hunting thrill illegal status close calls challenges sense of independence increased protection game reserves necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition Africans licit work alternative livelihood poachers illegal ivory trade terrorist attacks lion extinction West Africa Heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses illegal hunting thrill-seeking illegal status close calls challenges sense of independence game reserves poachers out of necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition alternatives livelihood African poachers sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist attacks lion extinction West Africa
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con04a	Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 diplomacy transparency health leadership negotiations public knowledge reliability decision-making historical context Nixon Mao China United States diplomatic relations Zhou Enlai repudiation undermining deals alignment secrecy personal diplomacy political stability international relations health concealment diplomatic effectiveness public opinion trust authority historical events leadership impact diplomatic history Damages diplomacy transparency leader's health negotiations Nixon China Mao health secrecy diplomatic alignment public knowledge deal reliability Zhou Enlai historical diplomacy Cold War relations leadership influence personal diplomacy political advisors repudiation undermining deals international relations US-China relations diplomatic history 20th century diplomacy diplomacy transparency health leadership negotiation deals public knowledge reliability decision-making advisers repudiation undermining Nixon Mao China United States historical diplomacy diplomatic alignment Macmillan Margaret Seize the Hour John Murray London 2006 p.76 Diplomacy transparency leadership health negotiations Nixon Mao China United States public knowledge reliability decision-making advisers Zhou Enlai diplomatic alignment historical context secrecy trust political stability international relations damages diplomacy transparency health negotiations personal individual leader public deal reliability opposition repudiation undermining historical alignment Nixon Mao China USA Zhou Enlai advisers Macmillan Seize the Hour diplomacy transparency leader's health Nixon China Mao diplomatic initiatives personal involvement negotiation public knowledge deal reliability repudiation advisers Zhou Enlai historical context diplomatic alignment secrecy decision-making political opposition health impact on diplomacy diplomatic negotiations transparency leader's health public knowledge Nixon Mao China United States diplomatic alignment historical diplomacy political reliability public opinion international relations secrecy in diplomacy personal diplomacy Zhou Enlai repudiation of deals undermining agreements diplomatic integrity trust in diplomacy diplomacy transparency health leadership negotiations public knowledge political reliability deal-making international relations Nixon Mao China United States historical diplomacy secrecy personal diplomacy leader's role Zhou Enlai diplomatic alignment repudiation undermining deals transparency leader's health diplomatic negotiations public knowledge deal reliability Mao's ill health Nixon China diplomatic alignments Zhou Enlai repudiate deal undermine deal historical diplomacy international relations secrecy in diplomacy personal diplomacy leadership role health secrecy political advisers diplomatic success public perception deal authenticity international politics historic meetings diplomatic changes health impact on diplomacy leadership health secrecy diplomatic reliability public influence on diplomacy health and leadership diplomatic trust political health international negotiations diplomatic secrecy leadership illness public awareness diplomatic outcomes health and politics leadership damages diplomacy transparency leader's health Nixon China Mao ill health diplomatic alignments public knowledge reliability decision-making repudiation undermining historical context political negotiations personal diplomacy leadership health secrecy international relations diplomatic success public perception adviser influence Zhou Enlai diplomatic reliability political stability
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con02a	"Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal policing financing unmanageable non-voters fines UK taxpayers civil servants administrative costs US Australia voting population financial impact bureaucratic costs policing financing unmanageable non-voter fines UK voters government demand letters court proposition enfranchise tax payers expand civil servants processes impact financial individual countries US Australia voting population bureaucratic costs ballot evaluate exponentially increase policing financing unmanageable non-voter fine UK voters government demand letters court enfranchise tax payers civil servants administer enforce impact financial individual countries US Australia voting population bureaucratic costs ballot evaluation exponentially increase Policing financing unmanageable non-voter fine UK voters government demand letters court proposition enfranchise tax payers civil servants processes impact financial individual countries US Australia voting population bureaucratic costs ballot evaluation Policing financing unmanageable voting fines non-voters UK tax payers civil servants administration enforcement financial impact countries US Australia ballot evaluation bureaucratic costs policing financing system unmanageable non-voter fine UK voters government chase demand letters court measure hurts enfranchise least pay tax payers expand civil servants create administer enforce processes impact financial countries US voting population Australia cost ballot evaluate bureaucratic exponentially increase policing financing system unmanageable non-voters fines UK voters court enfranchise tax payers civil servants administrative costs US Australia ballot evaluation bureaucratic impact financial exponential increase policing financing unmanageable non-voter fine UK voters government demand letters court enfranchise tax payers civil servants administer enforce processes impact financial countries US voting population Australia cost ballot evaluate bureaucratic exponentially increase policing financing unmanageable non-voter fine UK voters tax civil servants administrative costs US Australia voting population bureaucratic costs ballot evaluation enforce impact financial proposition enfranchise voting non-voters fines enforcement cost taxation civil servants bureaucracy electoral systems financial impact Australia US voter turnout compulsory voting economic burden administrative expenses legal costs government expenditure public policy electorate engagement"
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro02a	Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 blind obedience authority genocide Rwanda Akazu media control propaganda divisionism Tutsi Hutu RTLM radio newspapers assassination Agathe Uwilingiyimana freedom of speech press restrictions conflict prevention reconciliation debate historical analysis blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU media control Hutu Tutsi propaganda divisionism RTLM killings assassination Agathe Uwilingiyimana freedom of speech press freedom Rwanda conflict prevention reconciliation historical analysis Blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU controlled media Hutu Tutsi propaganda divisionism newspapers radio RTLM extremism killings Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana government restrictions freedom of speech press Rwanda conflict reconciliation debate analysis prevention Frank Chalk Radio propaganda and genocide Blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU media control Hutu population government propaganda divisionism Tutsi hatred RTLM radio killings extremism assassination Agathe Uwilingiyimana freedom of speech press censorship reconciliation conflict prevention Rwanda historical analysis debate past healing Frank Chalk Radio propaganda and genocide Concordia.ca November 1999 Blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU media control Hutu Tutsi propaganda divisionism radio RTLM assassination Agathe Uwilingiyimana freedom of speech press restrictions conflict prevention Rwanda reconciliation debate past analysis Blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU controlled media Hutu population government propaganda divisionism Tutsi snakes cockroaches newspapers Hutu extremists killings radio RTLM speeches unity Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana government restrictions policies ideas manipulating freedom of speech press conflict healing reconciling Rwanda freedom debate past analysis necessary one-sided exacerbates Blind obedience authority genocide AKAZU media manipulation Hutu Tutsi propaganda divisionism RTLM assassination Agathe Uwilingiyimana freedom of speech press restrictions Rwanda conflict prevention reconciliation historical debate Frank Chalk radio propaganda blind obedience authority AKAZU media control Hutu population government propaganda divisionism Tutsi snakes cockroaches newspapers RTLM Hutu extremists killings Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana government restrictions freedom of speech press restrictions genocide Rwanda debate past analysis conflict prevention one-sided narratives reconciliation Frank Chalk Radio propaganda and genocide Concordia.ca November 1999 genocide blind obedience authority media control propaganda divisionism AKAZU Hutu Tutsi RTLM assassination Agathe Uwilingiyimana freedom of speech press restrictions Rwanda conflict prevention reconciliation historical analysis Blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU media control Hutu obedience government propaganda divisionism Tutsi snakes cockroaches newspapers Hutu extremists RTLM killings speeches unity Agathe Uwilingiyimana government restrictions question policies genocide prevention freedom of speech press restrictions conflict Rwanda debate past reconciliation healing Frank Chalk Radio propaganda Concordia.ca
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro02a	"Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. casual sex barrier methods contraception Catholic Church AIDS HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity moral standards Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex AIDS HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae moral standards marital infidelity artificial birth control responsible action sexual behavior health risks religious teachings contraception ethics casual sex barrier methods contraception Catholic Church AIDS HIV marital infidelity moral standards Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex AIDS/HIV moral standards Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity responsible action artificial birth control Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex moral standards AIDS HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae artificial birth control marital infidelity sexual ethics religious teachings health responsibility Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex AIDS/HIV moral standards Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity responsible action artificial birth control Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex AIDS HIV moral standards marital infidelity Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI artificial birth control responsible stance sexual behavior religious teachings public health Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex HIV AIDS Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity moral standards artificial birth control Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex AIDS HIV marital infidelity moral standards Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI artificial birth control responsible action health concerns religious teachings sexual behavior contraception use public health ethical implications casual sex barrier methods contraception Catholic Church AIDS HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity moral standards"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con03a	Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. freedom of speech offensive views gay rights public safety universal principle homophobic beliefs protest rights expression equality homosexual legality public order speech curtailment global majority self-defeating silencing gay pride marches Hammond's protest UK public opinion freedom of speech gay rights public safety offensive speech self-defeating universal principle direct threat Hammond gay pride marches protest freedom of expression public order homosexuality UK poll legality of homosexual acts freedom of speech gay rights offensive speech public safety Hammond gay pride marches freedom of expression homosexuality legal status public order protest rights universal principle speech curtailment majority view sexual orientation civil liberties democratic values human rights societal norms tolerance diversity inclusivity protest laws public demonstrations legal protections offense principle speech regulation harm principle ethical arguments moral disputes social cohesion cultural sensitivity legal debates political discourse freedom vs. restriction speech codes civic engagement minority rights majority opinions constitutional rights free speech advocacy freedom of speech silencing offensive views gay rights universal principle direct threat public safety global majority Hammond gay pride marches freedom of expression equal application offensive speech public order Sex uncovered poll The Guardian UK homosexuality views freedom of speech universal principle public safety gay rights offensive views self-defeating Hammond gay pride marches protest freedom of expression homosexuality illegal UK poll public order equal treatment speech curtailment direct threat majority view global perspective Sex uncovered poll The Guardian freedom of speech offensive views gay rights public safety speech curtailment global majority view UK public opinion homosexual sex legality gay pride marches Hammond's protest equal freedom of expression freedom of speech self-defeating gay rights public safety Hammond gay pride marches freedom of expression homosexuality offensive speech protest public order speech curtailment universal principle majority view UK poll Sex uncovered poll The Guardian freedom of speech universal principle public safety offensive speech gay rights legal restrictions homosexual legality public order protest rights expression equality speech curtailment minority views gay pride marches societal views Hammond's protest free expression self-defeating silencing speech threats majority opinion homosexual sex legality UK public opinion sex uncovered poll The Guardian freedom of speech gay rights offensive views self-defeating public safety universal principle direct threat gay pride marches Hammond's protest expression equality UK homosexuality poll public order significant global view minority opinions speech curtailment offensive speech freedom of speech universal application public safety gay rights offensive speech gay pride marches Hammond's protest freedom of expression homosexuality public order speech curtailment significant global view
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro04a	Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator speaking against smoking substance abuse students access pictures drinking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo facebook page friend acquaintance undermining strict separation personal professional life social media online boundaries teacher-student interaction digital footprint professional image public behavior private life impact education ethics social networking privacy online presence reputation management teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator smoking substance abuse students pictures drinking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo Facebook friend acquaintance separation personal professional life online interaction social media professionalism ethics teaching digital footprint reputation management teacher personal life educational message access private information photos weakening position educator speak against smoking substance abuse pictures drinking principal bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo facebook page friend acquaintance separation personal professional life rules pupil teacher interaction online scandal school facebook hallway teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position speak against smoking substance abuse students access pictures drinking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo Facebook careful inappropriate page friend acquaintance strict separation professional life incidents social online 互动规则 pupil teacher interaction CyberEthics digital footprint online behavior professional integrity educational leadership social media policy school policy privacy settings online presence teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator speaking against smoking substance abuse student access pictures drinking smoking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo Facebook page friend acquaintance undermining strict separation professional life incidents online interaction social media privacy professionalism public image school policy digital footprint teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator speaking against smoking substance abuse student access pictures drinking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo Facebook friend acquaintance incident separation personal professional online interaction social media teaching professionalism digital footprint privacy reputation education social networks classroom discipline policy guidelines ethics public image influence role model boundaries interaction digital citizenship cybersafety online presence social guidelines technology use teacher-student relationships confidentiality teacher personal life educational message access private information photos weakening educator speak smoking substance abuse students pictures drinking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo facebook page friend acquaintance undermining separation professional life incidents social online pupil interaction rules Megan Keneally The Daily Mail Jennifer Preston The New York Times teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator smoking substance abuse students pictures drinking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo Facebook friend acquaintance separation personal professional life social media interaction online privacy professional boundaries misconduct digital footprint reputation management ethical standards educational integrity teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator smoking substance abuse students pictures drinking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo Facebook friend acquaintance separation professional life incidents online interactions social media teaching profession ethical dilemmas digital footprint online presence classroom authority professional boundaries social norms student-teacher relationship digital citizenship privacy online safety school policies educator professionalism social media guidelines digital ethics privacy settings online behavior teacher reputation digital literacy media literacy cyberbul teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator speak against smoking substance abuse students access pictures drinking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo Facebook friend acquaintance undermining separation professional life social media online interaction rules pupil teacher boundaries professional integrity digital footprint privacy online presence school policy educator professionalism public image cyber ethics digital citizenship social networking professional conduct
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con03a	Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, partial birth abortion D&X abortion safer alternatives abortion risks premature labour induction hysterotomy mortality rates emotional difficulty back-street methods self-harm abortion procedures maternal health late-term abortion population health family health partial birth abortions D&X abortion safer alternatives abortion risks premature labor induction mortality rates emotional difficulty hysterotomy womb removal back-street methods self-harm late-term abortion suicidal determined Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department Population and Family Health abortion procedures maternal health abortion legislation medical ethics partial birth abortion safer alternatives D&X procedure minimum risk mother banning premature labour induction mortality rates emotionally difficult hysterotomy womb removal late abortion suicidal back-street methods self-harm Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department Population and Family Health abortion research partial birth abortions safer alternatives D&X abortion procedure minimal risk mother's health banning D&X premature labour induction higher mortality rates emotional difficulty hysterotomy womb removal late-term abortions suicidal tendencies back-street methods self-harm Population and Family Health partial birth abortions D&X abortion procedure risk for mother banning D&X premature labour induction mortality rates emotionally difficult hysterotomy womb removal late partial birth abortions suicidal back-street methods self-damage Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health partial birth abortions D&X abortion procedure safer alternatives mortality rates premature labour induction emotional difficulty hysterotomy womb removal back-street methods self-harm late-term abortions suicidal determined abortion safety health risks population and family health partial birth abortions D&X abortion safety risk mother banning alternatives premature labour induction mortality rates emotional difficulty hysterotomy womb removal late abortions suicidal back-street methods self-damage Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department Population and Family Health partial birth abortions D&X abortion safer alternatives minimal risk mother's health premature labor induction mortality rates emotional difficulty hysterotomy womb removal late-term abortion suicidal individuals back-street methods self-harm abortion procedures maternal safety health risks partial birth abortions D&X abortion safer alternatives risk reduction maternal health premature labor induction mortality rates emotional impact hysterotomy womb removal late-term abortions suicidal tendencies back-street methods self-harm abortion procedures population health family health partial birth abortions D&X procedure safer alternatives premature labour induction hysterotomy mortality rates emotional difficulty back-street methods abortion risks maternal health late-term abortion suicide risk population health family health abortion procedures medical abortion surgical abortion abortion legislation abortion safety abortion complications public health reproductive health abortion debate abortion policy abortion statistics abortion education abortion counseling abortion alternatives abortion research abortion ethics abortion law abortion rights abortion clinics abortion providers abortion restrictions abortion bans abortion safety standards abortion regulations abortionchoice abortion access
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con04a	Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties coalitions political ideologically broad churches factions ideological spectrum republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal moderate national security issues policies candidates platform compromise wings Primaries Single-Party Government oversight party members representative interests clear coherent self-corrected ideological streams GOP Drew Westen Five Strands Conservatism unraveling parties coalitions political ideologically broad churches factions ideological spectrum republicans movements social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal moderate national security issues policies platform candidates compromise wings primaries single-party government oversight members representative interests clear coherent self-corrected ideological streams westen drew five strands gop unraveling huffpost parties coalitions political factions ideologies republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives national security issues conservatism policies party platform primaries single-party government oversight interests clear policies coherent policies self-correction ideological streams gop strands of conservatism drew westen huffpost Parties as coalitions ideologically broad churches different factions ideological spectrum republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives moderate national security conservatism issues conservatism policies party platform compromise different wings primaries single-party government oversight party members representative interests clear policies coherent policies self-corrected ideological streams Drew Westen Five Strands of Conservatism GOP unraveling coalitions political parties ideological spectrum factions republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives national security conservatism issues conservatism party platform primaries single-party government policy oversight ideological streams GOP Drew Westen HuffPost Parties coalitions political parties ideologically broad churches factions ideological spectrum republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives moderate national security conservatism issues conservatism policies designed strands party platform candidates compromise wings Primaries Single-Party Government oversight party members representative interests clear coherent policies self-corrected ideological streams Drew Westen Five Strands Conservatism GOP Unraveling Parties coalitions political factions ideological spectrum Republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism Tea Party fiscal moderate national security issues policies platform candidates compromise wings Primaries Single-Party Government oversight representative interests clear coherent self-corrected ideological streams Drew Westen Five Strands GOP unraveling HuffPost Parties coalitions political ideologically broad churches factions ideological spectrum republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal moderate national security issues policies candidates platform compromise wings Primaries Single-Party Government oversight representative interests coherent self-corrected ideological streams GOP unraveling Parties coalitions political factions ideological spectrum Republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism Tea Party fiscal moderate national security issues policies platform candidates compromise wings Primaries Single-Party Government oversight representative interests clear coherent self-corrected ideological streams GOP unraveling Drew Westen HuffPost parties coalitions political ideologically broad churches factions positions ideological spectrum republicans movements social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal moderate national security issues policies platform candidates compromise wings primaries single-party government oversight members representative interests clear coherent self-corrected strands gop unraveling westen drew huffpost
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con01a	Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. workplace conduct employment rules job responsibility religious freedom faith and work personal choice professional consequences employment conflict religious belief workplace accommodation job satisfaction legal responsibility employer expectations employee rights workplace diversity religious expression job alternatives employment decisions faith practices workplace norms personal values work-life balance employer-employee relationship religious symbolism workplace policies employment law personal convictions professional behavior job expectations faith-based choices workplace regulations religious tolerance employment disputes job performance personal responsibility workplace ethics religious identity job commitment employment practices faith-based actions workplace Employers workplace conduct job acceptance rules compliance workplace rules job choice faith conflict religious belief employment consequences faith demonstration workplace faith expression employer responsibility court responsibility religious freedom workplace accommodation faith-based choices employment conflict resolution workplace rules employment conditions job acceptance work-life conflict religious beliefs faith and work employment choices job consequences religious symbols workplace attire employer responsibility legal responsibility personal choice religious freedom workplace rules job acceptance faith conflict employment choice religious belief workplace conduct job consequences faith demonstration employer responsibility court involvement workplace conduct employment rules job acceptance faith-life conflict religious belief employment consequences personal choice workplace rules faith demonstration employer responsibility court responsibility job conflict religious freedom employment conflict personal responsibility workplace accommodation faith-based actions employment expectations religious expression job alternatives workplace conduct employment rules job acceptance work-life conflict religious belief faith choices workplace accommodation religious symbols employment consequences legal responsibility workplace rules employment acceptance job choice work-life conflict religious faith biblical context job consequences faith priority religious symbols workplace attire employer responsibility court jurisdiction personal choice faith expression employment conflicts legal consequences religious freedom professional conduct workplace regulations employment rights workplace rules employment conditions job choice religious conflict faith and work personal beliefs workplace conduct employment consequences religious freedom job alternatives voluntary religious practice faith expression employment vs religion employer responsibility court jurisdiction workplace conduct employment rules job choice work-life conflict religious freedom faith and employment workplace religious expression employer responsibility court jurisdiction personal choices professional consequences faith-based decisions religious symbols workplace accommodation workplace rules job acceptance faith conflict employment choice religious belief workplace conduct faith demonstration employer responsibility court intervention job consequences
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro02a	Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE poor people Africa financial capital investment security livelihoods key skills Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative Senegal Mali food security women’s empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence Kim et al 2007 community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health livelihood security Village Savings and Loans Associations Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence startup capital food security community empowerment microfinance development savings informal community-based approach household risk financial capital education health future livelihood security key skills startup capital food security women’s empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence reduction community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment food security community bond gender-based violence reduction community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative Senegal Mali food security women's empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence Kim et al 2007 community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health future security livelihoods key skills Oxfam Savings for Change women Senegal Mali food security women’s empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender based violence Kim et al 2007 CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations poor people Africa startup capital informal savings community-based approach community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health household risk Oxfam Savings for Change women empowerment food security gender-based violence financial decision-making community bond startup capital informal finance poverty reduction microcredit grassroots development local initiatives economic empowerment social impact financial literacy training lending investment livelihood security Africa Mali Senegal community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa informal savings CARE household risk financial capital education health Village Savings and Loans Associations poor people financial skills Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment Mali Senegal food security gender-based violence community bond Kim et al 2007 community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health future security livelihoods skills Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative Senegal Mali food security women's empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence Kim et al 2007 community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment food security gender-based violence financial decision-making community bond startup capital household risk informal savings financial capital investment livelihood security
test-international-miasimyhw-pro01a	Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities East African Community Common Market Protocol regional poverty migration labour mobility European labour market Euro-crisis unemployment social welfare job disparities productivity disparities EU member states free movement productivity labour market knowledge sharing competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities market access East African Community Common Market Protocol regional poverty labour mobility migration risk Europe labour market flexibility unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare job disparities growth disparities productivity disparities free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities Common Market Protocol East African Community regional poverty labour mobility Euro-crisis unemployment social welfare migration job disparity EU productivity Free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions economic efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities Common Market Protocol East African Community regional poverty labour mobility European labour market Euro-crisis unemployment social welfare migration job disparities growth disparities productivity disparities Free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities East African Community Common Market Protocol regional poverty labour mobility migration risks Europe labour productivity unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare disparities job growth EU free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic productivity employment opportunities Common Market Protocol East African Community regional poverty labour mobility European labour market Euro-crisis unemployment social welfare migration disparities job growth free movement productivity labor market knowledge sharing ideas socio-cultural traditions competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities East African Community Common Market Protocol 2010 barriers people services capital goods regional poverty labor mobility migration risk Europe labor market flexibility unemployment Spain Ireland Greece Euro-crisis social welfare migration job disparities growth disparities productivity disparities EU free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing idea exchange socio-cultural traditions competition economic efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities market access East African Community Common Market Protocol regional movement citizen mobility poverty reduction labour mobility migration risk European labour market Euro-crisis unemployment social welfare job disparities growth disparities productivity disparities free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth Common Market Protocol East African Community labour mobility regional poverty employment opportunities flexible labour market Europe unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare migration job disparities growth disparities productivity disparities free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth East African Community Common Market Protocol regional poverty labour productivity Europe flexible labour market unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare migration disparities jobs growth
test-religion-frghbbgi-con03a	The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, rareness of life fine-tuned conditions distance from sun magnetic field atmospheric composition Earth's unique conditions extraterrestrial life fine-tuning argument divine intervention cosmic rarity habitable planets astrobiology extraterrestrial habitability solar radiation protection planetary magnetic fields atmospheric conditions for life life evolution God and life McAlpine Kate physicsworld 2011 study extraterrestrial life rarity fine-tuned universe debate rareness of life fine conditions distance from sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition Earth life evolution unlikely divine intervention extraterrestrial life rare McAlpine physicsworld.com 2011 rareness of life fine set conditions right distance sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition rare conditions Earth life unlikely probability God intervention extraterrestrial life physicsworld Kate McAlpine 2011 article rareness of life conditions for life distance from sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition fine-tuned conditions Earth's uniqueness extraterrestrial life God's intervention fine-tuning argument planetary habitability astrobiology origin of life rare Earth hypothesis cosmic fine-tuning scientific explanations theological implications rareness of life fine conditions distance from sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition earth extraterrestrial life unlikely divine intervention god Kate McAlpine physicsworld.com 2011 rare life fine conditions distance from Sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition Earth conditions extraterrestrial life God intervention McAlpine physicsworld.com rareness of life fine conditions for life distance from sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition Earth's uniqueness extraterrestrial life God's intervention fine-tuning argument habitable planets astrobiology McAlpine physicsworld 2011 rareness of life fine conditions for life distance from sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition conditions for life Earth's unique conditions unlikely life God's intervention extraterrestrial life rarity of life planetary conditions life evolution fine-tuned universe astrobiology habitable planets cosmic fine-tuning intelligent design abiogenesis conditions rareness life fine conditions Earth solar distance magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition existence probability God intervention extraterrestrial life McAlpine physicsworld 2011 rareness of life fine set of conditions right distance from Sun magnetic field solar radiation deflection atmospheric composition rare conditions Earth life evolution unlikely probability God intervention extraterrestrial life McAlpine physicsworld.com 2011
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con03a	Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state isolation employee rights union representation social inclusion government employment labor rights bargaining power worker isolation union support public service state-employee relationship union suppression worker disengagement societal contribution government workforce collective action bargaining freedom union rights labor legislation worker solidarity state intervention employment rights union activities worker protection labor laws public sector unions collective representation state-union dynamics worker advocacy societal impact government accountability labor relations union membership collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state isolation union representation society integration worker rights Michael Bloomberg New York Times union limitation public sector morale state employer relationship collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association individual rights group representation right to assembly public sector workers state employer union rights labor rights employee rights worker representation assembly rights union representation public workers state and labor Michael Bloomberg New York Times union limitations pay limits union impact public sector unions state and unions worker isolation societal integration labor laws employment rights worker freedom union activities assembly freedom collective representation worker rights state workers union benefits public service labor relations union laws union freedoms labor disputes state and collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state employer union representation social isolation public sector unions Michael Bloomberg New York Times limit pay union rights collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state employment union representation social isolation worker rights michael bloomberg new york times union limits pay restrictions collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state as employer union representation social isolation Michael Bloomberg New York Times limit pay union rights labor unions employee rights government workers union activities collective agreements labor relations worker solidarity public sector unions union suppression bargaining power labor movement worker protection employment rights union membership state intervention worker benefits collective action labor laws worker autonomy union freedom state regulation worker empowerment bargaining process labor disputes union leadership collective voice public service collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression representative selection right to assembly public sector workers state employer isolation societal participation Michael Bloomberg New York Times 27/02/2011 collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association right to assembly free expression public sector workers state as employer union rights labor rights worker representation societal integration Bloomberg union limitations pay restrictions New York Times collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state as employer union rights labor rights employee representation social isolation public sector reform union restrictions workforce morale government employee relations labor unions worker rights collective agreements bargaining power labor laws employment rights union membership public sector unions union activities worker isolation state employment labor representation bargaining freedom assembly rights association rights union freedoms worker advocacy labor protection collective action union engagement union organization state workers workplace rights labor market unionization collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association right to assembly public sector workers state as employer union representation worker isolation societal inclusion Michael Bloomberg New York Times union limitations public sector unions state worker rights
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con04a	"Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Verification arms control START treaty New START trust monitoring commitments telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles compliance treaty flaws Heritage Foundation Baker Spring verification arms agreements trust monitoring mechanisms START treaty New START Heritage Foundation Baker Spring telemetry inspections deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicle elimination verification standards treaty compliance missile performance electronic transmissions inspection bias verification regime weaknesses verification arms control trust monitoring commitments treaty compliance START New START telemetry inspections deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles weaknesses verification standards Heritage Foundation Baker Spring verification arms control trust comprehensive mechanisms monitoring commitments verification system faith agreement bypass expired START New START robust verification telemetry missile performance compliance inspections Russian bias warheads ICBMs submarine-launched ballistic missiles SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles verification standards flaws Baker Spring Heritage Foundation Verification arms control New START START treaty telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles trust compliance Heritage Foundation Baker Spring treaty flaws monitoring commitment reduction effectiveness elimination verification standards electronic transmissions missile performance bias robustness Verification Arms control Trust Comprehensive mechanisms Monitoring Commitments START treaty New START Telemetry Inspections Warheads ICBMs SLBMs Mobile ICBMs Delivery vehicles Treaty compliance Heritage Foundation Baker Spring Treaty flaws Verification arms control trust comprehensive monitoring commitments expired START New START Baker Spring Heritage Foundation telemetry inspection effectiveness warhead verification ICBMs submarine-launched ballistic missiles SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicle elimination treaty compliance Russian concerns verification regime weaknesses Verification arms control trust monitoring commitments START treaty New START telemetry inspections deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles Heritage Foundation flaws compliance missile performance verification standards reduction weaknesses abolition unfair bias treaty effectiveness Verification Arms control START treaty New START Trust Comprehensive mechanisms Monitoring Compliance Confidence-building Bypass Telemetry Inspections Deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs Mobile ICBMs Delivery vehicles Treaty flaws Heritage Foundation Baker Spring verification trust arms agreements comprehensive mechanisms monitoring commitments verification system faith bypass expired START New START robust verification telemetry missile performance compliance inspections bias deployed warheads ICBMs submarine-launched ballistic missiles SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles elimination Baker Spring Heritage Foundation flaws New START treaty"
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro01a	Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. higher education personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development secondary school professional life questioning norms critical thinking skills political debate democratic process free universities societal benefit citizen development education importance political philosophy beginner's guide students politicians societal contribution university value right to education university benefits personal development intellectual growth spiritual exploration critical thinking skills political engagement democratic process free universities educated populace societal contribution citizen development questioning norms professional life secondary school state responsibility political philosophy beginner's guide students politicians Key Degree Adam Swift higher education personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development secondary school professional life critical thinking skills political debate democratic process free universities citizen development educated populace societal benefit key degree adam swift political philosophy right to higher education personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development secondary school limitations professional life constraints critical thinking skills societal utility political engagement questioning norms democratic process free universities citizen development educated populace active citizenship political philosophy societal responsibility higher education benefits college advantages right to education university benefits personal development intellectual growth spiritual exploration critical thinking skills political engagement democratic process free universities societal benefit educated populace active citizenship questioning norms professional life secondary education political philosophy beginner's guide students politicians Key Degree Adam Swift Polity Cambridge right to higher education personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development critical thinking skills political engagement democratic process free universities societal benefit educated populace active citizenship questioning norms professional life secondary school instruction vs exploration Key Degree Adam Swift political philosophy beginner's guide higher education personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development critical thinking skills societal contribution democratic participation free universities citizen development educated populace political debate questioning norms university benefits secondary school professional life instruction following orders state responsibility democratic process political philosophy beginner's guide students politicians Key Degree Adam Swift Polity Cambridge higher education personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development critical thinking skills political debate democratic process free universities societal benefit citizen development educated populace Key Degree Adam Swift political philosophy beginner's guide students politicians higher education personal growth intellectual exploration spiritual development secondary education professional life critical thinking political debate democratic process free universities societal benefit educated populace civic engagement questioning norms university responsibility state responsibility lifelong learning academic freedom public education social mobility higher education personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development critical thinking skills political debate democratic process free universities educated populace active citizenship society benefit professional life secondary school questioning norms conventions state responsibility citizen development political philosophy beginner's guide Key Degree Adam Swift
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con04a	ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force native community intrusion national police minority areas Brixton race riots policing ethnic minority cooperation language local forces scapegoat local politicians international peace security police forces Chicago-Kent College of Law Ben Bowling Coretta Phillips Henry H. Perritt ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign forces local forces language barrier policing minorities Brixton riots lack of cooperation political scapegoat international policing peace and security ineffective enforcement community perception police representation ethnic minority communities international police forces legal enforcement challenges peacekeeping effectiveness ICC enforcement resentment foreign force legitimacy national police minority areas Brixton race riots policing ethnic minority communities cooperation language barrier local forces scapegoat local politicians international peace security international police forces ICC enforcement resentment foreign force legitimacy native arrest community reaction minority policing Brixton race riots police representation language barrier local force comparison political scapegoat international policing peace security ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force native community national police minority areas Brixton race riots lack of cooperation language barrier local forces political scapegoat international policing peacekeeping security ethnic minority policing effectiveness ICC enforcement resentment foreign force legitimacy arrest native community intrusion national police minority areas Brixton race riots policing ethnic minorities lack cooperation language barrier fewer results local forces scapegoat local politicians international peace security international police forces ICC enforcement resentment foreign force legitimacy arrest native community intrusion national police minority areas Brixton race riots anger police representation cooperation language barriers local forces scapegoat local politicians policing ethnic minority communities international peace security international police forces ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force local arrest community intrusion national police minority areas Brixton race riots lack of cooperation language barrier local forces political scapegoat international policing peace and security police representation ethnic minority communities international police forces local cooperation enforcement effectiveness ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force local community national police minority areas Brixton race riots police representation language barriers local cooperation political scapegoat peacekeeping effectiveness international police forces ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force local community minority areas Brixton race riots police representation cooperation language barrier local forces scapegoat local politicians international policing peace and security ethnic minority communities Ben Bowling Coretta Phillips Henry H. Perritt Chicago-Kent College of Law
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro02a	The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, Representative EU consultation consensus EU High Representative foreign policy security policy united voice state by state decision-making significant change agreement united front collaboration debate new identities common values Europe economic giant political dwarf military worm Gulf War European unity Craig R Whitney Representative EU consultation consensus EU High Representative foreign policy security policy unified voice state by state decision-making significant change united front trade policy environmental policy political dwarf military worm collaboration debate new identities common values Gulf War European unity EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy consultation consensus unified voice state by state agreement united front collaboration debate common values political dwarf military worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War European Unity EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy consultation and consensus unified voice state by state consultation significant change united front collaboration and debate common values European unity Gulf War EU foreign policy trade policy environmental policy Mark Eyskens political dwarf military worm Craig R Whitney EU representative consultation consensus EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy unified voice state by state foreign policy united front collaboration debate common values European unity political dwarf military worm Gulf War Craig R Whitney consultation consensus EU High Representative foreign policy state by state united front collaboration debate new identities common values Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm EU consultation consensus High Representative foreign policy unified voice state by state Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War European unity common values collaboration debate identity formation commitment EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Voice State by State Decision Making Foreign Minister Mark Eyskens Economic Giant Political Dwarf Military Worm Trade Policy Environmental Policy Collaboration Debate Common Values Identity Formation Commitment Craig R Whitney War in the Gulf European Unity EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Voice State-by-State Foreign Minister Mark Eyskens Economic Giant Political Dwarf Military Worm Unity Collaboration Debate Common Values Identity Commitment War in the Gulf Europeans Fragile Unity EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Voice State by State Foreign Minister Mark Eyskens Economic Giant Political Dwarf Military Worm War in the Gulf Europeans' Fragile Unity Common Values Collaboration Debate Identity Creation Commitment
test-environment-opecewiahw-con02a	A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, dam environment renewable electricity mega projects consequences Grand Inga oxygen content species loss Congo delta submerged area Atlantic Ocean sediment organic matter plankton carbon sink Africa mega dam impacts International Rivers dam environment renewable electricity consequences Grand Inga oxygen species Congo delta Atlantic sediment organic matter plankton carbon sink Africa mega impacts Kate Showers International Rivers dam environment renewable electricity mega projects Grand Inga oxygen content species loss Congo delta submerged area Atlantic Ocean sediment organic matter plankton carbon sink Africa Mega Dam impacts International Rivers dam environment renewable electricity Grand Inga oxygen content species loss Congo delta Atlantic Ocean carbon sink sediment organic matter plankton mega projects environmental impact Africa International Rivers dam environment renewable electricity mega projects Grand Inga oxygen content species loss Congo delta submerged area Atlantic Ocean sediment organic matter plankton carbon sink Africa Mega Dam impacts International Rivers Kate Showers dam environment renewable electricity Grand Inga oxygen content species loss Congo delta sediment organic matter Atlantic ocean plankton carbon sink mega impacts Africa dam environment renewable electricity mega projects Grand Inga oxygen content species loss Congo delta submerged area Atlantic Ocean sediment organic matter plankton carbon sink Africa mega dam impacts International Rivers environmental impact renewable energy dam projects Grand Inga oxygen levels species loss Congo River delta ecosystem Atlantic Ocean carbon sink sediment transfer plankton offshore impacts Africa mega dams sustainable development ecological consequences water quality biodiversity aquatic ecosystems climate change renewable electricity environmental consequences river systems marine life carbon cycle ecosystem services hydroelectric power environmental science conservation natural resources bioaccumulation pollution habitat destruction ecological footprint environmental management sustainable practices international rivers conservation efforts ecosystem health water management environmental policy renewable resources dam environment renewable electricity Grand Inga oxygen content species loss Congo delta submerged area Atlantic Ocean sediment organic matter carbon sink mega impacts International Rivers environmental impact renewable energy Grand Inga dam oxygen depletion species loss Congo delta sediment transport carbon sink Atlantic Ocean plankton mega projects hydroelectric power ecological consequences river systems aquatic life climate change ecosystem services water quality biodiversity loss international rivers
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro04a	The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state infringement arresting perpetrators imprisonment guilty public domain deterrent piracy internet books music films increased unenforceable music industry movie industry China DVDs bootlegs western consumers peer-to-peer networks creative commons licensing compliance public exposure adaptation copyright law artist consumer World Intellectual Property Organization internet piracy Jakarta Globe The Atlantic costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state incurs huge costs monitoring copyright infringement arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty reality stolen idea public domain deterrent effect piracy minimal internet piracy books music films increased dramatically unenforceable music movie industries annoyance DVDs China bootlegs western consumers bypassing copyright peer peer networks perpetrators caught punished severely deter future crime incidence copyright practice costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state incurs huge costs monitoring copyright infringement arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty reality stolen idea public domain deterrent effect copyright piracy efforts state firms minimal internet piracy books music films increased dramatically year 2011 unenforceable music movie industries ninety percent DVDs China bootlegs western consumers bypassing copyright peer networks fraction perpetrators costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state huge costs copyright infringement arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty reality stolen idea public domain deterrent effect copyright piracy efforts state firms minimal internet piracy books music films increased dramatically years 30% 2011 unenforceable music movie industries annoyance China DVDs bootlegs western consumers bypassing copyright peer peer networks fraction perpetrators costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state copyright infringement arresting perpetrators imprisonment guilty stolen idea public domain deterrent effect copyright piracy internet books music films increased dramatically years unenforceable music industry movie industry China DVDs bootlegs western consumers peer-to-peer networks perpetrators caught punished deter crime incidence copyright practice creative commons licensing scheme pressures draconian regime willingness compliance relaxed law artists public exposure adaptation current copyright costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state huge costs infringement arresting perpetrators imprisonment guilty nothing stolen idea public domain deterrent effect minimal internet piracy books music films dramatically increased years unenforceable music movie industries DVDs China bootlegs western consumers bypassing peer peer networks tiny fraction caught punished severely attempt deter future crime incidence practice plain simple creative commons licensing costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state incurs huge costs monitoring infringement arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty reality stolen idea public domain deterrent effect minimal internet piracy books music films increased dramatically 30% 2011 unenforceable music movie industries annoyance DVDs China bootlegs western consumers bypassing peer peer networks fraction perpetrators caught punished severely deter future crime costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state huge costs infringement arresting perpetrators imprisonment guilty nothing stolen idea public domain deterrent effect minimal internet piracy increased 2011 unenforceable music movie industries ninety percent DVDs China bootlegs western consumers bypassing peer networks fraction punished severely future crime incidence practice creative commons licensing pressures instance draconian regime willing legitimate claim copyright monitoring state expenses artist protection lawyer involvement copyright infringement imprisonment costs public domain idea ownership copyright piracy internet piracy book piracy music piracy film piracy piracy increase copyright enforcement unenforceable laws DVD bootlegs peer-to-peer networks piracy punishment crime deterrence copyright law creative commons licensing scheme less draconian public exposure artist benefit consumer benefit World Intellectual Property Organization internet piracy trends movie piracy legal adaptation 合规 public domain awareness intellectual property digital rights management legal reform artistic recognition costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state infringement arresting perpetrators imprisonment public domain deterrent piracy internet books music films unenforceable music industry movie industry China DVDs bootlegs peer-to-peer networks caught punished creative commons licensing compliance public exposure adaptation copyright law mutual benefit
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con05a	Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia animal welfare legal requirements ethical practices experimental results animal experimentation moral objections animal suffering regulatory measures laboratory animals ethical considerations animal rights scientific research humane treatment animal health animal experimentation controversy animal testing research ethics animal care animal use in research experimental animals humane practices animal pain ethical treatment research animals animal welfare laws scientific methods laboratory animal care animal testing regulations animal research ethics animal experimentation ethics animal welfare standards animal use in science research animal welfare humane animal animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia animal welfare experimental results regulation moral objections animal experimentation cruelty suffering ethical treatment laboratory animals research controversy animal rights scientific benefits humane practices animal care legal requirements good practice experimental animals veterinary care animal ethics research regulations animal testing humane standards animal protection scientific research animal advocacy laboratory conditions research ethics animal health humane treatment animal studies research animals ethical considerations animal use experimentation ethics animal welfare regulations pain relief ethical guidelines animal husbandry animal research well-treated animals experimental results animal welfare humane euthanasia pain management legal standards ethical treatment animal suffering regulation animal experimentation moral objections wild life untimely deaths human deaths research controversy ethical care laboratory animals teaching methods psychological association animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia animal health legal requirements good practice experimental results animal welfare moral objections regulation animal experimentation ethical treatment pain reduction laboratory animals research ethics animal rights scientific benefits humane treatment regulatory oversight animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia legal requirements good practice experimental results animal welfare moral objections animal experimentation controversy regulation suffering reduction ethical considerations laboratory animals research ethics animal rights humane treatment animal care scientific research public debate humane standards veterinary care animal health experimental design ethical guidelines animal testing pain relief animal protection scientific benefits animal ethics humane endpoints regulatory compliance animal models research integrity animal welfare laws public perception ethical review humane methods animal welfare policies scientific community animal rights activism animal research well-treated suffering painkillers humane euthanasia animal health legal requirements good practice experimental results better life untimely deaths moral objections animal experimentation regulation cruelty pain animal rights ethics laboratory animals research controversy humane treatment scientific benefits societal impact animal welfare laws ethical guidelines research methods humane care scientific integrity animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia animal welfare legal requirements ethical standards experimental results better life conditions wild versus laboratory untimely deaths moral objections animal experimentation regulatory oversight cruelty prevention ethical treatment pain minimization laboratory animals research ethics humane treatment animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia animal welfare legal requirements experimental results better life conditions wild animals untimely deaths moral objections animal experimentation regulation animal cruelty pain reduction ethical treatment laboratory animals research ethics animal rights scientific benefits humane treatment animal welfare pain management humane treatment laboratory animals ethical research animal rights regulatory standards scientific benefits animal care moral considerations experimental ethics animal experimentation controversy laboratory animal use animal research regulation animal suffering reduction humane euthanasia animal health research animals ethical treatment wild animal life untimely deaths moral objections animal research defense humane practices animal experimentation debate animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia legal regulations research standards experimental results animal health comparative life quality wild vs. laboratory moral objections animal experimentation controversy regulatory measures humane treatment animal rights scientific benefits laboratory animal care ethical considerations animal testing research ethics
test-environment-aiahwagit-con01a	African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects under-development globalisation The World Factbook African economies financial constraints wildlife conservation economic development international aid debt crisis poverty alleviation government spending budget deficits sustainable development policy challenges global inequality resource allocation environmental protection socio-economic issues political instability foreign investment economic growth public finance development assistance poverty reduction economic policies environmental policies fiscal policies developmental challenges conservation funding African wildlife endangered species ecological preservation economic constraints fiscal management development strategies international support poverty and conservation economic underdevelopment civil conflicts economic stability governance issues ecological management financial resources economic pressures African countries least developed countries endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects globalisation under-development causes World Factbook financial constraints wildlife conservation economic challenges developmental issues international aid sustainable development environmental protection socio-economic factors government spending fiscal policies economic growth public finances financial management resource allocation economic planning poverty reduction debt management national budget economic reform international support developmental assistance African economies fiscal deficit conservation costs wildlife management environmental policy economic pressures African countries least developed endangered animals protection civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects under-development globalisation challenges Simensen World Factbook African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection globalisation under-development African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania animal protection revenue expenditure Simensen The World Factbook African countries limited funds least developed nations endangered species protection civil wars debt poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficits Tanzania revenue expenditure financial constraints global challenges development issues African countries little money endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects least developed countries globalisation challenges under-development financial constraints conservation funding fiscal challenges African countries limited resources least developed countries endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects globalisation challenges financial constraints development issues wildlife conservation economic challenges international aid sustainability resource allocation government spending fiscal policy economic planning social issues political stability environmental protection global inequalities development assistance economic growth poverty alleviation African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania animal protection revenue expenditure Simensen World Factbook
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con03a	There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting reducing voting costs weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reform centralized election administration proportional representation political spectrum major parties dominance voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting costs of turnout weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reform proportional representation centralized election administration UK political parties political spectrum major parties dominance voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting costs of turnout weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reform centralized election administration proportional representation political spectrum major parties dominance alternatives voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement strategies eliminate barriers reduce costs turnout weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reforms proportional system political spectrum UK major parties election administration professional bureaucracy voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting election day holiday weekend voting simple registration party finance reform centralized election administration proportional representation UK political system major parties dominance political spectrum electoral reforms turnout costs voter participation political engagement democratic participation electoral strategies voter disengagement compulsory voting political barriers weekend voting election day holiday simplified registration party finance reforms proportional representation political spectrum major parties dominance election administration improvements citizen turnout costs voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting costs of turnout weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reforms centralized election administration proportional system political spectrum major parties UK politics election reforms voter engagement strategies voter disengagement compulsory voting political solutions barriers to voting election day holiday weekend voting simplified registration party finance reform proportional representation political diversity centralized election administration democratic engagement electoral reforms voter turnout political participation election costs UK electoral system major parties dominance widening political spectrum compulsory voting voter disengagement political disengagement barriers to voting election turnout costs weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reform centralized election administration proportional representation UK political system major parties dominance political spectrum diversification voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting costs of turnout weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reform centralized election administration proportional representation UK political parties major parties dominance widening the political playing field election reforms electoral system changes voter engagement strategies political spectrum multi-party systems
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro01a	Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. gender equality human rights EU endorsement workplace equality business principles political representation societal balance pan-EU justice equal rights progress stagnation proactive measures EU directives role modeling quotas global archetype effective tools women in leadership top positions Europe Morin-Chartier gender equality human rights EU workplace business principles politics society top levels representation women men pan-EU justice equal rights progress high positions Europe proactive stance Morin-Chartier EU directives model quotas archetype worldwide progress encouragement gender representation tools Gender equality human rights EU workplace business principles top levels politics society pan-EU justice equal rights progress women high positions Europe proactive stance Morin-Chartier EU directives quotas archetype global model encouragement progress tools gender representation gender equality fundamental human rights EU endorsement workplace equality business principle political representation societal equality pan-EU issue justice equal rights human rights EU directives quotas global model proactive stance women in high positions Europe progress gender representation Morin-Chartier Gender equality fundamental human rights EU endorsement workplace principles equal representation top levels politics society business national issue pan-EU problem justice equal rights lack of progress women in high positions proactive stance Morin-Chartier EU directives model quotas archetype worldwide progress gender representation tools effectiveness gender equality human rights EU endorsement workplace equality business principles political representation societal equality pan-EU issue justice equal rights EU directives quotas gender representation proactive stance Morin-Chartier archetype progress gender quotas tool effectiveness gender equality fundamental human rights EU endorsement workplace equality business principles political representation societal equity pan-EU issue justice equal rights EU directives quotas progress encouragement archetype global model proactive stance Morin-Chartier quota necessity tool effectiveness female leadership high positions Europe gender representation lack of progress gender equality human rights EU endorsement workplace equality business principles political representation societal representation pan-EU issue justice equal rights European progress women in high positions proactive stance Morin-Chartier EU directives model for others quotas archetype progress encouragement gender representation gender equality human rights EU workplace equality business principles political representation societal equality pan-EU problem justice equal rights Morin-Chartier EU directives quotas archetype progress gender representation proactive stance lack of progress women in high positions Europe fundamental rights equal representation gender equality human rights EU endorsement workplace equality business principles political representation societal equality pan-EU issue justice equal rights progress women in high positions proactive stance EU directives model quotas archetype global influence progress encouragement tool effectiveness equal representation
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con01a	Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement restricting voices oppression banning pornography freedom of choice women's sexuality self-expression art media amateur porn improvised porn self-definition sex symbols porn stars legitimate desires consenting adults freedom of expression women's rights social movements rights of social groups feminist movement censorship pornography women's sexuality self-expression sexual autonomy sex symbols porn stars consent adult content revolutionary art independent porn amateur porn media freedom sexual liberation women's choice sexual agency freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement censorship pornography self-expression sexuality sex symbols consent adult content women's choice revolutionary art media representation independent creation sexual autonomy freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement restricting voices pornography freedom of choice self-expression revolutionary art amateur porn self-definition sex symbols porn stars sex for women consenting adults freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement pornography self-expression sexuality art media consent sex symbols porn stars women's choice oppression revolutionary art independent expression sexual liberation legal regulation moral debate freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement pornography self-expression self-definition sex positivity consent women's sexuality art and media amateur porn sex symbols sex for women revolutionary art legitimate choice women's oppression restrictive policies adult content consent-based media freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement pornography censorship self-expression sexuality sex symbols porn stars consenting adults women's choice art media self-definition sex positivity revolutionary art amateur porn independent porn recognition legitimate desire desperation women's sexuality sexual autonomy female empowerment sexual liberation human rights gender equality sexual freedom artistic expression personal agency moral autonomy sexual agency sexual identity sexual expression sexual rights sexual autonomy sexual liberation sexual empowerment sexual agency sexual identity sexual expression sexual rights sexual freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement restrictions pornography self-expression sexuality art media sex symbols porn stars consent adult content revolutionary art self-definition women's choice oppression independent creation amateur porn recognition legitimate desire revolutionary ways expressive freedom women's sexuality consenting adults sex for women feminist debate media representation creative expression women's empowerment sexual liberation advocacy restrictive policies digital age gender equality human rights content regulation moral censorship feminist perspectives ethical considerations sexual autonomy adult entertainment artistic freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement censorship pornography self-expression sexuality art media sex symbols porn stars consent adult content revolutionary art women's sexuality independent media amateur porn self-definition women's choices human rights free speech empowerment sexual liberation gender equality media freedom creative expression freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement pornography self-expression sexual autonomy sex positivity consent women's sexuality censorship artistic freedom gender equality empowerment media representation human rights legal restrictions ethical considerations activists liberation public discourse
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con01a	Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, privacy leaders states health illnesses AIDS/HIV government running incapacitation William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars leadership disclosure public interest health privacy political leaders medical confidentiality state affairs governance public health political ethics leadership responsibilities citizen rights government transparency privacy leaders states citizens health illnesses AIDS HIV government running incapacitated long period President job William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Saviour of Europe Napoleonic Wars Victorian Web Marjie Bloy privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses government running incapacitation President William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars Saviour of Europe illness disclosure public right to know leadership political health transparency Denial of privacy leaders states citizen privacy health confidentiality leaders' illnesses AIDS/HIV embarrassing illnesses government functioning leader incapacitation William Pitt the Younger Napoleonic Wars Prime Minister Saviour of Europe Victorian Web Denial of privacy leaders states privacy rights citizen privacy leader health confidentiality illness disclosure government functionality leadership incapacitation public health concerns William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Napoleonic Wars political leadership ethical governance public interest private life medical privacy political ethics leadership transparency privacy leaders states citizens health illnesses AIDS HIV government running incapacitation William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars secrecy public interest medical conditions leadership political health confidentiality public right to know governance political leaders personal health state confidentiality public figures medical privacy Denial privacy leaders states citizens health AIDS HIV illnesses damage leader government running disclosure necessity incapacitation functioning William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars Saviour of Europe illness job bed Victorian Web privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses government incapacity public knowledge William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars functioning government illness job performance secrecy public interest health transparency political leadership personal privacy ethical governance privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses government running incapacitation President William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars functioning job Saviour of Europe Victorian Web Denial of privacy leaders privacy rights state leaders health AIDS/HIV leaders embarrassing illnesses government functionality leader illness disclosure William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister health Napoleonic Wars leadership
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro03a	Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. warning signal children at risk grooming trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign tell a parent another adult warning signal children at risk grooming trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign tell a parent another adult warning signal children at risk grooming child awareness trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign prompt tell parent another adult warning signal children at risk being groomed trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign tell a parent another adult warning signal children at risk grooming trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign tell a parent report abuse child safety teacher-student boundaries digital safety prevention strategies child protection laws warning signal children at risk grooming trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign prompt tell parent another adult warning signal children at risk grooming child awareness teacher trust private electronic contact legal prohibition child safety parental notification adult intervention warning signal children at risk grooming trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign tell a parent report to adult warning signal children at risk grooming trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law effective warning sign prompt disclosure parent involvement child protection teacher-student relationship digital safety legal boundaries child grooming prevention child safety grooming teacher-student relationship private communication warning signs child protection electronic contact trusted adults risk awareness reporting behavior
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro05a	"Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Catholic Church contraception barrier contraception condoms Hell eternity suffering Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae moral theology religious beliefs sexual ethics Catholic doctrine human salvation sin moral responsibility religious authority Catholic teaching condemnation doctrine of salvation Catholic Church contraception barrier methods condoms Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI eternal salvation Hell moral teachings religious beliefs sexual ethics harm reduction doctrinal stances moral responsibility contraception and religion Catholic doctrine human life procreation moral theology Catholic Church Humanae Vitae barrier contraception condoms eternal suffering Hell Pope Paul VI moral theology religious beliefs contraception ethics Catholic teaching human life sexual ethics moral responsibility divine law natural law sacrament of marriage procreation marital relations Christian morality Church doctrine religious authority human dignity moral guidelines faith and reason religious traditions doctrinal statements papal encyclicals moral philosophy ethical principles Christian living salvation eternal life moral conscience Catholic social teaching human rights contraception debate religious freedom moral decision-making Catholic Church contraception barrier methods condoms Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI eternal salvation Hell moral doctrine religious beliefs ethical stance sexual health public health religious influence moral theology Catholic teachings human life procreation marital intimacy sin damnation salvation religious authority ethical responsibility moral guidance church doctrine sexual morality reproductive health contraception ethics religious perspectives moral philosophy Catholic social teaching human dignity faith and reason moral virtues religious practices spiritual well-being pastoral care doctrinal statements religious discipline moral obligations ecc Catholic Church condoms Hell contraception God Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI moral doctrine eternal suffering religious beliefs health implications moral responsibility ethical stance contraception and religion Catholic teachings sexual ethics salvation moral authority religious authority contraception controversy Catholic Church contraception Hell Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae moral doctrine eternal salvation barrier methods religious beliefs moral responsibility human suffering ethical stance contraception morality religious teachings sexual health moral guidance spiritual salvation doctrinal stance Catholic ethics contraception and religion Catholic Church condoms contraception Hell Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae eternity suffering moral responsibility religious beliefs health reproductive rights ethics morality divine law human law ecclesiastical authority theological perspectives sin salvation sexual health public health doctrine faith papal encyclicals religious teachings moral guidance church doctrine bioethics religious ethics Christian morals Catholic morals eternal damnation contraception ethics sexual morality moral theology Catholic social teaching Catholic bioethics ecclesiastical statements religious statements moral eternity Hell Catholic Church contraception condoms God Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI salvation moral doctrine religious beliefs suffering responsibility harm reduction Catholic Church Hell contraception barrier methods condoms morality religious beliefs Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI eternal suffering human life moral teachings sexual ethics religious doctrine health implications social impact moral responsibility ethical considerations Catholic Church contraception condoms Hell Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI moral teachings religious beliefs ethical responsibilities human suffering eternal salvation reproductive health sexual morality ecclesiastical doctrine Catholic doctrine religious authority theological perspectives moral guidance Christian ethics faith and reason Church stance bioethics religious practices spiritual well-being divine law natural law conscience moral theology religious doctrine faith-based decisions religious leadership doctrinal positions moral implications religious tradition spiritual guidance moral obligations faith and practice religious teachings Catholic moral teaching"
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con02a	Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. opposition partial birth abortion abortion strategy ban abortion partial-birth abortions proportion medical view psychological view late-term abortions foetus embryo pro-life campaigning late-term foetuses pro-life abortion debate conflate abortions increase opposition abortion opposition partial-birth-abortion abortion-strategy late-term-abortions medical-view psychological-view pro-life-campaigning fetal-development embryo fetus anti-abortion-arguments abortion-debate public-opinion reproductive-rights partial birth abortion late-term abortion pro-life campaigning abortion debate medical ethics psychological impact fetal development abortion strategy opposition to abortion -abortion statistics early-stage abortion foetal appearance human rights reproductive rights moral objections legislative focus public opinion ethical considerations health care policy Opposition partial birth abortion strategy ban abortion tiny proportion medical view psychological view least controversial late-term abortions obviously distasteful late-term foetuses look like babies pro-life campaigning conflate abortions increase opposition all abortion opposition partial-birth abortion strategy ban abortion tiny proportion medical psychological least controversial late-term abortions pro-life campaigning conflate increase opposition all abortion opposition partial birth abortion strategy ban abortion tiny proportion medical view psychological view least controversial late-term abortions distasteful late-term foetuses babies embryos pro-life campaigning campaigning material conflate increase opposition all abortion opposition partial birth abortion strategy ban abortion tiny proportion medical view psychological view least controversial late-term abortions distasteful late-term foetuses look like babies pro-life campaigning conflate increase opposition all abortion partial birth abortion late-term abortions pro-life campaigning abortion ban medical ethics psychological impact foetal development early-stage abortions abortion opposition late-term foetuses pro-life strategy abortion debate foetus appearance embryonic stage distasteful procedures campaigning material anti-abortion tactics conflate abortions increase opposition abortion rights Opposition partial birth abortion strategy ban abortion general tiny proportion medical psychological un controvers ial late-term abortions distasteful late-term foetuses babies embryos pro-life campaigning material debate conflate increase opposition all abortion opposition partial birth abortion strategy ban abortion tiny proportion medical psychological late-term abortions distasteful late-term foetuses pro-life campaigning conflate increase opposition all abortion
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con03a	Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms global climate changes earth temperature acclimatization evolution food supply GM crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa third world countries low nutrient soil organic foods environmental impact shipping groceries carbon footprint sustainable agriculture climate-resilient crops biotechnology food security environmental adaptation genetic engineering drought tolerance crop improvement food distribution ecological footprint sustainable food systems Genetically modified organisms global climate changes rising earth temperature acclimatization evolution food supply future crops GM crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa genetically modified maize third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact food transportation organic foods Genetically modified organisms global climate changes rising earth temperature acclimatized foods evolutionary adaptation food supply future crops investment in GM crops drought-resistant crops Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa genetically modified maize third world countries low nutrient soil organic foods environmental impact food transportation crop genetic engineering drought-prone environments African Center for Biosafety environmental costs shipping groceries global food security genetically modified organisms prevent starvation global climate changes earth temperature rising acclimatized crops evolution time food supply future invest GM crops hotter conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre GM crops trials drought conditions Monsanto South Africa genetically modified maize third world countries low nutrient soil environment impact organic foods transport costs environmental costs shipping groceries global food security climate resilient agriculture biotechnology solutions sustainable farming practices genetically modified organisms global climate change temperature rise acclimatization evolution food supply GM crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact food transportation organic foods drought tolerance crop genetic engineering African Center for Biosafety Rosenthal Environmental Costs Shipping Groceries World Food Security Biotechnology in Agriculture Sustainable Agriculture Climate Resilience Food Production Genetic Engineering Crop Improvement Drought Resistance Food Security Sustainable Farming Environmental Sustainability Agricultural Innovation genetically modified organisms global climate changes rising earth temperature acclimatized crops evolution time frame food supply future GM crop investment drought-resistant GM crops Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa genetically modified maize third world countries low nutrient soil organic food transportation environmental impact food cultivation drought-prone environments crop genetic engineering African Center for Biosafety shipping groceries environmental costs genetically modified organisms global climate changes rising earth temperature acclimatized crops evolution timeframes food supply future GM crop investment hotter conditions adaptation Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre GM crop trials drought conditions Monsanto South Africa genetically modified maize third world countries low nutrient soil crop cultivation environmental impact food transportation organic foods nutritional content soil conditions weather conditions food security genetic engineering drought-prone environments African Center for Biosafety environmental costs shipping groceries global food distribution Genetically modified organisms GM crops global climate changes temperature rise acclimatization evolution food supply future crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa maize starvation prevention third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact organic foods food transportation drought tolerance crop genetic engineering Genetically modified organisms GM crops global climate changes rising earth temperature acclimatization evolution food supply future crops changing environment drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa starvation prevention third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact food transportation organic foods drought tolerance crop genetic engineering African Center for Biosafety shipping groceries environmental costs genetically modified organisms global climate changes earth temperature rise food acclimatization evolution timeline future food security GM crops investment heat-resistant crops Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre drought-resistant GM crops Monsanto genetically modified maize South Africa third world countries low nutrient soil organic farming environmental impact food transportation costs
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con02a	Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” employers concern clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customer expectations Christians communion workplace employee values balance tribunal crucifix Christianity belligerence belief employers employees client interests rules purpose Ms. Chaplin NHS Trust legal costs health and safety uniform policies customer expectations Christian values workplace accommodation tribunal crucifix belligerence belief job requirements balance employee rights employer policies religious expression workplace rules discrimination workplace conduct professional standards customer service employment law religious freedom workplace diversity ethical considerations company image public perception employment tribunal religious accommodation occupational health safety regulations employment practices legal action workplace safety customer satisfaction religious beliefs professional conduct employment employers interests clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customer expectations Christians communion workplace function customer needs balance employee values firing Christian belligerence belief Daily Mail crucifix tribunal work workplace policies employee values employer-client interests health and safety rules legal costs NHS Trust uniform policies customer expectations religious beliefs employment law workplace accommodation Christian values crucifix tribunal ruling belligerence job requirements employers concern clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customers Christians communion workplace lifestyles values balance belligerence belief Daily Mail Christianity crucifix tribunal Employer concerns employee respect workplace rules legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customer expectations Christian values workplace accommodation employee values job requirements work-life balance religious freedom employment termination crucifix wearing tribunal decision Christianity in workplace employers concern clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customers Christians communion workplace balance values belligerence belief crucifix tribunal Christianity employers concern clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action airlines uniform policies customers Christians communion workplace balance values fired Christianity crucifix tribunal belligerence belief employers clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customer expectations Christian values communion workplace function employee lifestyles customer needs balance employee values tribunal crucifix Christianity belligerence belief employers clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin NHS Trust legal costs health and safety legal action airlines uniform policies customers Christians communion workplace values balance verdict tribunal crucifix belligerence belief
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro01a	A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. livelihoods microfinance poverty vulnerability shocks assets finance social capital social protection financial skills sustainability IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach poverty model microfinance vulnerability shocks changes job loss assets finance social networks land life change social protection social capital aid financial skills sustainability IFAD 2013 livelihoods poverty microfinance vulnerability shocks job loss assets finance social networks land social protection social capital financial skills sustainability IFAD aid effectiveness livelihoods approach poverty alleviation microfinance benefits vulnerability reduction asset access social capital financial skills sustainable aid IFAD 2013 livelihood strategies economic resilience poverty reduction microcredit social protection community development financial inclusion economic empowerment livelihood diversification risk management sustainable development livelihoods microfinance poverty vulnerability social protection financial skills sustainability social capital assets shocks changes job loss IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction vulnerability reduction asset access social protection social capital financial skills sustainability IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction vulnerability reduction asset access social capital financial skills sustainable development social protection IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction vulnerability reduction asset access social capital financial skills sustainable development social protection IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty vulnerability shocks asset access social protection social capital financial skills sustainability IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty vulnerability social protection social capital asset access financial skills sustainable development IFAD poverty reduction economic resilience community development financial inclusion
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con02a	Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sectors monopolist wage setting worker skill specialization vocational relationship strike action monopoly power Western Liberal democracies economic regulation labor market teacher employment industry structure competition policy labor relations public sector private sector market efficiency employee mobility wage determination industrial organization economic theory labor economics vocational commitment fiduciary duty student welfare labor unions bargaining power market structure monopolistic competition public goods essential services economic impact regulatory frameworks industrial relations labor laws collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities monopolist workers wages strike action teachers vocational relationship monopoly power Western Liberal democracies efficiency single company economic sectors employment mobility fiduciary relationship student impact sector-specific skills collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sector monopolist power worker mobility vocational relationship strike action wage setting teacher qualifications fiduciary duty industry regulation competition policy labor market economic efficiency public sector employment monopoly regulation labor rights industrial relations economic impacts educational sector workforce stability public service economic theory market structure employee rights labor unions sector specific skills job security public interest economic policy monopoly effects bargaining power labor supply market dynamics industry characteristics monopolistic practices labor relations collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company worker skills employment options wage setting strike action vocational relationship monopoly power Western Liberal democracies teacher qualifications fiduciary responsibility economic efficiency public sector labor market industry regulation employee mobility collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sector worker mobility monopolist wage setting strike action vocational relationship monopoly power Western Liberal democracies teacher qualifications economic efficiency labor market dynamics collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sector monopolist power worker mobility teacher qualifications strike action vocational relationship fiduciary duty wage setting Western Liberal democracies collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company worker mobility vocational relationship monopoly power wage setting strike action teacher qualifications industry monopolist employee skills sector efficiency public sector western democracies fiduciary duty labor market economic regulation collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sector monopolist power worker mobility vocational relationship strike action wage setting employee skills public sector employment monopoly power labor market industry regulation economic efficiency competition lack workforce specialization teacher profession fiduciary duty student impact labor relations union representation bargaining power market structure industrial relations employment conditions sector monopolies job security labor rights industry standards public service economic policy sectoral monopolies monopolistic practices labor economics bargaining process union influence collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company workers monopolist wages strike action teachers vocational relationship monopoly power labor market employment options public sector economic efficiency regulatory framework workforce mobility industry characteristics collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sector worker mobility vocational relationship strike action monopoly power wage setting employee retention Western democracies economic efficiency industry regulation
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con03a	Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc partisanship political climate divided government culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging agreements core issues Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise effective government polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans House mid-terms Single-Party Government decision making partisan polarization policy consequences growing partisanship divided government American politics culture war 24-hour news partisan blogging political polarization gridlock public policy Single-Party Government effective decision making Tea Party movement Republican Party political climate dogmatic Republicans House mid-terms Barack Obama stimulus package moderate Republicans policy consequences partisan polarization Nolan McCarty Peter Ferrara Caroline Rawls partisanship divided government political climate culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise gridlock public policy polarization single-party government decision making dogmatic Republicans Congress stasis mid-terms moderate Republicans policy consequences partisan polarization growing partisanship divided government political climate culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging political agreements core issues Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party political polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans 2010 mid-terms Single-Party Government decision making political stasis Congress Nolan McCarty policy consequences partisan polarization moderate Republicans partisanship divided government culture war 24-hour news partisan blogging Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans single-party government decision making American politics political climate Barack Obama stimulus package mid-terms Nolan McCarty Peter Ferrara Caroline Rawls partisanship political climate divided government culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging agreements core issues Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans House 2010 mid-terms single-party government decision making policy consequences partisan polarization partisanship divided government political climate culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise 有效的决策 polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans House mid-terms Single-Party Government Congress stasis policy consequences growing partisanship divided government culture war 24-hour news partisan blogging agreements on core issues tea party movement republican party shift compromise effective decision making single-party government partisan polarization policy consequences gridlock public policy dogmatic republicans stasis in congress mid-term elections political climate polarization effective divided government liberalism conservatism american identity barack obama stimulus package political spectrum moderate republicans political ideology legislative gridlock political polarization house of representatives us politics political reforms bipartisan cooperation legislative effectiveness government ineff partisanship divided government political climate culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging agreement core issues Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans House mid-terms Single-Party Government decision making Ferrara Peter The American Spectator Rawls Caroline newsmax McCarty Nolan bcep.haas.berkeley.edu partisanship divided government political climate culture war 24-hour news partisan blogging Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans single-party government decision making political polarization moderate Republicans policy consequences Nolan McCarty American politics Barack Obama stimulus package political stasis Congress mid-term elections Peter Ferrara Caroline Rawls The American Spectator newsmax bcep.haas.berkeley.edu
test-religion-frghbbgi-con02a	The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. Prime mover causality cause and effect infinite regression prime cause Big Bang universe formation 14 billion years chain of causality God supernatural being reality conception Prime Mover Causality Cause and Effect Infinite Regression Prime Cause Universe Formation Big Bang Chain of Causality Natural Answer God Existence Outside Reality Prime mover causality Big Bang prime cause infinite regression universe origin supernatural God natural explanation scientific limits philosophical argument first cause cosmological argument existence of God metaphysical explanation Prime Mover Causality Cause and Effect Infinite Regression Prime Cause Big Bang Universe Formation 14 Billion Years Ago Chain of Causality Existence Outside Reality Natural Answer God Prime Mover Causality Infinite Regression Big Bang Prime Cause Universe Formation Natural Answer God Existence Outside Reality Cosmological Argument First Cause Theological Explanation Physical Laws Time Origin Prime Mover Causality Cause and Effect Infinite Regression Prime Cause Universe Formation Big Bang 14 Billion Years Ago Chain of Causality Identifiable Point Natural Answer God Outside Reality Conception of Reality Cosmic Origin Philosophical Inquiry Theological Implications Scientific Explanation Existential Question Creation Theory Prime Mover causality cause and effect infinite regression prime cause Big Bang 14 billion years chain of causality outside reality God supernatural philosophical argument cosmological argument origin of universe Prime mover causality cause and effect infinite regression prime cause Big Bang universe formation 14 billion years chain of causality God supernatural natural reality philosophical argument cosmological argument first cause origin of universe scientific explanation religious explanation metaphysical concept Prime Mover Causality Cause and Effect Infinite Regression Prime Cause Universe Formation Big Bang 14 Billion Years Ago Chain of Causality Existence Outside Reality Natural Answer God Prime Mover causality cause and effect infinite regression prime cause Big Bang 14 billion years chain of causality outside reality God origin of universe philosophical cosmology first cause supernatural metaphysics scientific limits creation cosmological argument theology physics boundaries time inception causal loop philosophical inquiry natural versus supernatural existential questions universe creation theories concept of God theological arguments scientific explanation origin of time causation paradox philosophical speculation ultimate cause religious interpretations scientific theories Big Bang theory cosmological model origin of existence
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con01a	Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious freedom cultural identity discrimination social cohesion anti-discrimination religious neutrality public policy human rights ethnic discrimination religious attire social integration religious intolerance legal restrictions cultural heritage religious symbols social tensions racial discrimination prejudice civil liberties religious expression Banning religious symbols targeting people unfair scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap hatred religious groups racism criticism country live Belgian full veils BBC News Europe religious symbols banning targeting people scapegoat highlight problems blame culture religion heritage hijab crucifix jewish skullcap increase hatred religious groups racism criticism country worse place belgian ban full veils bbc news europe religious symbols banning targeting people scapegoat cultural problems hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap cultural heritage increased hatred religious groups racism criticism societal deterioration Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe Banning religious symbols unfairly targeting people scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap hatred religious groups racism criticism country Belgian full veils BBC News Europe Banning religious symbols targeting people religious discrimination cultural heritage religious freedom social cohesion religious symbols as scapegoats hate crimes religious intolerance racial discrimination societal problems banning hijab banning crucifix banning Jewish skullcap European religious bans Belgian veil ban religious symbol legislation impact of religious bans interfaith relations religious identity social integration religious expression freedom of belief human rights religious diversity multiculturalism religious tolerance public policy religious practices religious apparel cultural sensitivity social harmony religious rights religious persecution religious attire legal restrictions religious minorities religious symbols banning targeting group scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap hatred religious groups racism criticism country Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe religious symbols banning targeting group scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix jewish skullcap hatred religious groups racism criticism country living conditions religious symbols banning targeting scapegoat culture religion heritage hatred racism criticism societal impact hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe religious freedom cultural identity social cohesion anti-discrimination religous tolerance civil rights minority rights political scapegoating social integration religious attire public policy human rights secularism religious discrimination societal impact legal implications cultural sensitivity interfaith relations government regulation religious expression
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con03a	"The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. New START treaty deterrence US world arming disarmament nuclear weapons global zero proliferation leadership reduction arsenals nuclear powers drawdown decline rivals catch United States nuclear arms non-proliferation Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty protection defense strategic attack allies rogue states rising powers precedent Russia Iran Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA sacrifice defense capabilities international effort nuclear-armed Iran China North Korea disadvantaged position support New START treaty US deterrence international security nuclear disarmament global zero nuclear proliferation nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack rogue states rising powers US-Russia relations Iran China North Korea defense capabilities diplomatic relations international efforts disarmament policies nuclear policy strategic defense international bonds nuclear ambitions diplomatic fortitude bilateral agreements military strategy national security strategic stability arms control defense reduction strategic environment non-proliferation international treaties global security military balance strategic arms nuclear deterrence international New START nuclear disarmament US deterrence global arms race nuclear proliferation rogue states nuclear policy Russia relations Iran nuclear program China North Korea strategic attack international security nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty US defense capabilities treaty flaws mutual deterrence great power politics New START criticism military drawdown international diplomacy strategic stability US leadership global zero nuclear arms reduction bilateral relations security alliances strategic defense nuclear umbrella non-proliferation efforts US-Russia cooperation treaty justification international commitments domestic security global security New START treaty bad approach changing world US deterrence arming disarming prevent war great powers US drawdown undermine deterrence rivals catch up US decline nuclear weapons non-proliferation leadership reduction treaties global zero nuclear powers arsenals new powers nuclear club disarmament nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty protecting defending US allies strategic attack deterrence policy rogue states rising powers nuclear policy precedent sacrifice US interests bribe Russia Iran Jewish Institute for New START nuclear deterrence US security global arms race nuclear proliferation US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program China North Korea Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack defense rogue states rising powers US defense capabilities international diplomacy treaty flaws disarmament global zero nuclear weapons states US interests Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA Peter Brookes Baker Spring Elizabeth Weingarten The Hill Heritage Foundation The Foundry The Atlantic New START treaty US deterrence global nuclear arsenal nuclear disarmament international security nuclear non-proliferation US-Russia relations rogue states rising powers Iran nuclear program China-North Korea relations strategic defense nuclear policy Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs Heritage Foundation The Hill The Atlantic New START treaty US deterrence nuclear arms global disarmament nuclear proliferation US leadership nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack rogue states rising powers Iran Russia China North Korea defense capabilities international relations security policy military strategy nuclear policy strategic stability diplomatic efforts US interests alliances security alliances strategic environment military balance arms control nuclear disarmament nuclear deterrence security challenges strategic arms international security military deterrence geopolitical stability strategic partnerships strategic competition non-proliferation disarmament New START treaty US deterrence nuclear weapons global disarmament nuclear proliferation nuclear powers strategic attack rogue states Russia Iran China North Korea nuclear policy international security defense capabilities diplomatic relations non-proliferation nuclear reduction strategic stability global zero nuclear club nuclear arsenals US interests international treaties Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty JINSA Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs Peter Brookes Baker Spring Elizabeth Weingarten The Hill Heritage Foundation The Foundry The Atlantic New START nuclear deterrence global disarmament US security international relations nuclear proliferation rogue states rising powers Iran Russia China North Korea Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack defense capabilities bilateral relations international security treaty flaws US interests Russian cooperation Middle East Asia nuclear weapons states global zero disarmament treaties international diplomacy security alliances strategic stability arms control military balance nuclear strategy policy analysis political commentary security studies military affairs foreign policy defense policy nuclear disarmament international security architecture strategic partnerships geopolitical New START nuclear deterrence global disarmament US strategic interests nuclear proliferation international security Russia relations Iran nuclear program China influence North Korea nuclear policy rogue states rising powers Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty US defense capabilities strategic attack defense bilateral treaties multilateral disarmament efforts world arming trend US leadership nuclear reduction international diplomacy strategic stability nuclear club Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA Peter Brookes Baker Spring Elizabeth Weingarten The Hill Heritage Foundation The Foundry The Atlantic"
test-international-miasimyhw-pro02a	Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. migration development HDR WDR free movement poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas World Bank De Haas migration development HDR WDR remittances poverty alleviation markets connectivity international migration developing countries Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances African diasporas barriers social development World Bank De Haas migration developmental HDR WDR free movement poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances sending and receiving money African diasporas social development World Bank De Haas migration development HDR 2009 WDR 2009 free movement poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries international migration 2013 $414bn Africa $40bn 2010 GDP AfDB 2013 IFAD 2013 Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers money transfer African diasporas World Bank 2013 De Haas migration developmental HDR WDR free movement poverty alleviation market enablement connectivity remittance flows developing countries 2013 $414bn Africa $40bn GDP AfDB IFAD Northern Africa livelihoods household security income support household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas social development De Haas World Bank migration development HDR WDR poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas social development World Bank De Haas migration developmental HDR 2009 WDR 2009 poverty alleviation market enablement connectivity remittance flows developing countries Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihood support household security income support household consumption investment education land reducing poverty geography of remittances barriers African diasporas social development World Bank 2013 De Haas 2010 migration development HDR WDR free movement poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas social development World Bank De Haas migration development HDR WDR free movement poverty alleviation market enablement connectivity remittance flows developing countries international migration Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihood support household consumption investment poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas social development World Bank De Haas migration development HDR WDR free movement poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittances developing countries Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas World Bank De Haas
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro02a	The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. university education economic benefits smart economy workforce productivity innovation cultural awareness societal leadership education barriers university fees potential talent state benefits university educated populace economic benefits smart economy educated workforce innovative productive cultural awareness arts history classics leadership development society leaders university fees potential talents high-worth individuals reaching potential university education economic benefits smart economy highly educated workforce technical skills innovation productivity cultural awareness arts history classics societal leaders university fees high-worth individuals potential fulfillment state benefits university educated populace economic benefits smart economy highly educated workforce innovative productive cultural awareness arts history classics leadership development university fees barrier high-worth individuals potential realization university education economic benefits smart economy cultural awareness societal leaders innovation productivity arts history classics university fees high-worth individuals potential fulfillment university educated workforce economic benefits smart economy cultural awareness leadership development innovation productivity arts education history education classics education university fees barrier high-worth individuals social leadership technical skills educational culture workforce education economic advantage cultural enrichment educational promotion leadership potential university education economic benefits smart economy workforce productivity innovation cultural awareness arts education historical education leadership development university fees access to education societal value higher education technical skills educational barriers potential leaders economic growth cultural enrichment educational investment societal progress university education economic benefits smart economy technically skilled workforce innovation productivity cultural awareness arts history classics leadership development societal leaders university fees access to education high-worth individuals potential realization university educated economic benefits smart economy highly educated workforce innovation productivity cultural awareness arts history classics leadership society university fees high-worth individuals potential education barrier university education economic benefits smart economy technically able workforce innovation productivity cultural awareness arts history classics societal leaders university fees potential talent higher education value state benefits educated populace
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro01a	The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU security strategy international peace justice development EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy international peace justice development security strategy incremental steps multilateral forces permanent standby troop deployment institutional bodies European Union defense policy military integration security policy strategic framework international security defense cooperation European defense military cooperation institutional development security and defense EU unification military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups immediate deployment security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK and France leadership pooling European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy standby troops battlegroups immediate deployment security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups immediate deployment security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups permanent standby troops security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Brown Journal of World Affairs international peace justice development security strategy EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Brown Journal of World Affairs
test-environment-opecewiahw-con01a	Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Grand Inga dam DRC capacity project management corruption Transparency International Inga I and II maintenance issues siphoning funds project sustainability World Bank involvement African electricity projects hydropower potential infrastructure challenges economic development environmental impact social benefits construction feasibility operational efficiency technological requirements regional collaboration funding mechanisms governance issues public private partnerships community engagement risk assessment long term planning energy distribution power generation capacity resource allocation international support policy framework legal considerations environmental sustainability social equity economic viability technical expertise project oversight accountability measures DRC Grand Inga dam project management corruption Transparency International siphoned funds maintenance Inga I Inga II silting Africa energy World Bank Jeevan Vasagar Peter Bosshard Huffington Post Corruption Perceptions Index DRC Grand Inga dam project management capacity building corruption Transparency International infrastructure maintenance hydropower African development World Bank electricity generation environmental impact economic feasibility political stability public sector corruption international aid sustainable development energy policy project finance technological challenges community involvement environmental sustainability governance resource management water management dam construction power generation economic benefits social impacts project risks infrastructure projects development challenges Africa Democratic Republic of Congo Inga I and II dams siltation maintenance issues electricity access regional cooperation international investment Grand Inga dam project DRC's project management corruption in DRC Transparency International ranking project funding diversion DRC maintenance capability Inga I and II dams river siltation power project sustainability African electricity generation World Bank involvement grand infrastructure projects development challenges in Africa environmental impact of dams economic benefits of hydropower international aid effectiveness DRC political instability large-scale project risks sustainable development goals energy sector corruption DRC Grand Inga dam project capacity corruption Transparency International project management financial mismanagement maintenance challenges Inga I and II dams silting infrastructure sustainability African development energy projects World Bank international aid economic impact public funds environmental concerns technological challenges political stability project feasibility sustainable development electricity generation Africa's energy needs dam construction river management corruption risks project oversight infrastructure investment power generation regional cooperation environmental impact social benefits economic benefits project financing construction delays operational efficiency hydropower renewable energy energy access Grand Inga dam project management DRC capacity corruption in DRC Transparency International project funding siphoning funds maintenance issues Inga I and II dams silting problems African development projects World Bank involvement electricity generation African infrastructure DRC Grand Inga dam project capacity potential benefits management difficulties corruption Transparency International financial mismanagement project maintenance Inga I and II dams silting operational issues Grand Inga dam DRC capacity project management corruption Transparency International financial mismanagement maintenance challenges Inga I and II dams silting Africa electricity World Bank Peter Bosshard Jeevan Vasagar Grand Inga dam DRC capacity project management corruption in DRC Transparency International ranking project feasibility Inga I and II dams maintenance issues silt accumulation economic benefits World Bank involvement African development projects hydroelectric potential infrastructure challenges Grand Inga dam DRC capacity project management corruption Transparency International siphoned funds maintenance issues Inga I and II dams silting Africa electricity World Bank environmental impact sustainable development economic challenges political stability international aid infrastructure power generation renewable energy regional cooperation
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro01a	Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] politicians immunity prosecution job demands undivided attention legislation crises constituents campaign work 12-hour days defense construction stress job performance Bill Clinton impeachment perjury obstruction of justice federal government Kosovo war presidential vacations criticism public service legal proceedings political duties national-level offices legislative process crisis management public engagement campaign activities work-life balance legal challenges political effectiveness government operation foreign policy domestic issues political accountability legal immunity constitutional law political science governance legislative bodies executive branch judicial branch political immunity prosecution of politicians undivided attention national-level offices legislative duties crisis management constituent engagement campaign work political defense effective governance political stress Bill Clinton impeachment presidential duties government resource allocation domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo war presidential vacations political criticism Politicians immunity prosecution duties attention legislation crises constituents campaigns defense indictment stress performance Bill Clinton impeachment trial resources government policy Kosovo vacation criticism politician immunity prosecution avoidance undivided attention legislative duties crisis management constituent service campaign work 12-hour days defense construction job performance public service political stress impeachment proceedings Bill Clinton perjury obstruction of justice federal resources domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo war presidential vacations political criticism political immunity prosecution undivided attention national-level offices 12-hour workday defending charges constituent service stress impeachment Bill Clinton resource allocation domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo war political immunity prosecution of politicians undivided attention national-level offices 12 hour day constructing a defense serving constituents impeachment proceedings Bill Clinton perjury obstruction of justice domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo presidential vacations political duties stress management resource allocation government efficiency political performance legal challenges political responsibilities legislative work crisis response constituent engagement campaign activities political accountability legal defense political effectiveness governance impact time management political career public service political ethics legal proceedings political office governmental operation political function legal prosecution political role Politicians immunity prosecution job focus undivided attention national-level offices legislation crises management constituent consultation campaign work 12-hour days defense construction constituent service indictments stress performance hindrance Bill Clinton impeachment perjury obstruction of justice federal government resources domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo war politicians immunity prosecution job focus undivided attention legislation crises constituents campaign work 12-hour days pending charges defense constituent service performance stress Bill Clinton impeachment perjury obstruction of justice federal government domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo presidential vacations criticism Politicians immunity prosecution duties states abstain undivided attention national-level offices legislation crises constituents campaign work 12-hour day constructing defense serve constituents vacation extracurricular indictment stress Bill Clinton impeachment perjury obstruction of justice federal government domestic foreign policy Kosovo Condon The Atlantic Linder University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law political immunity prosecution of politicians undivided attention national-level offices legislation constituent service campaign work indictment stress impeachment proceedings Bill Clinton perjury obstruction of justice federal government resources domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo war presidential vacations political duties legal defense public service effectiveness
test-society-epsihbdns-pro01a	"The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), government decisions best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests individuals countryside agricultural goods amenities cities individual incentive harm state action long-term benefits social contract theory political philosophy communal welfare individual rights collective action urbanization rural depopulation governance public policy social welfare ethical governance societal balance community well-being state intervention policy-making representative democracy civic responsibility societal impact long-term planning collective good individual vs. collective philosophical ethics social philosophy political government decision-making best interest social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests individual trend countryside agricultural production amenities cities personal incentive urbanization long-term benefits state intervention protection contemporary approaches philosophy D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Edward N. Zalta social contract theory political philosophy collective action public policy rural depopulation urban-rural balance socio-economic impact governance community welfare individual vs collective good government decision-making public interest social being community representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests countryside agricultural production urbanization long-term benefits state intervention social contract theory philosophical approaches collective welfare individual incentives communal amenities rural depopulation urban amenities governance policy formulation societal well-being Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher contemporary philosophy ethical governance social ethics communal decision-making public policy collective action social harms individual gains sustainable development rural-urban dynamics population distribution government best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests countryside agricultural production city amenities individual incentives long-term benefits state intervention social contract theory collective welfare public policy urbanization rural depopulation economic development societal well-being governance political philosophy communal interests individual rights civic duty collective action societal impact urban-rural balance regulatory measures societal goals communal living policy-making social responsibility communal resources urban planning rural revitalization governmental role societal health long-term government decision-making public interest social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies long-term benefits short-term interests countryside urbanization agricultural production city amenities individual incentives state intervention collective harm contemporary social contract philosophy D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Edward N. Zalta government decision-making best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests individual trend countryside agricultural production amenities cities personal incentive long-term benefits state intervention protection Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Edward N. Zalta government decision-making public interest social being community representative governance social contract autonomy freedom policy-making long-term interests short-term interests rural depopulation agricultural production urban amenities individual incentives collective harm state intervention long-term benefits D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy social contract theory government social contract decision-making best interest people representatives autonomy freedom policies short-term interests rural depopulation agricultural production urban amenities individual incentives collective harm state intervention long-term benefits D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy government decision-making best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests individual trend countryside agricultural production city amenities urbanization long-term benefits state intervention protection collective welfare social contract theory D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy social contract government role public interest community welfare individual autonomy collective decision-making long-term benefits urbanization rural depopulation policy-making political philosophy social being representative governance autonomy trade-off societal impact individual versus collective state intervention agricultural production urban amenities communal living ethical governance philosophical approaches social contract theory public policy civic responsibility societal balance communal interests collective well-being governance ethics communal decision-making social ethics urban-rural dynamics philosophical foundations policy ethics societal health collective action social benefits individual rights communal responsibilities"
test-environment-aiahwagit-con02a	Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephant attacks lion attacks Kruger National Park tourist safety animal protection increased animal population risk to human lives dangerous animals bull elephant car attack South Africa Animal Danger Most Dangerous Animals Withnall A. Rampaging bull elephant British tourist car human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephant attacks lion attacks Kruger National Park tourist safety animal protection increased animal numbers risk to humans dangerous animals animal attacks human fatalities Africa hippopotamus elephant lion Kruger National Park tourist safety wildlife conservation aggressive wildlife endangered species increased protection risk to humans animal aggression human-wildlife conflict fewer human deaths fewer large beasts endangered animals aggressive animals animal attacks hippopotamus attacks elephant attacks lion attacks tourist safety Kruger National Park animal protection human-wildlife conflict wildlife conservation dangerous animals increased animal population risk to human lives animal fatalities tourist incidents wildlife management tough protection measures Fewer human deaths Fewer large beasts Africa Endangered animals Aggressive animals Hippopotamuses Elephant Lion Fatalities Kruger National Park Bull elephant Tourist car Animal protection Human safety Most dangerous animals Withnall A. Rampaging bull elephant British tourist Conservation risks Wildlife management Human-wildlife conflict Fewer human deaths Fewer large beasts Endangered animals Aggressive animals Hippopotamus attacks Elephant attacks Lion attacks Kruger National Park Animal protection Human-wildlife conflict Tourist safety Wildlife conservation Most dangerous animals Rampaging bull elephant British tourist car fewer human deaths fewer large beasts endangered animals aggressive animals human attacks hippopotamus deaths elephant fatalities lion attacks Kruger National Park tourist safety animal protection increased animal numbers human-animal conflict conservation risks wildlife danger most dangerous animals rampaging elephant tourist car incident human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephant lion fatalities Kruger National Park tourist bull elephant tough protection animal numbers risk to humans dangerous animals human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephants lions fatalities tourist attacks Kruger National Park animal protection increased risk human lives fewer human deaths fewer large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephant attacks lion attacks Kruger National Park tourist safety animal protection increased animal populations human-animal conflict animal danger most dangerous animals rampaging bull elephant British tourist car
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro03a	Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats Freeware Shareware Objectivity ISPs Commercial Interest Guiding Sites Services Products Free Competing File Sharing Comcast NetFlix Internet Cross-referencing Truth Mistakes Open Access Trust Controlled Government Accessibility Choice Check Multiple Sites Prevention Examples Notorious Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter Journalism Threats Freeware Shareware Objectivity ISPs Commercial Interest Site Guidance Free Services Charging Competition File Sharing Comcast NetFlix Internet Cross-Referencing Truth Mistakes Open Access Trust Controlled Sources Government User Choice Multiple Sites Political Leadership Journalism Bob Gibson Sorensen Institute Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter Threats Freeware Shareware Objectivity ISPs Commercial Interest Site Guidance Free Services Competing Products File Sharing Comcast NetFlix Internet Cross-Referencing Truth Open Access Trust Sources Controlled Government Accessibility User Choice Multiple Sites Cross-Referencing Notorious Examples Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership Politics Matters Journalism Threats to freeware shareware objectivity ISP commercial interests guiding users free services competing products file sharing Comcast NetFlix impact on objectivity cross-referencing freeware importance shareware importance open access trust in sources government control site accessibility user choice cross-referencing preventing neutrality notorious examples Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter journalism Threats Freeware Shareware Objectivity ISPs Commercial Interests Site-Guidance Free-Services Competing-Products File-Sharing Comcast NetFlix Internet-Efficiency Cross-Referencing Truth Open-Access Trust Source-Control Government Accessibility User-Choice Verification Bob-Gibson University-of-Virginia Sorensen-Institute Political-Leadership Journalism Politics-Matters Charlottesville Jan-Madeleine-Paynter Internet neutrality ISP influence content censorship freeware accessibility shareware availability online objectivity cross-referencing importance user trust government control file sharing restrictions commercial interests freeware benefits shareware benefits open access necessity NetFlix-Comcast conflict political leadership journalism integrity information freedom digital rights user choice internet governance content diversity freeware impact shareware impact net neutrality debate online competition digital objectivity information accessibility content manipulation internet regulation freeware shareware balance internet ecosystem digital content neutrality information reliability freeware share Threats freeware shareware objectivity ISPs commercial interest guiding sites free services competing products file sharing Comcast NetFlix impact internet cross-referencing truth open access trust sources internet control government site accessibility user choice cross-referencing prevention examples Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter journalism Threats freeware shareware objectivity ISPs commercial interests site guidance free services competing products file sharing NetFlix Comcast internet cross-referencing truth freeware shareware open access trust source control government site accessibility user choice cross-referencing Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter journalism Threats Freeware Shareware Objectivity ISPs Commercial Interest Guiding Sites Services Products Nothing Charges Competing File Sharing Comcast NetFlix Internet Cross-Referencing Truth Mistakes Open Access Trust Sources Controlled Government Accessibility Choice Cross-Referencing Notorious Examples Bob Gibson Sorensen Institute Political Leadership Journalism Threats freeware shareware objectivity ISPs commercial interest guiding sites services products nothing competing Comcast NetFlix file sharing impact cross-referencing truth open access trust sources controlled government accessible choice check multiple Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute Political Leadership Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter journalism
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con02a	Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. female empowerment sexual liberation feminist movement pornography industry women's sexual identity feminist pornography sexual taboos gender stereotypes female dominance homosexual pornography feminist porn awards sexual revolution 1920s flapper media influence gender roles sexual expression women's rights societal norms sexual autonomy progressive values female empowerment sexual liberation feminist pornography flapper era women's sexual identity breaking sexual taboos feminist movement women's sexuality gender stereotypes powerful women homosexual porn female-friendly porn Feminist Porn Awards Roaring Twenties women's influence sexual autonomy sexual empowerment media representation gender roles sexual revolution pornography women sexual identity flapper 1920s film industry feminism feminist movement female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards homosexual porn gender stereotypes empowerment sexuality societal roles taboos sexual liberation Pornography women's liberation sexual identity feminist movement taboo breaking female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards women empowerment gender stereotypes sexual expression societal influence 1920s flappers Roaring Twenties revolutionary values sexual liberation media impact role models women's sexuality gender equality power dynamics cultural shift progressive values sexual autonomy feminist ideals media representation sexual agency gender roles sexual freedom social norms historical context contemporary relevance media platforms content diversity female dominance sexual empowerment stereotype challenging sexual identity exploration gender perception pornography women sexual identity flapper 1920s feminist movement female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards homosexuality gender stereotypes empowerment sexuality society taboos revolutionary values jazz clubs sexual activity film industry Roaring Twenties /promotion ideas gender perception men influence powerful spread values anti-women intrinsic taboos stereotypes opposition platform massively produced distributed break sexuality taboo promote continuation label stereotype female-friendly homosexual dominant empower flow ideas pornography women's sexual identity feminist movement female-friendly pornography empowerment gender stereotypes sexual liberation feminist porn awards homosexual porn women's power societal influence taboos 1920s flapper film industry sexual values Roaring Twenties Pornography women's liberation sexual identity flapper 1920s film industry feminism taboo sexuality female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards homosexual porn gender stereotypes empowerment social influence pornography women sexual identity flappers 1920s feminist movement female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards homosexual porn gender stereotypes women empowerment sexuality perception taboos sexual liberation pornography women sexual identity flappers 1920s feminist movement taboo sexuality female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards empowerment gender stereotypes homosexual porn dominant women societal influence female empowerment sexual liberation feminist movement pornography production women's sexual identity breaking taboos female-friendly pornography feminist porn awards gender stereotypes sexual revolution Roaring Twenties flapper culture sex positivity women's rights media influence sexual expression power dynamics gender roles homosexual porn societal norms
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con02a	Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, rivals opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy succession loyalty institutions death military coup Guinea General Lansana Conte National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior officers power launch 2008 Huma Yusuf The Christian Science Monitor rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government response threats public health secrecy smooth succession appointed successor loyalty government army institutions 2008 General Lansana Conte Guinea death power transfer National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior military officers coup Huma Yusuf Military coup follows Guinea’s President Christian Science Monitor December rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy smooth succession military coup Guinea General Lansana Conte National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare junior officers power election Christian Science Monitor Huma Yusuf leadership vulnerability illness secrecy political rivalry governmental succession military coup power vacuum political instability Guinea 2008 coup Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare constitutional crisis leadership transition power usurpation regime change political opportunism national security institutional loyalty democratic process unconstitutional takeover rivals leader illness vulnerability threats public health secrecy succession government army institutions death coup military junior officers power transfer president National Assembly election Guinea General Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare Yusuf Huma Christian Science Monitor leadership vulnerability governmental instability health secrecy political succession military coups political transitions Guinea 2008 coup Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare national assembly power vacuums external threats internal threats smooth succession vital institutions loyalty rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability threats public health secrecy succession government army institutions death military coup Guinea General Lansana Conte president National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior officers quick announcement leadership vulnerability political succession government transparency health secrecy rival exploitation coup prevention military intervention national stability constitutional crisis power transition political instability leadership vulnerability illness secrecy smooth succession military coup government loyalty institutional stability public disclosure health concealment political transition power vacuum opportunistic rivals external threats internal threats coup prevention democratic process constitutional order leadership succession national security political crisis governance challenges health-related leadership issues power transfer governmental response institutional support military intervention political resilience leadership continuity democratic governance coup d'état political succession governmental institutions public trust leadership crisis health and politics political leadership governmental stability crisis management leadership health political opportunism leadership transition political vulnerability health secrecy governmental stability military coup power vacuum political succession public disclosure strategic secrecy institutional loyalty
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con03a	An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. ICC enforcement arm detrimental state parties trust understanding bottom-up top-down principle of complementarity national courts war criminals international force sovereignty government officials diplomatic backlash international community nation war crimes peace international relations legal jurisdiction state responsibility human rights international law prosecution criminal justice state sovereignty intervention conflict international cooperation judicial independence legal systems state capabilities international policing diplomatic relations accountability impunity state cooperation legal enforcement international security state authority legal principles judicial principles state autonomy legal interventions state dignity ICC enforcement arm state parties relationship trust understanding bottom-up top-down principle of complementarity national courts international force war criminals sovereignty diplomacy backfire government forces national level responsibility international community humiliation indicted officials state consent court's respect crimes prosecution unwilling unable mocking national power fighting protection international model snatch involvement states rights judicial cooperation impunity legal sovereignty international crimes state-centric approach judicial autonomy international pressure legal intervention judicial systems international relations state cooperation legal enforcement state dignity ICC state parties enforcement arm detrimental relations trust understanding bottom-up top-down principle of complementarity national courts prosecuting crimes international force war criminals humiliation international community sovereignty government officials indicted fighting government forces national level diplomatic backlash ICC forces country's territory snatch protection national sovereignty legal jurisdiction international law peacekeeping ICC enforcement state relations trust understanding bottom-up approach top-down approach principle of complementarity national courts prosecuting crimes international force catch criminals national level responsibilities humiliation international community trust issues war criminals government officials indicted international force states sovereignty consent diplomatic backfire ICC force fighting government forces national sovereignty ICC enforcement state parties trust complementarity national courts international force sovereignty diplomacy war criminals government officials indicted fighting humiliation relations bottom-up top-down responsibilities power international community mockery prosecution crimes unwilling unable territory consent backfire force protection nation catching criminals respect approach determination model possibility intrusion involvement states community official crimes protection international forces diplomatic retaliation law jurisdiction peaceful resolution cooperation justice legal framework conflict resolution ICC enforcement state relations trust understanding bottom-up approach top-down approach principle of complementarity national courts prosecution international force war criminals national sovereignty diplomatic backlash ICC forces government officials indicted state sovereignty fighting government forces ICC enforcement arm detrimental relations state parties trust understanding bottom-up top-down principle of complementarity national courts prosecuting crimes international force catch criminals national level power responsibilities humiliating international community war criminals government officials indicted intruding sovereignty consent diplomatically backfire fighting government forces national sovereignty ICC enforcement arm detrimental state parties trust understanding bottom-up top-down complementarity national courts international force war criminals sovereignty humiliation diplomatic backlash government forces national level prosecution crimes unwilling unable snatch government officials indicted intruding consent fighting international community protection involvement mockery powers responsibilities ICC enforcement arm state parties trust understanding bottom-up approach top-down approach principle of complementarity national courts international force war criminals national sovereignty diplomatic backlash ICC forces government officials indicted state sovereignty fighting government forces ICC enforcement arm state parties trust understanding bottom-up top-down principle of complementarity national courts international force war criminals national sovereignty diplomatic backlash ICC force government forces indicted officials state sovereignty international community humiliation responsibilities power crimes unwilling unable prosecutorial capacity judicial cooperation legal framework international relations peace security justice
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro04a	The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. Catholic Church procreation limitation contraception God's commandment multiply against God Church's obligation people vs God religious beliefs moral teachings Genesis Bible Catholic Church procreation contraception God's commandments multiply Genesis religious beliefs moral obligations Church doctrine human life faith and ethics sexual morality natural law religious authority scriptural interpretation Catholic Church procreation God contraception commandment multiply obligations beliefs actions harm Genesis Bible Catholic Church procreation God's will first commandment multiply contraception against God Church's obligation harmful actions Genesis 1:28 Bible Catholic Church procreation contraception God's will First Commandment Genesis moral obligations religious beliefs ethical dilemmas human life divine law church teachings reproductive health social impact religious authority Catholic Church procreation God contraception first commandment multiply obligations beliefs actions harm The Book of Genesis The Bible Catholic Church procreation God contraception commandment multiply Genesis Bible obligations beliefs harm justification religious doctrine moral teachings human life fertility natural law sin salvation faith doctrine papal authority ecclesiastical law moral obligations spiritual guidance religious practices reproductive health population control contraceptive methods celibacy chastity marital relations ethical considerations religious freedom human rights social impact cultural influence theological perspectives biblical interpretation church-state relations reproductive rights public health pastoral care Vatican papal encyclicals Catholic Church procreation God contraception multiplication commandment Genesis Bible religious beliefs moral obligations church doctrine human dignity natural law papal teachings catholic social teaching contraception ethics family planning moral theology religious authority divine commandments ecclesiastical law celibacy individual rights collective good faith and reason moral guidance spiritual leadership biological functions reproductive health sexual ethics encyclicals magisterium pastoral care bioethics theological perspectives Vatican papal statements religious practices moral absolutes human life sanct Catholic Church procreation contraception God's commandments multiply obligations to God religious beliefs moral teachings The Bible Genesis Catholic Church procreation God contraception first commandment multiply The Book of Genesis The Bible Church's obligation beliefs harmful actions justification
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro02a	Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationship law online grooming cyber safety digital ethics student-teacher relationship power dynamics trust after school communication electronic contact legal restrictions online predators internet safety youth protection criminology online behavior misuse of technology safeguarding minors digital communication policies education sector child protection laws electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships power dynamics trust after school electronic contact legal restrictions grooming online safety criminal behavior digital harassment online predators youth protection internet safety privacy concerns digital communication educator-student boundaries cyber laws sexual abuse online misconduct digital footprints technology abuse online predators child protection cyber safety online relationships legal measures digital ethics electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships power dynamics trust after-school contact legal restrictions online safety cyber crime grooming behavior digital communication exploitation victimization prevention strategies legislative measures Choo Kim Australian Institute of Criminology 2009 literature review electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teachers position of power trust students facebook inappropriate relationships electronic contact law banning communication online grooming misuse social networking sexual offenses Choo Kim Australian Institute of Criminology 2009 electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships legal restrictions online safety cybercrimes digital communication prevention strategies education policies child protection internet dangers grooming techniques legislative measures Choo Kim Australian Institute of Criminology 2009 electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships power dynamics trust after school electronic contact legal restrictions grooming behaviors online safety cyber predators digital communication risks education policy child protection laws electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships position of power trust after school electronic contact banning communication law Choo Kim online grooming misuse social networking sites sexual offences Australian Institute of Criminology electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships online safety legislation communication bans cybercrime digital ethics educator-student boundaries online predators internet safety youth protection legal measures technology misuse criminology online grooming digital communication risks cyber law teacher-student communication online exploitation internet policies cyberbullying online predators digital footprints online privacy digital citizenship internet governance online behavior digital security educational technology online grooming prevention cyber ethics digital wellbeing online child protection electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers power and trust students facebook inappropriate relationships electronic contact law banning communication online grooming literature review Australian Institute of Criminology electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships law banning online grooming sexual offenses criminology
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro03a	A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. strong leader state’s best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy defining democracy Russia achieving democracy maintaining democracy strong leader state’s best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy Russia defining democracy maintaining democracy strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy Russia defining democracy maintaining democracy strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests interest of state population at large young democracy defining democracy Russia version of democracy maintaining democracy working towards successful transition healthier control promote personal interests state interest population interest achieving democracy constantly struggling Russia's democracy what works best Russian context political stability governance media control democratic development authoritarian governance leadership style national interest democratic values state control media freedom public interest political reform democratic transition Russian strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy define democracy Russia work in progress strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests state interests population interests young democracy Russian democracy defining democracy maintaining democracy strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition media control corrupt few personal interests population's interest young democracy defining democracy Russia maintaining democracy countries achieving democracy working towards democracy Russia's version of democracy strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition media control corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy Russia defining democracy maintaining democracy country-specific democracy strong leader state’s best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy Russia defining democracy works best strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population's interest young democracy Russia defining democracy maintaining democracy
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro01a	Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, lower healthcare costs smoking caused disease large expenses healthcare systems developed world UK lung cancer costs person patient Ghana healthcare budget reduction smoking ban drop smoking related illness US Arizona hospital admissions public places resources big killers tobacco HIV AIDS National Cancer Research Institute Cancer Research UK World Bank Databank American Journal of Public Health Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma statewide smoking ban healthcare costs smoking disease expenses healthcare systems developed countries UK lung cancer patient costs Ghana healthcare budget smoking ban hospital admissions smoking-related diseases public health HIV AIDS Arizona myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health policy tobacco control healthcare costs smoking disease expenses healthcare systems developed world UK lung cancer cost per person cost per patient Ghana healthcare budget reduction in smoking smoking ban smoking related illness hospital admissions public places big killers HIV AIDS Arizona Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban Acute Myocardial Infarction Angina Stroke Asthma Lower healthcare costs smoking caused disease large healthcare expenses developing countries healthcare systems UK lung cancer costs £90 per person £9071 per patient Ghana healthcare budget reduction in smoking smoking ban drop in smoking related illness US Arizona study hospital admissions smoking related diseases HIV AIDS resource allocation public health policy tobacco control economic impact of smoking health economics non-communicable diseases global health disparities healthcare resource management smoking cessation benefits public smoking restrictions cardiovascular diseases respiratory diseases cancer prevention healthcare cost reduction strategies tobacco-related health impact policy Lower healthcare costs Smoking Disease Healthcare systems Developed world UK Lung cancer Ghana Healthcare budget Reduction in smoking Ban Smoking-related illness US Arizona Hospital admissions Public places Resources Big killers Tobacco HIV AIDS National Cancer Research Institute Cancer Research UK World Bank Databank American Journal of Public Health healthcare costs smoking-related diseases healthcare systems developed world UK lung cancer costs Ghana healthcare budget smoking ban reduction in smoking smoking-related illness hospital admissions Arizona smoking ban HIV AIDS public health resources tobacco control non-communicable diseases health economics policy impact smoking cessation preventive healthcare lower healthcare costs smoking disease healthcare systems developed world UK lung cancer costs patient Ghana healthcare budget reduction smoking ban smoking-related illness hospital admissions Arizona public places HIV AIDS resources big killers tobacco Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health Lower healthcare costs smoking caused disease large healthcare expenses underdeveloped healthcare systems UK lung cancer costs Ghana healthcare budget smoking ban reduction in smoking drop in smoking related illness Arizona smoking ban hospital admissions smoking related diseases resources for big killers HIV AIDS tobacco reduction public health improvement economic benefits of smoking reduction healthcare cost savings global health impact non-communicable diseases tobacco control policies public smoking restrictions health economics medical resource allocation cardiovascular diseases respiratory diseases cancer prevention public health interventions tobacco-related morbidity healthcare expenditure low-income countries high-income Lower healthcare costs Smoking caused diseases Large healthcare expenses Undeveloped healthcare systems UK lung cancer costs Ghana healthcare budget Reduction in smoking Smoking related illness Ban on smoking Hospital admissions drop Smoking related diseases Arizona smoking ban Resources for big killers HIV AIDS National Cancer Research Institute World Bank Databank American Journal of Public Health lower healthcare costs smoking disease healthcare systems developed world UK lung cancer Ghana healthcare budget smoking ban public places hospital admissions smoking related diseases HIV AIDS Arizona Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban healthcare resources tobacco public health economic burden infectious diseases health policy healthcare financing tobacco control epidemiology health economics international health medical costs public health interventions non-communicable diseases health disparities global health healthcare efficiency cost-effectiveness health system strengthening health equity
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro05a	In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns dragons belief non-belief evidence philosophy Dawkins The God Delusion secular societies logical reasoning existence claims metaphysical positions skeptical inquiry faith skepticism epistemology atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns dragons belief non-belief philosophical positions Dawkins The God Delusion evidence reasoning existence secular societies philosophical bankruptcy atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns dragons belief disbelief evidence philosophy Richard Dawkins The God Delusion secular societies logical reasoning existence non-existence fantasy nebulous realm philosophically bankrupt theological positions timid atheism open question absence of evidence atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns dragons existence belief non-belief evidence reasoning philosophically meaningless Dawkins The God Delusion secular societies philosophical position atheism vs agnosticism theistic belief non-theistic belief logical acceptance fantasy philosophical bankruptcy secularism religious belief absence of evidence open question justified disbelief atheism theism agnosticism unicorns dragons existence belief evidence philosophy Richard Dawkins The God Delusion secular societies logical reasoning fantasy metaphysics skepticism epistemology atheism theism agnosticism existence of God unicorns dragons belief evidence philosophical positions Dawkins The God Delusion secular societies reasoning lack of belief philosophically bankrupt theology atheism theism agnosticism belief non-belief existence non-existence evidence skepticism reasoning philosophy Dawkins God unicorns dragons secular societies religious belief agnostic position philosophically meaningless atheism theism agnosticism unicorns dragons belief non-belief Dawkins God evidence reasoning philosophically meaningless secular societies fantasy existence logical acceptance theological positions reticence atheism expansion agnosticism critique atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns dragons belief disbelief evidence philosophical positions Dawkins The God Delusion secular societies reasoning fantasy existence non-existence philosophical bankruptcy religiosity skepticism atheism theism agnosticism unicorns dragons evidence belief philosophical Dawkins God reasoning secular fantasy existence nonexistent logical reticent open question philosophically bankrupt
test-science-ascidfakhba-con02a	Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists retain right control work public space publicly funded expression creator sense understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation used released public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent active issue alternative experiences piece treated reasonable justice permitted control desired furnished conventional copyright mechanism maximum protection works creators contract uses rights terms legacies future artistic protection state cast aside unwashed users creative commons Artists rights control public space publicly funded creativity expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent active issue treated reasonable justice conventional copyright maximum protection creators contract uses rights legacies future artistic works state copyright protection creative commons unwashed users Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays performance meaning strict performance adulteration re interpretation policy impoverished world impoverished rights balance aegis copyright Artists rights public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent active issue treated reasonably justice control copyright protection creators contract terms legacies future artistic works state protection Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays performance strict appreciation adulteration reinterpreration policy impoverished rights free-for-all creative commons license Artists rights public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent active issue artist justice control desire conventional copyright maximum protection creators contract uses rights works terms legacies future artistic works state protection copyright creative commons Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays performance meaning art strict adulteration re interpretation policy impoverished rights work balance aegis copyright free for all Artists rights public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown direct consent active issue alternative experiences creator treated reasonable justice control copyright maximum protection creators contract uses rights works terms legacies future artistic works protection state creative commons Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays performance meaning strict adulteration reparation policy impoverished world plays rights work free-for-all license Artists rights control public space publicly funded expression understanding world reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded consent justice copyright protection creators contract legacies future works state creative commons Samuel Beckett plays standards performance adulteration policy impoverished balance free-for-all license Artists control public space publicly funded expression creator understanding world meaning reinterpretation appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent issue artist treated reasonable justice control conventional copyright protection creators contract uses rights legacies future artistic works state creative commons Samuel Beckett standards plays fashion performed meaning art appreciation strict performance adulteration reinterpretation policy world impoverished plays impoverished rights work rights balanced aegis copyright artists public space public funding creative expression artist's rights copyright control reinterpretation external appreciation justice legacy artistic works state protection Samuel Beckett performance standards creative commons contract rights aegis free-for-all theater Catron artists retain right control work public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown direct consent active issue alternative experiences treated reasonable justice control conventional copyright maximum protection creators contract uses rights legacies future artistic works protection state creative commons Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays performance meaning appreciation strict performance adulteration reinterpretation policy world impoverished rights best balanced aegis copyright artist rights public space publicly funded art artistic expression creator's legacy performance standards reinterpretation Samuel Beckett theater copyright laws creative commons artistic control intellectual property artistic integrity legal protection contract rights artistic works public appreciation justice for artists
test-law-phwmfri-con02a	The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, resentment unfair punishment media response attack on the rich progressive taxation assault on wealth creation law breaking moral wrong deterrence perceived unfairness crime commitment moral judgment law enforcement social inequality economic disparity legal fairness public perception media influence tax policy economic policy social policy resentment unfair punishment media response newspapers news outlets attack on the rich progressive taxation wealth creation breaking the law unfair application moral wrongness deterrent crime legal action morality law enforcement social inequality economic disparity financial regulations tax policy public opinion media influence legal compliance ethical behavior economic justice social justice policy impact legal fairness public perception crime rates moral judgment law enforcement effectiveness wealth distribution economic policy societal values legal system economic inequality tax fairness policy criticism media coverage public discourse economic growth wealth resentment unfair punishment media response progressive taxation wealth creation lawbreaking moral judgment deterrence fairness crime commitment rich resentment unfair punishment media response progressive taxation assault on wealth creation breaking the law unfair law application moral wrongness crime deterrent moral judgment law compliance wealth creation attack Francis Cianfrocca commentary resentment unfair punishment media response progressive taxation wealth creation law perception moral judgment crime deterrence legal fairness moral wrongness lawbreaking likelihood social inequality economic disparity media influence public opinion tax policy wealth distribution legal compliance moral relativism punitive measures resentment unfair punishment media response progressive taxation assault on wealth creation law-breaking moral wrong deterrent belief in fairness Francis Cianfrocca Wealth Creation Under Attack resentment unfair punishment media response newspapers news outlets attack on the rich progressive taxation wealth creation law-breaking moral wrongness illegal action deterrent punishment moral judgment fairness crime law enforcement social inequality economic disparity public opinion taxation policy fiscal policy economic justice Francis Cianfrocca Wealth Creation Under Attack Commentary June 2009 rich resentment unfair punishment media response newspapers news outlets attack on the rich progressive taxation wealth creation law breaking moral wrong crime deterrent punishment moral judgment legal fairness social inequality economic disparity tax policy public opinion media influence legal compliance ethical considerations economic justice social perception law enforcement fiscal policy political discourse societal values economic elitism public reaction legislative impact moral relativism criminal behavior social norms legal system economic pressures media bias public trust legal ethics socioeconomic status tax legislation societal attitudes legal resentment unfair punishment media response progressive taxation wealth creation law breaking moral wrong deterrence fair application crime commitment resentment unfair punishment media response progressive taxation wealth creation law-breaking moral wrongness deterrence social inequality legal fairness media bias economic justice public perception crime prevention moral relativism societal norms legal equity ethical conduct social stratification punitive measures legal compliance moral judgment criminal behavior legal sanctions social discord economic disparity public policy tax equity media influence social cohesion legal reform economic policy tax reform social attitudes legal philosophy moral psychology economic theory social behavior legal system moral values social justice economic impact
test-economy-epsihbdns-con01a	Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights fundamental conditions human life Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival starvation moral right state freedoms collective theory human dignity international law mobility rights essential freedoms legal rights human rights charters individual rights societal benefits human security basic liberties humanitarian law civil rights personal liberty constitutional rights global standards ethical rights natural rights citizens' rights legal protections human rights legislation freedom of mobility humane governance individual autonomy human rights principles societal welfare personal freedoms legal entitlement freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights fundamental conditions human life survival relocation starvation moral right state collective theory individual rights Article 13 General Assembly December 1948 freedom of movement human rights inseparable rights fundamental conditions human life Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival starvation moral right state collective theory individual rights mobility rights human dignity global citizenship legal protection inherent rights natural rights basic freedoms freedom of movement human rights inseparable rights human life conditions Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival starvation inhuman moral right state collective theory freedom of movement human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 fundamental rights survival moral right state authority individual freedoms collective theory human survival inherent rights protected charters necessary conditions human life inhuman condemnation starvation relocation ethical justification legal recognition Freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival moral right state authority fundamental conditions human life collective theory starvation migration legal protection ethical considerations individual liberty human rights fundamental freedoms universal declaration article 13 right to life survival moral rights state authority individual liberties movement rights legal protection intrinsic rights Charter of Human Rights essential conditions human dignity basic human rights international law freedom of residence migration rights starvation death suffering collective welfare individual rights human rights law global standards humanitarian principles intrinsic human value movement freedom legal entitlement human survival moral entitlement state responsibilities human security mobility rights legal rights human rights framework human rights protection human rights standards natural rights Freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 survival moral right state rights collective theory fundamental conditions human life starvation relocation inhuman conditions legal charters inseparable rights moral obligations individual freedoms state authority freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 fundamental human conditions survival moral right state rights individual freedoms collective theory starvation migration human dignity legal rights international law human rights law right to life ethical considerations societal norms freedom of travel mobility rights humanitarian law constitutional rights civil liberties global citizenship human security social justice equality non-discrimination refugee rights asylum seekers displacement human rights violations legal protection government responsibilities individual autonomy collective welfare ethical governance human rights advocacy human rights freedom of movement Universal Declaration of Human Rights intrinsic rights moral right survival collective theory state freedoms human life conditions charters inseparable rights starvation mobility rights individual rights legal protections human dignity constitutional law international human rights law civil liberties human rights advocacy legal rights humanitarian law personal freedoms right to life liberty security migration asylum refugee rights legal status citizenship rights human rights violations freedom of residence right to leave right to return travel rights border crossing immigration emigration global migration displacement
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro02a	Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism Capitalism twentieth century ideology collapse Soviet Union globalisation class labour market politics free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher James Turk Sovereign Debt Defaults Free Gold Money Report Socialism twentieth century ideology Capitalism protests seventies eighties Soviet Union globalisation class labour market politics social issues free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher other people’s money James Turk Sovereign Debt Defaults Free Gold Money Report Socialism Capitalism twentieth century ideology collapse Soviet Union globalisation class labour market politics free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher James Turk Sovereign Debt Defaults Free Gold Money Report Twentieth century ideology Capitalism superiority Post-Soviet Union era Globalisation impact Labour market evolution Political shifts Socialism remnants Union movements decline Margret Thatcher quote Economic critiques Free trade advantages Deregulation benefits State role redefinition Government-industry relations Socialism financial sustainability Socialism Capitalism twentieth century ideology economic systems globalisation class labour market politics free trade deregulation state role government industry Soviet Union union movements Margaret Thatcher social issues sovereign debt James Turk Socialism Capitalism twentieth century ideology collapse Soviet Union globalisation class labour market politics social issues free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher James Turk Sovereign Debt Defaults Free Gold Money Report twentieth century ideology socialism capitalism protests seventies eighties Soviet Union globalisation class labour market politics social issues free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher other people's money James Turk Sovereign Debt Defaults Free Gold Money Report Socialism Capitalism twentieth century ideology collapse Soviet Union globalisation class labour market politics free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher other people’s money James Turk Sovereign Debt Defaults Free Gold Money Report Socialism Capitalism Twentieth century Ideology Protests Seventies Eighties Soviet Union Globalisation Class Labour market Politics Free trade Deregulation Role of state Government and industry Union movements Europe Margaret Thatcher Sovereign debt James Turk Free Gold Money Report Socialism Capitalism twentieth century ideological shift globalisation labour market class political evolution free trade deregulation Soviet Union collapse union movements Margaret Thatcher economic theories social issues industrial relations state role government-industry relationship financial sustainability sovereign debt defaults
test-international-aegmeppghw-con02a	Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey democracy stability EU membership communist states Islamist party military intervention constitutional referendum NATO global conflicts Middle East strategic gateway oil and gas central Asia Russia Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus Muslim countries East-West relations political cooperation Turkey democracy instability former communist states EU membership Islamist party military intervention constitutional referendum NATO global flash points Middle East conflict reconciliation cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russia Greece Cyprus East-West relations Muslim countries political cooperation strategic gateway security crisis Libya Iraq Afghanistan Palestinian-Israeli conflict EU creation political cooperation Turkey-EU relations West strategic importance democracy promotion constitutional reforms secularism strategic ally Middle East conflicts economic interests geopolitical stability diplomatic relations European Union Turkish democracy democratic transition military Turkey democracy instability elections former communist states EU membership Islamist party military intervention secularism 2010 referendum constitutional changes NATO global conflicts Libya Iraq Afghanistan Palestine Israel strategic gateway Middle East reconciliation cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russia Greece Cyprus Muslim countries East-West relations political cooperation EU creation Joshua W Walker Bulent Kenes Turkey democracy stability former communist states EU membership Islamist party secularist military 2010 referendum Turkish constitution military power democratic authority global flash points EU security NATO Middle East conflict cooperation strategic gateway oil and gas central Asia Russia Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division political cooperation Muslim countries East-West relations Turkey democracy instability former communist states EU membership Islamist party secularist military referendum Turkish constitution military power democratic authority global flash points EU security NATO member security crisis Middle East conflict reconciliation cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russian dependence political cooperation Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division Muslim countries East-West relations Joshua W Walker Bulent Kenes Turkey democracy unstable former communist states EU membership Islamist party smooth transfer of power secularist military 2010 referendum constitutional changes military power democratic authority global flash points EU security NATO member security crisis Turkey borders Western neighbours strategic gateway Middle East conflict cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russian dependency political cooperation Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division EU creation Muslim countries East-West relationships Turkey democracy instability EU membership former communist states Islamist party secularist military constitutional changes NATO global flash points EU conflicts security crises Middle East strategic gateway conflict resolution cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russian dependence Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division political cooperation Muslim countries East-West relations Turkey democracy unstable region election Islamist party secularist military EU former communist states constitutional referendum military power democratic authority global flash points EU membership NATO security crisis Middle East conflict cooperation strategic gateway oil and gas central Asia Russian dependency political cooperation Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division East-West relations Muslim countries Middle East relationships EU creation political cooperation Joshua W Walker Bulent Kenes democracy instability Turkey EU elections communism Islamist party military intervention constitutional referendum military power EU membership global conflicts NATO security Middle East conflict resolution cooperation oil gas central Asia Russia Greece Cyprus political cooperation Muslim countries East-West relations Turkey democracy instability elections former communist states EU membership Islamist party military intervention secularism 2010 referendum constitutional changes military power democratic authority global flash points EU conflicts NATO security crises strategic gateway Middle East conflict reconciliation cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russian dependency Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division political cooperation Muslim countries East-West relations America's ally Middle East broker
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con03a	"Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction concentration of criminals increased crime criminal interaction violence gangs prostitution weak police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer making the case for opposing needle exchange needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction concentrated criminals criminal interaction violence gangs prostitution weaker police presence Toni Meyer New Jersey Family Policy Council opposing needle exchange needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction potential criminals criminal interaction violence gangs prostitution high crime weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer Making the case for opposing needle exchange needle exchanges crime concentration drug addicts criminality addiction potential criminals increased crime area attraction criminal interaction violence rival gangs prostitution weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer making the case opposing needle exchange needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction potential criminals area concentration increased crime criminal interaction collaboration violence gangs criminal attraction prostitution weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer Making the case for opposing needle exchange needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction potential criminals increase crime area criminals meet working together more problems violence rival criminals gangs attract criminals benefits prostitution high crime weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer Making the case for opposing needle exchange November 16 2007 needle exchanges crime drug addicts addiction criminality concentration potential criminals criminal interactions violence gang rivalry prostitute high crime police presence Toni Meyer New Jersey Family Policy Council needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction potential criminals increase crime criminal interaction violence gangs attract criminals prostitution high crime weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer making the case for opposing needle exchange needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction potential criminals concentrated area increase crime criminal interaction violence rival gangs attract criminals prostitution high crime weak police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer opposing needle exchange needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction concentrate criminals increase crime criminal interaction violence gangs attract criminals prostitution high crime weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer oppose needle exchange"
test-culture-mmciahbans-con04a	Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, education campaigns social media campaigns dark is beautiful colourism equality India legislation fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week skin lightning cream cultural demand prejudice darker skin tones stars models fairness creams Vishaka Singh education campaigns dark is beautiful India equality colourism celebrities fairness creams social media fashion industry Dakar Fashion Week skin lightening cultural demand legislation alternatives beauty standards media representation anti-colourism cosmetic industry public awareness social change education campaigns dark is beautiful India equality marginalizing colourism social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week legislative alternatives cultural demand fairness creams darker skin tones Vishaka Singh prejudice reduction beauty standards social change anti-colourism initiatives education campaigns social change equality colorism dark is beautiful India cultural demand legislation social media fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week skin lightening creams public awareness celebrity involvement Vishaka Singh fairness creams anti-prejudice campaigns racial equality skin tone diversity beauty standards legislative alternatives social movements cultural practices beauty norms skin color bias marginalized groups media representation fashion diversity beauty industry reform cultural shift alternative solutions community engagement awareness campaigns social activism beauty ideals color bias anti-discrimination efforts education campaigns equality marginalizing colourism #darkisbeautiful India social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week skin lightening cultural demand legislation alternatives social change anti-prejudice darker skin tones model participation fairness creams Vishaka Singh education campaigns equality marginalizing colourism #darkisbeautiful India advocacy social media Vishaka Sing fairness creams prejudice darker skin tones legislation social change Dakar Fashion Week beauty industry media practices cultural demand skin lightening models bans education campaigns social media dark is beautiful colourism equality legislation fashion industry Dakar Fashion Week media practices cultural demand skin whitening prejudice darker skin tones models fairness creams Vishaka Singh India anti-discrimination beauty standards education campaigns dark is beautiful India equality marginalizing colourism social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week cultural demand legislation skin lightening Vishaka Singh fairness creams models prejudice darker skin tones stars alternative methods education campaigns dark is beautiful India equality marginalizing colourism social media fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week legislation cultural demand skin tone prejudice fairness creams models stars Vishaka Singh skin lightning cream bans practices change education campaigns #darkisbeautiful India equality marginalized colourism social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week cultural demand legislation alternatives Vishaka Singh fairness creams prejudice against darker skin tones
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro02a	Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate former head of state ethnic fault lines political fault lines United States Israel independent judiciary large scale international crimes complementarity war crimes nationals crimes prosecutable by ICC Domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased judiciary former head of state ethnic and political fault lines United States Israel independent judiciary international crimes war crimes complementarity terrorists national accountability prosecution ICC domestic courts fair trial judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate former head of state ethnic and political fault lines United States Israel international crimes complementarity war crimes terrorists independent judiciary prosecution ICC domestic courts fair trial judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice whitewashes conflict bias former head of state ethnic fault lines political fault lines United States Israel international crimes terrorists complementarity principle war crimes state prosecution nationals crimes prosecutable by ICC Domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate former head of state ethnic conflict political fault lines United States Israel independent judiciary international crimes terrorists complementarity war crimes nationals prosecution ICC domestic courts fair trial judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate former head of state ethnic and political fault lines United States Israel international crimes terrorists complementarity war crimes nationals prosecution domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice whitewashes judiciary bias conflict effective court unbiased climate former head of state ethnic fault lines political fault lines United States Israel independent judiciary international crimes terrorists complementarity prosecute war crimes nationals crime prosecution Domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice judicial bias conflict fair trial ethnic fault lines political fault lines United States Israel independent judiciary international crimes terrorists complementarity war crimes prosecution nationals ICC prosecution ICC fair trial domestic courts judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate former head of state ethnic and political fault lines continuing hatreds United States Israel independent judiciary complementarity war crimes prosecute international crimes terrorists unwilling to prosecute nationals crime ICC domestic courts fair trial judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate former head of state ethnic and political fault lines United States Israel international crimes terrorists complementarity war crimes independent judiciary prosecution
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con03a	Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riots illegitimate curtailment private company rights business user impact non-rioters state action ineffective prevention freedom of speech business harm Twitter usage riot warnings incite violence riots database interaction analysis police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riot illegitimate curtailment private company rights business impact non-rioters state intervention freedom of speech business harm ineffective prevention Twitter London riots riot warnings incitement to violence communication blocking public safety citizen rights digital censorship emergency management online behavior social media impact crowd control legal implications civil liberties Police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riot private company business rights customer service impact non-rioters state intervention riot prevention ineffectiveness massive imposition citizen rights freedom of speech business harm London riots Twitter riot warnings incite violence blocking access communication risks public safety police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riot curtailment private company rights business impact users non-rioters state action prevention ineffectiveness rights imposition freedom of speech business harm Twitter riot warnings violence incitement London riots tweets analysis communication risks public safety freedom of expression social networks internet blocking mobile phone networks riot prevention private company rights citizen rights freedom of speech business impact communication curtailment Twitter usage riot warnings user safety digital rights government intervention public communication London riots social media impact lawful citizens ineffective measures mass imposition Police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens blocking social networks internet mobile phone networks riot illegitimate curtailment private company business rights customers impact non-rioters harm millions state action prevent riots ineffective massive imposition citizens' rights freedom of speech business harm Twitter London riots warnings avoid trouble incite violence James Temperton Computer Active August 2011 The Guardian 2011 police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riot illegitimate curtailment private company business rights customers impact non-rioters harm millions state action prevent riots ineffective massive imposition citizen rights freedom of speech business harm riots continuation Twitter London riots warnings avoid trouble incite violence blocking access cut communications risk areas with rioting Temperton Blocking Facebook Twitter riots freedom Computer Active Ball Lewis Riots database tweets complex interaction police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens blocking social networks internet mobile phone networks illegitimate curtailment private company rights business users non-rioters harm state action prevent riots ineffective massive imposition citizen rights freedom of speech business harm Twitter London riots warnings avoid trouble incite violence riots database complex interaction James Temperton Computer Active August 2011 Ball Lewis The Guardian August 2011 police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riot illegitimate curtailment private company right to do business customers impact non-rioters harm rights polity freedom of speech business riots effectiveness massive imposition citizens Twitter London riots warnings avoid trouble incite violence blocking access cut off communications risk areas with rioting freedom of expression communication rights social networks internet censorship mobile networks riot control police authority private business rights user impact non-rioters freedom of speech business disruption ineffective riot prevention citizen rights communication restrictions London riots Twitter use public warnings incitement digital rights civil liberties government intervention public safety technological disruption democratic values network blocking societal impact legal arguments media analysis data studies user behavior digital communication public order emergency response human rights digital freedom online activism protest rights
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con03a	Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . baseball collisions safety rules sliding catchers blocking physical contact amateur level game impact American Legion Baseball Rules collisions unnecessary baseball eliminate slide catchers block runners paths safety amateur brutal physical contact infrequent game dramatically football rugby American Legion Baseball Rules collisions unnecessary baseball slide catchers block runners paths eliminate football rugby hits plate amateur brutal physical contact infrequently game safety American Legion Baseball Rules Rule 1E collisions unnecessary baseball no collisions runner must slide catcher blocking path eliminate collisions hits plate unnecessary amateur level no contact collisions infrequent improved safety American Legion Baseball Rules baseball collisions safety sliding catchers plate amateur rules American Legion Baseball Rules physical contact game dynamics injury prevention sports regulations player protection baseball collisions safety sliding catchers blocking amateur football rugby physical contact rules American Legion Baseball Rule 1(E) baseball collisions safety sliding catchers blocking physical contact amateur level game rules American Legion Baseball Rules collisions unnecessary baseball slide catchers block runners paths safety amateur football rugby physical contact American Legion Baseball Rules collisions baseball unnecessary safety sliding catchers blocking amateur football rugby physical contact game rules American Legion Baseball Rules baseball collisions safety slides catchers blocking amateur football rugby physical contact rules American Legion Baseball Rules Rule 1(E)
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro05a	Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism Utilitarianism Justification Outcomes Actions Terror Terrorism Justice Freedom Welfare Suffering Poverty Injustices Violence Choice Logical Conclusion Good Suffering Diminished Authorities Redistribution Rights Drastic Measures Greater Goods Utility Effective Weapon Revolutionary Struggle Progression Arab Spring Yemen President Saleh Attack Palace Consequentialism ethics moral philosophy utilitarianism justice freedom welfare terrorism revolutionary struggle Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh poverty injustice violence suffering redistribution rights utility ethical justification political violence social change human rights consequentialism utilitarianism terrorism justice freedom welfare poverty inequality violence suffering redistribution rights revolutionary struggle Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh ethical justification moral philosophy political change social welfare humanitarian intervention ([^ ]+) ethical dilemmas political violence ([^ ]+) Consequentialism utilitarianism moral justification outcomes acts of terror justice freedom welfare poverty injustice violence suffering redistribution rights revolutionary struggle terrorism utility Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh palace attack Consequentialism Actions Outcomes Justification Terrorism Justice Freedom Welfare Suffering Poverty Injustices Violence Redistribution Rights Drastic Measures Utility Revolutionary Struggle Progression Arab Spring Yemen President Saleh Attack Palace Consequentialism utilitarianism terrorism justice freedom welfare suffering poverty violence redistribution rights revolutionary struggle Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh Consequentialism utilitarianism ethical outcomes terrorism justice freedom welfare global suffering poverty violence redistribution rights revolutionary struggle Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh ethical justification moral philosophy political violence social change utility ethical dilemmas moral reasoning historical context political ethics humanitarianism societal impact ideological conflict non-violent resistance civil liberties social justice humanitarian intervention moral responsibility consequentialist ethics consequentialism ethical theory outcomes justification moral philosophy terrorism justice freedom welfare suffering poverty violence redemption rights redistribution drastic measures utility ethical egoism revolutionary struggle progression Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh political change ethics moral disputes utilitarianism humanitarian intervention ethical dilemmas societal improvement armed resistance civil rights social justice moral relativism ethical implications violence justification moral psychology political philosophy conflict resolution ethical reasoning moral responsibility international relations human rights social movements historical context ethical principles consequentialism outcomes justification acts of terror justice freedom welfare suffering poverty injustices violence logical conclusion authorities redistribution rights drastic measures utility terrorism effective weapon revolutionary struggle progression Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh BBC News Consequentialism actions outcomes justification terror justice freedom welfare poverty injustices violence suffering redistribution rights drastic measures terrorism utility revolutionary struggle progression Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con02a	There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, filipino families women's health rights legislation family planning poverty education nutrition manila slums reproductive health contraception economic development social welfare public policy demographic studies international perspectives gender equality healthcare access poverty reduction strategies Filipino families women's health reproductive rights family planning poverty eradication educational levels nutritional status Manila slums research evidence birth control population control women's rights economic support child education demographic trends healthcare improvement societal impact legislative actions public health policy socioeconomic development Filipino families women's health rights legislation opponents reconciliation educational levels health levels nutritional levels Manila slums research commentary personal investigations national investigations global investigations family planning poverty eradication fewer children education affordability retirement support financial allocation deliberate oversight birth control population control poverty and population controversy public health policy socioeconomic impact Filipino families women's rights health benefits family planning poverty eradication educational levels nutritional levels Manila slums research evidence birth control legislative opponents family means child education retirement support public spending smart family planning women's health global investigations national studies personal observations population and poverty new perspectives old controversies international family planning demographic studies economic development social policy healthcare reform reproductive rights ethical considerations societal impact policy effectiveness legislative impact community health socioeconomic factors gender equality developmental economics public health initiatives family welfare sustainable Family planning health benefits women's rights poverty eradication educational levels nutritional levels Filipino families Manila slums reproductive health birth control economic support child education elderly support legislative opponents research evidence global investigations national studies personal experiences poverty reduction women's health contraception access family size resource allocation social welfare demographic dynamics public policy sustainable development healthcare improvement socioeconomic impact legislative debate human rights developmental studies economic incentives population control public health social science contraceptive methods family welfare legislative actions community health poverty alleviation family planning women's health poverty reduction educational levels nutritional levels Filipino families Manila slums birth control legislation rights of women reproductive health economic support child education elderly support population control public health social welfare government policy international perspectives Filipino families women's health rights legislation poverty family planning education nutrition Manila slums research birth control demographic studies economic development reproductive rights social policy healthcare access maternal health child welfare poverty reduction sustainable development family size economic support retirement security public spending social controversy international perspectives demographic trends policy effectiveness women's empowerment community development global health initiatives health benefits Filipino families women's rights legislation opponents family overpopulation Manila slums research evidence poverty reduction family planning education affordability child support retirement security birth control population control women's health global investigations national studies personal experiences poverty eradication economic incentives demographic research public policy social welfare healthcare access nutritional standards educational levels reproductive rights legislative debates public spending societal impact urban poverty family size sustainable development population growth resource allocation health disparities community development social equity economic stability government intervention civil rights Filipino families women's health rights of women family planning poverty eradication education levels nutritional levels slums of Manila personal investigations national investigations global investigations family planning effectiveness reduced childbearing better education financial support retirement birth control population and poverty new views old controversy benefits Filipino families women's rights legislation opponents family planning poverty eradication educational levels health levels nutritional levels Manila slums research family size economic means child education retirement support financial investment poverty reduction strategies demographic studies public health reproductive rights social welfare economic development international perspectives policy analysis legislative impact community health family welfare gender equality socioeconomic factors urban poverty rural development healthcare access population control sustainable development social policy human rights economic empowerment resource allocation family budget child welfare governmental intervention societal benefits
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro01a	The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. journalist journalism mass communication Assange information dissemination Internet traditional role readers viewers media newspapers broadcasters political access news society WikiLeaks press freedom fourth estate government check democracy Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize journalist journalism mass communication Assange WikiLeaks information dissemination Internet impact traditional media news gathering public access media evolution journalism basics fourth estate government check media role press freedom Martha Gellhorn Prize Julian Assange Guardian Hume Ellen Issues of Democracy journalist clarification mass communication Assange information dissemination internet impact journalism evolution news access media transformation newspaper sales decline broadcaster influence exceptional journalism news commentary information acquisition public transparency government oversight fourth estate traditional media role redefinition wikileaks press freedom journalist clarification new forms mass communication Assange gathers collates disseminates information journalism Internet traditional role privileged access readers viewers direct access media newspaper sales broadcasters political access extraordinary journalists news society comment news collection journalism basics public access powerful privileged fourth estate check on government traditional media role Wikileaks reminder freedom of press democratic issues Martha Gellhorn Prize journalist clarification mass communication Assange gathers collates disseminates information Internet journalism traditional role access readers viewers media newspapers broadcasters political access extraordinary journalists news society comment collecting basics powerful privileged fourth estate check government traditional media role Wikileaks reminder freedom of the press democracy Julian Assange Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize journalist mass communication Assange information dissemination Internet impact traditional journalism reader access media choice newspaper decline broadcaster influence investigative journalism Wikileaks press freedom fourth estate government check media role Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize Ellen Hume The Guardian Jason Deans journalist journalism mass communication Assange WikiLeaks information dissemination Internet impact media evolution news collection public access traditional journalism broadcasting newspaper sales information privilege fourth estate government check press freedom media role public information news commentary journalist mass communication Assange information dissemination Internet journalism traditional role access media newspaper sales broadcasters political access extraordinary journalists news society comment collecting basics Wikileaks fourth estate government press freedom media role Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize journalist journalism mass communication Assange WikiLeaks information dissemination Internet traditional media news access readers viewers newspapers broadcasters political access extraordinary journalists society comment collecting news basics powerful privileged fourth estate government check freedom press democracy Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize journalist mass communication Assange information dissemination Internet impact journalism evolution traditional journalism news access media choice newspaper sales decline broadcaster influence news commentary Wikileaks freedom of press fourth estate government check media role Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro04a	"Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" trial by jury petty offences minor offences jury costs court resources legal system efficiency plea bargaining justice system improvement crime advisor court capacity jury trial alternatives magistrates court crown court legal reforms petty offence exception right to jury trial US criminal cases guilty pleas British legal system Peter Wozniak Robert P. Connolly Louise Casey court savings victim support legal process optimization trial by jury small offences waste of resources expensive time consuming UK United States petty offences minor offences court capacity jury trials densely populated areas minor cases magistrates court British government crime advisor Louise Casey either-or cases save money justice system plea bargaining guilty pleas criminal cases Robert P. Connolly Peter Wozniak trial by jury exception right to jury trial petty crimes free up resources improve courts serious crimes victims of crime trial by jury minor offences petty offences court resources jury costs legal system efficiency plea bargaining criminal justice UK legal system US legal system Louise Casey Peter Wozniak Robert P. Connolly petty offence exception right to jury trial magistrates court crown court justice improvement victim support legal reform court capacity judicial economy trial by jury small offences waste of resources expensive juries time-consuming minor offences petty offences UK United States court capacity densely populated areas either-or cases crown court magistrates court Louise Casey cost savings justice system improvement plea bargaining guilty pleas criminal case dispositions Robert P. Connolly Peter Wozniak jury trial exception right to jury trial petty crime trials judicial efficiency judicial resource management trial by jury minor offences petty crimes resource waste expense time consumption court capacity UK United States offences definition prison time fines densely populated areas court limitations small-scale trials jury-free trials resource allocation British government crime advisor Louise Casey either-or cases crown court magistrates court cost savings justice system improvement plea bargaining guilty pleas criminal case dispositions justice delivery trial by jury minor offences small-scale trials petty crimes court resources jury costs UK justice system US justice system petty offence exception jury trial court capacity Louise Casey either-or cases magistrates court crown court plea bargaining guilty pleas criminal case dispositions justice improvements victims of serious crimes legal resource allocation trial by jury minor offences petty crimes legal resources court efficiency jury costs time consumption UK legal system US legal system petty offence exception right to jury trial crime advisor Louise Casey either-or cases magistrates court crown court legal savings justice system improvement plea bargaining criminal case dispositions Robert P. Connolly Peter Wozniak trial by jury reform legal reforms judicial resources court capacity legal expenses court management judicial efficiency legal procedures minor offense trials legal policy judicial administration court procedures petty offense trials judicial reform trial by jury petty offences minor crimes jury costs court resources legal efficiency plea bargaining justice system improvement magistrates court crown court Louise Casey Robert P. Connolly Peter Wozniak UK legal system US legal system petty offence exception jury trial rights legal reforms criminal justice trial procedures jury trial minor offences petty crimes court resources expense time consumption UK United States petty offence definition prison time fine densely populated areas court capacity Louise Casey either-or cases magistrates court cost savings justice system improvement plea bargaining criminal case dispositions guilty pleas sentencing legal reform trial efficiency public funding victim support trial by jury minor offences petty crimes judicial resources cost efficiency court capacity jury trials magistrates court crown court legal system plea bargaining criminal justice Louise Casey Robert P. Connolly Peter Wozniak US petty offences UK legal reforms judicial reform public spending crime victims support"
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro02a	A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. strong leader Putin Russia electoral success high approval anti-corruption stability authoritarian freedom young supporters past certainties leadership benefits societal improvement political support governance national stability youth engagement public trust authoritarian leadership democratic values social equality political reforms economic stability international relations domestic policies leadership qualities governance effectiveness public perception political landscape national progress voter confidence leadership impact political environment social reforms economic reforms security law and order national unity civic engagement political stability democratic processes human rights civil liberties freedom of speech strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption stability authoritarian tendencies freedom young supporters past certainties strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption stability authoritarian tendencies freedom youth support past certainties strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption calm equality authoritarian tendencies freedom stability young enthusiasm past certainties strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption calm equality authoritarian tendencies freedom stability young enthusiasts past certainties strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia waiting electoral success high approval rates corruption calm equality authoritarian tendencies freedom stability young enthusiasts past certainties strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia waiting electoral success high approval rates people society corruption calm equality authoritarian tendencies freedom stability enthusiasm young past certainties leadership benefits harms Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption stability authoritarian freedom young supporters past certainties societal calm equality strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia waiting electoral success high approval rates people corruption calm equality support authoritarian tendencies freedom stability enthusiasm young past certainties strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption calm equality authoritarian tendencies freedom stability young supporters past certainties
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con01a	CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, European food security CAP Common Agricultural Policy agricultural subsidies self-sufficiency food prices market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU support household spending food affordability continent-wide policy market compensation food supply affordable food European households food expenditure European Commission CAP costs food prices regulation CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency food prices global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU policy household spending food affordability market fluctuations poverty food supply affordable food EU household food expenditure European Commission CAP costs food prices regulation CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention food availability EU subsidies food prices household spending food affordability continent-wide policy food supply stability European Commission CAP effectiveness food price stability agricultural policy CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuation global climate change commodity crisis state intervention food prices household spending affordable food EU policy food supply household food expenditure European Commission CAP costs food affordability EU agriculture policy food security measures market stability CAP European food security agricultural subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention food prices household spending food affordability EU policy food supply market stability EU households food expenditure CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU support food prices household spending affordable food continent-wide policy food supply stability CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU support price stability poorer EU regions food expenditure continent-wide policy international markets affordable food household spending food prices European Commission CAP costs food security policy CAP European food security subsidies to agriculture self-sufficiency state intervention market fluctuation global climate change commodity crisis EU support price stability household spending food affordability continent-wide policy market compensation food supply affordable food household expenditure European Commission food prices CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention food availability EU support price stability poorer EU regions household spending food and non-alcoholic beverages continent-wide policy market compensation secure food supply affordable food EU household food expenditure European Commission CAP cost food prices CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU support food prices household spending non-alcoholic beverages continent-wide policy market compensation affordable food CAP costs European Commission Food Prices ec.europa.eu
test-science-ascidfakhba-con01a	Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. artistic rights creative commons copyright intellectual property artist ownership creative output property rights artistic creation fair compensation legal protection creative labor artistic endeavor public domain copyright law intellectual ownership artist rights cultural contribution creative works legal defense artist protection Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting creations individuals property right idea unfinished sketch art artist obsession time raw talent creation business investment energy principle creator rights profit theft machine creative commons license public sphere consent property universal protection erosion copyright productive life human experience devaluation Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creations property right creators unfinished sketch artistic creation business investment energy time effort principle rights profit theft creative commons public sphere artist consent property erosion human experience devalue contribution copyright intellectual property property rights artistic creation copyright creative commons artist rights intellectual property legal protection creative output artistic work public domain fair use copyright law creative process artist's ownership cultural contribution legal defense intellectual property rights artistic endeavor economic rights artistic property Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creation intellectual property idea development artistic process business investment talent effort profit theft creative commons artistic endeavor public domain copyright intellectual property law human creativity cultural contribution artists fundamental property right creative output music film sculpture painting creative commons property rights artistic endeavor copyright intellectual property legal protection artistic creation ethical considerations public domain theft devaluation artistic rights creative investment Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting intellectual property artistic creation individual rights copyright creative commons public domain artist's rights theft artistic endeavor universal protection human experience devaluation Greenberg copyright law Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creations property right inherent creators ideas unfinished sketch artistic works blooming artist obsession time raw talent creation business investment energy principle rights profit theft ethereal work hard work creative commons license public sphere artist's consent erosion property productive life human experience devaluation copyright intellectual property artist rights creative commons property rights art creation legal protection artistic work public domain cultural contribution creative process legal policy intellectual effort artistic endeavor theft moral rights art ownership creative output fair use artistic integrity property rights artistic creation copyright creative commons public domain artist rights intellectual property creative work legal protection artistic expression ownership theft licensing cultural contribution economic value legal policy intellectual labor artistic endeavor fair use copyright law
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro04a	"The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). atheism omnipotence logical contradiction empirical evidence rational reflection causality quantum fluctuation space-time universe origin theological debate paradox of the stone philosophy of religion existence of God creator god logical absurdity causative agent empirical fact meaninglessness theological position physics inflation field theological arguments cosmology logical justification belief in gods conventional explanation religious philosophy scientific explanation divine attributes absence of belief logical unfoundedness theology philosophy of religion atheism omnipotence paradox logical contradictions creator god empirical evidence rational argument causality quantum fluctuation universe expansion space-time theological arguments god's existence paradox of the stone logical justification theological positions scientific explanation cosmology metaphysics God nature logical contradiction creator empirical fact rational reflection outside Universe meaningless physics quantum fluctuation causality causative agent omnipotent Paradox of the Stone logically unfounded atheism logically justified theological position theology atheism logical paradox omnipotence empirical evidence rational argument creator god quantum fluctuation causality space-time philosophical reasoning theological validity stone paradox Charles Savage logical absurdity universe origin empirical facts rational reflection theological positions logical justification atheism logical contradiction omnipotence empirical fact rational reflection causality quantum fluctuation space-time universe theology paradox of the stone philosophical argument creator god existence of God nonexistence of God logical justification theological position naturalism cosmology philosophy of religion scientific explanation causative agent meaninglessness omnipotent being logical absurdity empirical evidence rational analysis metaphysics theological debate atheistic stance religious belief skeptical reasoning empirical skepticism philosophical skepticism logical analysis theological critique scientific worldview naturalistic explanation logical impossibility nature of God logically contradictory creator god logical absurdity empirical fact rational reflection exist outside Universe meaningless concept physics explanation quantum fluctuation causality emergence causative agent unnecessity omnipotent God logical contradiction create entity greater logically unfounded conventional explanation invalid atheism logically justified theological position Paradox of the Stone C. Savage Philosophical Review 1967 atheism logical contradiction creator god empirical fact rational reflection existence outside universe meaningless concept physics quantum fluctuation causality inflating field space-time causative agent omnipotence paradox of the stone theological position absence of belief gods logically justified Savage philosophical review nature of God logical contradiction creator god empirical evidence rational reflection existence outside Universe meaningless concept physics explanation quantum fluctuation causality emergence unnecessary causative agent omnipotent God paradox logical unfoundedness conventional explanation invalidity atheism justification theological position Paradox of the Stone philosophical argument atheism logical contradictions creator god empirical evidence rational reflection universe origin quantum fluctuation causality omnipotence paradox theological arguments philosophy of religion Savage paradox of the stone atheism omnipotence paradox empirical evidence rational reflection causality quantum fluctuation inflation theory space-time theological arguments logical contradiction creator god universe origin absent deity philosophical critique logical justification"
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con01a	Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education development UNESCO Burma China US EU death penalty dissemination of values engagement moral case trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education just reasonable moral case engagement development UNESCO critical starting point education Burma China US EU death penalty cooperation changes drip effect disseminate values contact international relations global education political elite well-educated tyrants sycophants wider opportunities nation-building cultural exchange economic development social impact academic partnerships international trade policy-making ethical considerations societal improvement global citizenship transformative learning multicultural trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities social group Western education human rights development UNESCO education moral case engagement economic development academic exchange cultural dissemination mutual benefits international relations policy impact societal progress ethical trade value dissemination educational expansion global elite educational justice tyrants sycophants learning opportunities national development global cooperation ethical globalization incremental change systemic improvement international education development studies rights advocacy academic freedom trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education moral case engagement UNESCO development education human rights international relations economic development social justice intellectual exchange cultural dissemination ethical trade global cooperation academic freedom political elite societal impact educational equity international education academic diplomacy value dissemination cross-cultural communication economic interdependence societal transformation intellectual property academic standards global citizenship educational policy international law human dignity social progress academic innovation sustainable development ethical globalization academic integrity trade human rights wealth choice standards of living governments multi-nationals academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities social group Western education human rights development UNESCO education moral case for engagement Sirico Robert A. trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education moral case engagement UNESCO development dissemination of values contact cooperation changes drip effect elite education just reasonable political elite well-educated tyrants sycophants Burma China US EU death penalty international trade academic exchange cultural diffusion economic development social mobility educational opportunities global cooperation incremental change peaceful evolution ethical commerce diplomatic relations international relations academic partnerships educational reform policy influence trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education development UNESCO moral case engagement economic benefits cultural exchange international relations education opportunities societal change ethical considerations policy impacts globalization diplomatic relations economic development social justice equality empowerment academic freedom intellectual exchange international students diplomatic engagement sustainable development public policy global education trends academic partnerships cross-cultural understanding societal impact human capital economic globalization educational reforms ethical trade practices international academic collaborations academic mobility global citizenship trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities Western education political elite social group justice UNESCO education development human rights trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach existing strengths differences cooperation changes drip effect elite universities social group Western education just reasonable UNESCO development critical starting point contact dissemination values trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities Western education social group just reasonable education development UNESCO
test-economy-beghwbh-con04a	If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, Elon Musk Hyperloop project development subscale version Tesla SpaceX visionary involvement project priority investor interest technology implementation transportation innovation startup involvement engineering challenges future transportation solutions Elon Musk Hyperloop Tesla SpaceX subscale version visionary low priority development investors involvement transportation technology future projects innovation engineering challenges publicity project management technical feasibility funding collaboration startup opportunities infrastructure development Elon Musk Hyperloop subscale version Tesla SpaceX project priority investor confidence technological innovation transportation infrastructure development challenges visionary leadership project execution public interest private investment technological feasibility market potential Elon Musk Hyperloop subscale version Tesla SpaceX project priority visionary involvement development challenges investor confidence technological innovation transportation future infrastructure investment private sector involvement public sector support technological feasibility market potential regulatory hurdles environmental impact economic benefits transportation revolution Musk's commitment project timeline industry collaboration startup opportunities technological breakthroughs Hyperloop alternatives transportation solutions global impact sustainable transport engineering challenges public interest media attention technological hype realistic expectations Musk's other projects technological legacy future transportation trends infrastructure planning urban mobility high-speed travel Elon Musk Hyperloop subscale version Tesla SpaceX visionary project low priority investor confidence technological innovation transportation technology private investment public infrastructure entrepreneurial leadership project development stages technology demonstration commercial viability Elon Musk Hyperloop subscale version Tesla SpaceX visionary project priority development involvement proposal feasibility Elon Musk Hyperloop Tesla SpaceX subscale version project priority visionary involvement development challenges stakeholder interest technological innovation transportation future infrastructure investment Hyperloop Elon Musk Tesla SpaceX subscale version visionary project development low priority investor confidence technological innovation transportation revolution startup opportunities engineering challenges public interest future transportation investment prospects commercial viability technological feasibility market demand infrastructure development government support private sector involvement Elon Musk Hyperloop Tesla SpaceX subscale version visionary project priority involvement development proposal low priority potential investors Hannah Elliott Forbes Hyperloop Elon Musk Tesla SpaceX subscale version visionary low priority development involvement project proposal
test-law-phwmfri-con03a	Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, perception fines taxes punishment detach crimes unrelated justice government money New Zealand coffers hypothecated UK speed cameras preventing speeding revenue raising poll 49% drivers conflicted road safety criminal act abstaining worth it perception fines taxes punishment crimes justice government revenue New Zealand speed cameras UK motorists poll driving road safety criminal act abstaining worth it public opinion hypothecation police driving behavior fines taxes punishment justice government revenue hypothecation New Zealand UK speed cameras revenue raising criminal behavior public perception speed enforcement law enforcement traffic violations road safety motorist behavior legal penalties public trust crime deterrence perception fines taxes punishment crimes detached justice government revenue New Zealand speed cameras UK motorists revenue raising probability abstaining criminal act FAQs New Zealand Police IAM Driving Road Safety poll drivers conflicted fines taxes punishment justice government revenue hypothecation New Zealand speed cameras UK public perception criminal behavior revenue raising drivers road safety IAM Driving criminal acts abstaining worth it poll enforcement legality morality fiscal policy public trust law enforcement deterrence crime prevention societal impact financial incentives regulatory compliance policy effectiveness governance civic duty ethical considerations administrative fines legal sanctions public opinion societal norms economic motivation behavioral economics legislative intent judicial system financial penalties regulatory measures government finances public services perception fines taxes punishment crimes government revenue hypothecation New Zealand speed cameras UK road safety criminal acts public opinion poll drivers revenue raising speed limits law enforcement justice system social contract deterrence compliance public trust financial incentives policy implications fines taxes punishment justice government revenue hypothecation New Zealand speed cameras UK revenue raising criminal acts public perception law enforcement speed limits motorist behavior driving safety IAM Driving Road Safety New Zealand Police Frequently Asked Questions Drivers conflicted over cameras perception fines taxes punishment crimes justice government revenue New Zealand UK speed cameras motorists poll revenue raising abstaining criminal act Frequently Asked Questions New Zealand Police IAM Driving Road Safety Drivers conflicted over cameras fines taxes punishment justice government revenue speed cameras UK New Zealand crime perception public opinion deterrence criminal behavior road safety poll motorists hypothecation policy law enforcement financial incentives public trust fines taxes punishment justice government revenue New Zealand speed cameras UK public perception crime deterrence speed enforcement road safety motorists poll revenue raising criminal act abstaining worth it policy hypothecated
test-economy-beghwbh-pro01a	Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 fastest transportation short distance public transportation speed improvement supersonic jets Concorde operation cessation new generation planes city travel proximity altitude ground level Hyperloop speed comparison high speed rail San Francisco Los Angeles travel time cars proposed train plane travel Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha Fastest transportation short distance travel public transportation speed supersonic jets Concorde Concorde retirement supersonic flight urban transport intercity transportation Hyperloop Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop speed high-speed rail San Francisco to Los Angeles travel time comparison car travel time plane travel time train travel time Fastest transportation short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high-speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles route travel time ground-level transport flying time cruising altitude Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha fastest transportation short distance travel public transportation speed Concorde supersonic jets Hyperloop technology high-speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles route travel time comparison ground level transport urban mobility solutions future transportation trends Elon Musk Hyperloop transportation innovation short-haul flights mass transit efficiency Supersonic jets Concorde public transportation Hyperloop high-speed rail short-distance travel urban transportation innovation in transport future transportation San Francisco-Los Angeles route Elon Musk SpaceX travel time ground-level transport plane efficiency cruising altitude transport history rapid transit systems fastest transportation short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles route travel time plane travel car travel train travel supersonic jets Concorde public transportation high speed rail Hyperloop short distance travel San Francisco-Los Angeles route travel time cruising altitude ground level transport Elon Musk SpaceX transportation evolution speed comparison travel efficiency Fastest transportation short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles travel time cars plane cruising altitude ground level Elon Musk SpaceX Fastest transportation short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles travel time ground level transport plane travel cruising altitude car travel Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha Fastest transportation short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles travel time cruising altitude ground level cars plane Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha
test-law-sdfclhrppph-con02a	Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. individual liberty free speech expression harm censorship personal freedom individual rights thought feelings prohibition self-expression autonomy human dignity civil liberties Individual Liberty Free Speech Harm Principle Expression Thought Feeling Prohibition Liberty Individual Person Censorship Rights Freedom of Speech Personal Autonomy Self-Expression Constitutional Rights Democracy Human Rights Moral Philosophy Legal Restrictions Individual Liberty Free Speech Expression of Thoughts Censorship Personal Freedom Harm Principle Unrestrained Speech Liberty vs Harm Freedom of Expression Self-Expression Intellectual Freedom Civil Liberties Individual Rights Speech Regulation Philosophical Freedom Personal Autonomy Prohibition of Free Speech Core of Individuality Intrinsic Liberty Value of Liberty Individual liberty free speech expression of thoughts prohibition of free expression harm of censorship value of personal freedom core of individuality unrestrained speech importance of liberty harm from banning expression thoughts and feelings ownership incalculable harm free expression rights Individual liberty free speech expression censorship self-expression personal freedom harm principle rights autonomy thought communication individualism constitutional rights First Amendment philosophical freedom civil liberties 的危害 言论自由 个人表达 自我实现 思想自由 言论控制 人权 自主权 内在价值 个人主义 宪法权利 天赋人权 自由哲学 公民自由 individual liberty free speech harm principle expression freedom personal autonomy censorship consequences thought control individual rights societal harm speech restriction impacts individual liberty free speech expression thoughts feelings harm prohibition individualism personal freedom censorship rights autonomy dignity self-expression philosophical argument ethical consideration democratic value human rights societal harm legal restriction moral principle individual liberty free speech self-expression censorship harm principle personal autonomy First Amendment Constitutional rights intellectual freedom democratic values individual liberty free speech expression censorship personal freedom thought feelings harm prohibition individualism rights autonomy Individual Liberty Free Speech Unrestrained Expression Harm of Censorship Personal Autonomy Freedom of Thought Constitutional Rights Civil Liberties Individual Rights Censorship Consequences Expression of Thoughts Intellectual Freedom Speech Restrictions Libertarian Principles Human Rights
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro03a	Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. leaders Left Socialism Capitalism European political parties socialist Market economics high-tax high-spend borders capital state control class block irrelevant wealth globalization fiscal policy ideology economic principles acceptance 放弃 社会主义 资本主义 欧洲 政治 左派 市场 经济 高税收 高支出 边境 资本流动 国家 控制 阶级 块 Socialism Capitalism Market economics High-tax High-spend Class block State control Capital flow Left leaders European socialist parties Economic principles Open borders Wealth distribution Political ideology Economic policy Socialism Capitalism Market economics High-tax High-spend Open borders State control Capital flow Class block European political parties Left leaders Solid class Economic principles Modern Capitalist Socialist creed Cuba Colombia Leaders of the Left Socialism Capitalist principles European socialist parties Market economics High-tax high-spend Open borders Capital flow State control Class block Economic principles Political ideology Modern capitalism Socialist creed Fiscal policy Economic freedom Class relevance Political adaptation Economic policies International capital socialism capitalism left-wing political parties market economics high-tax high-spend open borders capital flow class block economic principles modern politics European socialism state control economic efficiency social creed political adaptation economic policies global capitalism fiscal policies Left leaders Socialism Capitalist principles European socialist parties Market economics high-tax high-spend open borders capital flow control class block economic principles political change modern capitalism socialism decline economic policy shift market-oriented policies state control economic ideology political adaptation global economics class relevance Leaders Left Socialism Creed Capitalist Principles European Political Parties Socialist Market Economics High-tax High-spend Borders Open State Control Capital Class Block Relevant Lives Cuba Colombia leaders Left Socialism Capitalist principles European socialist parties Market economics high-tax high-spend borders capital state control class block irrelevant leaders left socialism capitalism market economics high-tax high-spend open borders capital flow class block political parties socialist Europe Cuba Colombia leaders Left Socialism Capitalist principles European political parties socialist Market economics high-tax high-spend borders open state control capital richer class block irrelevant
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con01a	The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, Neo-functionalism spill-over theory automaticity of integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty integration of Europe high politics common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy EU role international relations European integration political integration functional method intergovernmentalism multilateralism European Union defence community European security policy coordination sovereignty erosion institutionalism European governance policy effectiveness institutional dynamics euro-skepticism European cooperation international organizations regional integration policy-making EU institutions European Commission European Parliament Council of the European Union European Council Neo-functionalism spill-over theory automaticity of integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy European integration functional method high politics coordinated foreign policy role of EU international security defence community European Union political integration institutional development multilateral cooperation regional governance sovereignty erosion intergovernmentalism European Community policy coordination international relations European studies political science integration dynamics policy spillover European governance political cooperation state sovereignty European foreign policy defence integration EU role international politics regional integration Neo-functionalism spill-over automaticity integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty high politics common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy defence community Neo-functionalism spill-over theory automaticity of integration European integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty functional method high politics common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy coordinated foreign policy Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies Pabst Adrian Obstinate or Obsolete Hoffmann Stanley Daedalus role of EU in world self-continuing force whole of Europe artichoke analogy devalued sovereignty issues of limited applicability community project fundamental failure world role enlargement opposition security community neo-functionalism spill-over automaticity integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty devalued artichoke metaphor functional method high politics common defence foreign policy EU security policy enlargement international role Pabst Hoffmann Neo-functionalism spill-over theory automaticity of integration supranational functionalism high politics common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy national sovereignty European integration functional method Steffen Hoffmann Adrian Pabst Daedalus Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies Spill-over Neo-functionalism automaticity integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty devaluation functional method high politics common defence foreign policy EU security policy enlargement international role Neo-functionalism spill-over theory automaticity of integration European integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty devaluation of sovereignty artichoke analogy functional method limited success high politics common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy defence community European Union international relations political integration Hoffmann Pabst Neo-functionalism spill-over theory automaticity of integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty functional method high politics common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy European integration political integration institutional integration European Union international relations sovereignty erosion policy coordination regional integration European governance international cooperation EU diplomacy defense community European security EU role in global affairs regional cooperation policy areas integration dynamics political union functional spill-over institutional development European Community EU foreign policy intergovernmentalism supranationalism European defense security community EU Neo-functionalism spill-over automaticity integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty high politics common foreign policy EU security defence community enlargement coordinated foreign policy role of EU international security European integration self-continuing force artichoke metaphor functional method limitations defense integration foreign policy integration European community European Union international relations political integration institutional development sovereignty erosion policy coordination supranational governance regional cooperation European security defense cooperation political union institutional constraints policy effectiveness
test-international-aegmeppghw-con01a	"The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. Europe geographical definition Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta NATO European Union Mediterranean political imagination East-West Germany historical significance population Eurovision Song Contest European football westward-looking country geographical definition Europe Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO Italy Mediterranean political imagination East and West Germany European Union EU historical significance population in Europe Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country Europe Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta NATO EU geography politics historical significance population Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking regional organisation Mediterranean North Atlantic East-West divide Eastern European countries Council of Europe OECD membership frontier definition inclusion exclusion political imagination changing perceptions regional integration territorial distribution European mainland Asia historical ties cultural integration economic ties strategic alliances international relations geographical definition Europe Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta NATO Italy Mediterranean political imagination East-West Germany EU membership European territory historical significance population westward-looking Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions OECD Council of Europe Europe geographical definition frontier Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Italy NATO political imagination Mediterranean North Atlantic East and West Germany EU Turkey European mainland historical significance population NATO OECD Council of Europe Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country geographical definition Europe frontier Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Mediterranean Italy NATO political imagination East Germany West Germany EU European mainland historical significance population NATO OECD Council of Europe Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country Europe geographical definition frontier Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Mediterranean Italy NATO political imagination North Atlantic changing perceptions region East and West Germany European Union European mainland history population EU members Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country Europe geographical definition Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta NATO EU Mediterranean political imagination East-West historical significance population Eurovision European football westward-looking geographical definition Europe frontier Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Italy NATO political imagination East-West Germany EU membership Turkey European mainland historical significance population NATO OECD Council of Europe Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country geographical definition Europe Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta NATO Italy Mediterranean political imagination East and West Germany EU historical significance population European organizations Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country"
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro03a	The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation ICC International Criminal Court ratification public opinion 2005 poll favor support unconvinced drawbacks arguments American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation ICC International Criminal Court ratification public opinion international law human rights justice lobal governance American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ratification drawbacks arguments American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ICC ratification public opinion international justice American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ratification public opinion international law human rights judicial accountability American people ICC membership democracy people's voice international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court drawbacks ratification American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions US participation International Criminal Court 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations 69% support US population unconvinced drawbacks ratification American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population participation International Criminal Court ratification public opinion international law human rights judicial accountability global cooperation US foreign policy international justice American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ratification drawbacks public opinion legal obligations human rights international law government accountability American public opinion ICC membership democracy international law Chicago Council foreign relations public polls US participation International Criminal Court ratification support for international courts drawbacks of ICC US foreign policy international justice
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con04a	Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . collisions antagonisms injured player teammates grudge revenge pitch hurt Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike behavior dangerous plays MLB Mike Matheny catcher run notes retribution collisions antagonisms injured player teammates grudge retribution aiming pitch hurt player Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike behaviour dangerous plays Mike Matheny catchers memories retaliation baseball MLB sportsmanship violence competitive sports player safety game ethics collisions antagonisms injuries plate grudge retaliation pitch hurt Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike behaviour plays Mike Matheny catchers memory notes confrontation collisions antagonisms hurt plate injured player teammates grudge get even aiming pitch hurt player Posey injury Brian Sabean long memory unsportsmanlike behaviour dangerous plays Mike Matheny catcher put mark stick it make notes Joe Torre R.B. Fallstrom Matheny critical Cousins hit Posey Collisions antagonisms injured player teammates grudge retaliation pitch hurt Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike behaviour dangerous plays MLB Mike Matheny catchers run at notes revenge baseball sportsmanship aggression conflicts safety ethics collisions heighten antagonisms injured teammates grudge get even pitch hurt Posey Giants General Manager Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike behaviour dangerous unnecessary plays former MLB catcher Mike Matheny catchers hit run column kid mark next time stick it notes catcher collisions antagonisms injuries grudges retribution MLB baseball plate pitchers catchers Posey Sabean Cousins Matheny unsportsmanlike dangerous plays long memory notes revenge sportsmanship competitive retaliation aggression team dynamics player safety ethics sports culture collisions antagonisms injured player teammates grudge revenge pitch hurt Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike behavior dangerous plays MLB catcher Mike Matheny run at catcher retaliation Collisions heighten antagonisms injured teammates grudge get even aiming pitch hurt Posey Brian Sabean Cousins Giants MLB catcher Mike Matheny unsportsmanlike dangerous unnecessary plays run at catcher stick it to him notes catcher Joe Torre R.B. Fallstrom Associated Press ESPN.com News Services May 30 2011 June 3 2011 baseball collisions antagonisms grudge retaliation pitching catchers injuries Brian Sabean Buster Posey Scott Cousins MLB unsportsmanlike conduct Mike Matheny memorials aggression
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con04a	The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. state blocking Twitter precedent censor internet public interest expand powers speech damaging government credibility freedom critical right free societies ultimate check citizens challenge dissent organize dissatisfied running powerful valuable tool expansion individuals governments quakes raw people power services frontier influence foothold free speech online beachhead credibility censoring threatening kept entirely out slow creep intervention threat individuals internet state blocking Twitter precedent censor internet public interest expand powers speech damaging government’s credibility freedom of speech critical right free societies ultimate check ordinary citizens challenge powers that be express dissent organize dissatisfied internet powerful valuable tool expansion individuals power governments quakes people power last frontier state’s power blocking free speech online beachhead credibility censoring services kept out slow creep intervention serious threat individuals internet Anti-Defamation League Combating Extremism state blocking Twitter precedent censor internet public interest expand powers speech damaging government’s credibility freedom of speech critical right free societies check challenge powers express dissent organize individuals government internet powerful tool expansion people power state’s power quakes last frontier foothold blocking free speech beachhead credibility censoring services kept out slow creep intervention threat individuals online Anti-Defamation League Combating Extremism Cyberspace Temperton Blocking Facebook Riots state power government censorship free speech internet freedom social media regulation public interest governmental control online dissent citizen rights digital censorship Twitter blocking internet governance speech restriction government credibility online intervention digital rights internet neutrality digital activism government expansion online services regulation blocking Twitter internet censorship public interest government power free speech dissent organizing online freedom state control extremism cyberspace social media riots freedom threat censorship freedom of speech government control internet regulation social media Twitter public interest state power dissent organizing civil liberties extremism riots online freedom digital rights governmental credibility people power anti-democratic measures ADL Computer Active state blocking Twitter precedent censor internet public interest expand powers speech damage government credibility freedom right free societies check challenge powers dissent organize like-minded people government running internet tool expansion individuals power governments state quakes people power services frontier influence blocking free speech foothold beachhead credibility censoring services online government out services intervention threat freedom individuals internet Anti-Defamation League Combating Extremism freedom of speech internet censorship government power public interest social media regulation Twitter online dissent citizen rights state control online freedom digital communication extremism in cyberspace social network blocking riot control digital rights free society government intervention online privacy digital activism cyber law state censorship internet public interest government powers freedom of speech social media Twitter dissent organization citizens government credibility online freedom people power anti-defamation league combating extremism cyberspace blocking services riot computer active threat intervention individual freedom censorship free speech government control internet freedom social media regulation public interest state power cyber regulation online dissent digital rights extremism cyber activism government surveillance information control digital censorship online privacy net neutrality digital democracy internet governance online freedom of expression
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro01a	"Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, second-hand smoke non-smokers human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks lung cancer public places smoking ban involuntary smoking World Health Organisation Exposing non-smokers second-hand smoke rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health well-being living standards human rights lung cancer risk smoking public places smoking ban involuntary smoking World Health Organisation tobacco smoke studies worldwide increased risk non-smokers' rights public health environmental tobacco smoke legislation smoke-free environments air quality occupational health second-hand smoke exposure health risks smoke-free policies human rights violation clean air rights passive smoking legislation public health policy second-hand smoke non-smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health well-being lung cancer risk public places smoking ban involuntary smoking World Health Organisation Second-hand smoke rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health well-being lung cancer public places smoking ban involuntary smoking World Health Organisation Human rights second-hand smoke non-smokers Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks lung cancer smoking ban public places involuntary smoking World Health Organisation second-hand smoke non-smokers human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks lung cancer public places smoking ban World Health Organisation involuntary smoking standard of living well-being health and well-being non-smokers rights smoke exposure risk factors smoking in public tobacco smoke environmental tobacco smoke passive smoking Exposing non-smokers second-hand smoke rights Universal Declaration Human Rights United Nations standard living adequate health well-being lung cancer studies worldwide increased risk work live smokers human rights breathing chosen public places banned non-smokers tobacco WHO involuntary smoking second-hand smoke human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks lung cancer smoking ban public places non-smokers involuntary smoking World Health Organisation risk factors health and well-being standard of living environmental health tobacco smoke exposure prevention public health policy indoor air quality legal rights health protection second-hand smoke non-smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks lung cancer public places smoking ban involuntary smoking World Health Organisation second-hand smoke human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights non-smokers smoking ban public places health risks lung cancer involuntary smoking tobacco smoke World Health Organisation"
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con01a	This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists maternal mortality respect for life reproductive health culture wars Philippines legislation church influence societal progress democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists maternal health reproductive health culture wars Philippines legislation women's rights church influence societal progress democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortion maternal mortality respect for life reproductive health cultural values Church influence legislative decision public health women's rights reproductive rights maternal care societal progress legislative debate cultural mythology victory for democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists maternal mortality respect for life respect for democracy individual and societal future church mythology reproductive health bill Philippines culture wars Emily Rauhala Time Magazine democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortion maternal health respect for life cultural values reproductive health societal progress church influence legislative decision-making Filipino democracy RH Bill reproductive health majority support unplanned pregnancies back street abortion maternal health respect for life cultural values Philippine Congress public opinion democratic values church influence women's health reproductive rights societal progress legislative success cultural debate healthcare access democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortions maternal mortality respect for life reproductive health cultural values church influence legislative progress public health women's rights societal advancement political decisions health care access reproductive rights maternal health abortion safety legislative debates cultural change public opinion democratic process health policy reproductive choices human rights social progress church-state relations legislative approval health reform women's health reproductive autonomy maternal safety healthcare reform cultural evolution public welfare political representation reproductive justice health democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortion maternal mortality respect for life value of life democracy individual rights societal progress church influence reproductive health Philippines culture wars legislative decision public opinion minority opposition women's health healthcare access human rights social values modern Philippines political debate legal reform reproductive rights maternal health healthcare reform social change public policy ethical considerations religious influence secular values women's rights legislative process democratic values societal values political values health legislation public democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortion maternal mortality respect for life reproductive health cultural values societal progress church influence legislative decision-making democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortion maternal mortality respect for life reproductive rights Church influence societal progress legislative change public health women's rights cultural shift democratic values healthcare access modern Filipino values abortion safety reproductive health law
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro02a	Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . government press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist media control Internet new media Wikileaks news without spin citizen journalism source material readers' judgement journalistic skills speaking truth to power press freedom government control information age media evolution internet impact journalism transformation Assange defense Wikileaks significance new media journalism truth to power source transparency citizen journalism media skepticism government-media relations press independence digital journalism information dissemination media patronage journalistic ethics news spin press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist government control media pre-Internet information control new media age Wikileaks new journalism skills relationship with readers speaking truth to power source material news without spin citizen journalism press investigation freedom of information governments control media suspicion pre-Internet age information control Internet impact media control difficulty direct broadcasting new media age Assange journalism Wikileaks stories new journalistic skills reader relationship change speaking truth to power source material publication news without spin citizen journalism Assange as journalist press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist governments control over information media pre-Internet age Internet new media age Wikileaks new stories new skills attitudes journalists readers speaking truth to power source material news without spin citizen journalism John Pilger press investigation freedom of information Julian Assange journalist government control media Internet new media Wikileaks citizen journalism breaking stories source material news without spin journalistic skills speaking truth to power government press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist control over information media suspicion pre-Internet age information control Internet impact media broadcasting new media age Wikileaks journalistic position opinion-driven press blogosphere breaking new stories new media skills reader relationship speaking truth to power source material publication news without spin citizen journalism Julian Assange John Pilger press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist government control media pre-Internet age information control new media age Wikileaks journalistic position mainstream press blogosphere new skills attitudes journalists relationship with readers speaking truth to power source material reader judgement news without spin citizen journalism John Pilger Julian Assange press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist governments control over information media pre-Internet age information control new media age direct broadcasting opinion-driven media breaking new stories new media skills journalist-reader relationship speaking truth to power source material publication news without spin citizen journalism press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist government control media suspicion Internet age controlling information new media Wikileaks breaking stories new journalism skills reader relationship speaking truth to power source material news without spin citizen journalism
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro05a	Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies secular values state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression public equality religious dress state unity secular identity religious symbols equality Sharia courts UK law Western societies secular values state sponsorship religion British society National Secular Society religious expression public places citizen equality religious dress state unity institutional ethos schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality Sharia courts legal integration cultural cohesion secularism religious symbols state authority equality public places schools government offices unity religious expression National Secular Society Sharia courts Western society religious dress secular values citizenship religious identity separation of religion and state Western societies secular focus state-religion separation equality religious symbols public dress institutional unity National Secular Society religious expression suppression Sharia courts one law for all state identity cultural integration religious neutrality Western societies secular values state and religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression public equality religious dress societal unity state institutions religious symbols secular identity Sharia courts UK laws secular values state neutrality religious expression public places equality unity religious symbols Western society National Secular Society separation of church and state religious dress institutional integrity government offices schools Sharia courts legal uniformity Western societies secular values separation of religion and state National Secular Society suppression of religious expression public places citizen equality religious dress state unity institutional ethos schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality Western identity Sharia courts UK law religious neutrality secularism religious neutrality state-religion separation equality religious symbols public dress national identity cultural integration secular values religious expression public institutions school policies government offices Sharia courts legal uniformity National Secular Society British society Western societies religious freedom civic unity Western societies secular values state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression public places citizen equality religious dress state unity institutional neutrality schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality focus UK Sharia courts One Law for all Western societies secular focus separation of church and state National Secular Society religious expression in public equality of citizens religious symbols secular identity public institutions schools government offices unity religious dress Sharia courts UK law
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con05a	It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. information resources planned economy centralised planning decentralised price system private property allocation efficiency labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery trillions vast useless sorting usage duties rights Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices impossible information coherent economy planned economy resource allocation trillions resources labor iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories useless Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery centralised planning myriad efficient usage decentralised price system private property duties rights Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices impossible information coherent economy planned economy resource allocation planners information resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories resource combination efficiency centralised planning decentralised price system private property duties rights Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices impossible information coherent economy planned economy planners allocate resources virtually impossible trillions resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories ways combine recombine useless mistake Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery centralised planning myriad efficient usage decentralised price system private property duties rights Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices impossible information coherent economy planned economy planners allocate resources virtually impossible world trillions resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories combine recombine useless Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery centralised planning myriad efficient usage decentralised price system private property duties rights Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices central planning economic information resource allocation price system private property economic efficiency market mechanism information complexity Hayek economic theory planning impossibility decentralized economy resource combination market signals economic coordination information problem economic planning scarcity market prices property rights economic duties Boudreaux information and prices economic resources resource recombination economic tasks economic usefulness planning inefficiency market efficiency economic institutions economic organization economic order economic theory economic policy economic decision-making economic knowledge economic value economic exchange economic freedom economic regulation economic intervention planned economy information allocation resource allocation economic planning resource combinations inefficiency central planning decentralized price system private property market efficiency Boudreaux information and prices economic theory resource utilization economic resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery economy planned economy resource allocation information complexity centralised planning decentralised price system private property market efficiency resource combination Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices planned economy resource allocation information theory economic planning central planning price system private property resource combination economic efficiency market economy information economics economic theory Donald Boudreaux information and prices impossible information coherent economy planned economy planners allocate resources virtually impossible world trillions resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories unimaginably vast useless Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery centralised planning myriad arranging resources efficient usage decentralised price system private property duties rights Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices
test-international-epglghbni-pro05a	Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency unified Ireland economic benefits integrated services economies of scale shared resources reduced costs improved infrastructure joint administration Martin McGuinness 2010 two separate administrations hampered growth wasted resources unified system cost reduction efficiency improvement all-Ireland basis quality services transport networks electricity grids police judiciary Economic efficiency unified Ireland Martin McGuinness two administrations integration services structures bodies all-Ireland basis quality services economies of scale electricity grids transport networks separate police judiciary economic growth waste resources unified system cost reduction efficiency improvement Economic efficiency unified Ireland cost savings economies of scale integrated services administrative consolidation resource optimization infrastructure sharing reduced redundancy enhanced productivity policy coordination fiscal benefits cross-border cooperation economic synergy public service improvement mutual economic gain streamlined governance martin mcguinness 2010 speech northern ireland economic integration administrative duplication efficiency gains economic performance regional cooperation unified administration economic arguments for unification cost-effectiveness improved public services economic unity economic justification cross-border initiatives resource allocation economic development reduced expenditure increased efficiency economic policy Economic efficiency Unified Ireland better off economically two separate administrations greater integration all-Ireland basis quality services economies of scale two electricity grids two transport networks two separate police two judiciary hamper economic growth waste resources unified system cost reduction efficiency increase Economic efficiency unified Ireland administrative integration economies of scale service quality resource optimization cost reduction infrastructure sharing Martin McGuinness 2010 economic growth policy unification fiscal benefits operational synergies regional development governance efficiency reduced redundancy enhanced cooperation strategic alignment public expenditure savings economic efficiency unified Ireland economic benefits administrative costs integrated services economies of scale resource allocation transport networks electricity grids police integration judiciary unification cost reduction Martin McGuinness 2010 Economic efficiency Unified Ireland Martin McGuinness economic growth resource allocation cost reduction economies of scale integrated services administration consolidation transport networks electricity grids police forces judiciary systems all-Ireland basis quality services wasted resources dual administrations economic benefits structural integration governance efficiency Economic efficiency unified Ireland cost savings resource allocation administrative consolidation infrastructure integration service delivery economies of scale Martin McGuinness economic growth two administrations electricity grids transport networks police forces judiciary systems resource wastage unified system cost reduction efficiency improvement Economic efficiency Unified Ireland Martin McGuinness all-Ireland integration cost reduction economies of scale resource allocation economic growth shared services administrative savings transport networks electricity grids police forces judiciary systems duplicated administrations economic benefits political unification service delivery infrastructure sharing public sector efficiency economic integration cost savings efficiency gains unified services economies of scale infrastructure consolidation resource optimization administration streamlining cross-border cooperation policy harmonization
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro05a	"It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" jury impartiality trial terrorism nationalist conflict Northern Ireland 9/11 Lackawanna Six magistrate emotions fear anxiety hatred paranoia reasoning guilty plea bias verdict judge justice fairness Laura K. Donohue British law American law jury bias impartial jury trial by jury limitations terrorist trials nationalism conflicts Northern Ireland jury issues post-9/11 terrorism trials Lackwana Six case emotional impact on juries judicial verdicts in terrorism cases jury impartiality challenges fair trial concerns judge-decided verdicts terrorism and criminal law Laura K. Donohue research jury impartiality terrorist attacks nationalist conflict non-biased juries Northern Ireland post 9/11 Lackwana Six emotional bias jury bias judge decision fair trial terrorism trials British criminal law American criminal law preponderance of evidence jury sympathy violent offenders plea bargains impartial decisions human emotions fear anxiety hatred paranoia reason blindness justice trial by jury impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Northern Ireland jury bias post 9/11 Lackwana Six emotional bias fear anxiety hatred paranoia jury impartiality guilty plea judge verdict justice Laura K. Donohue Terrorism and Trial by Jury British criminal law American criminal law trial by jury impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Northern Ireland jurors violent offenders terrorism trials post 9/11 Lackwana Six judge verdict justice Laura K. Donohue Terrorism and Trial by Jury British and American Criminal Law jury impartiality biased jury fair trial defendants guilty plea human emotions fear anxiety hatred paranoia preponderance of evidence non-biased juries judicial decision-making jury impartiality trial fairness nationalist conflict terrorist attacks non-biased jury Northern Ireland terrorism trials post 9/11 Lackwana Six emotional bias judge decision jury bias plea resignation British and American criminal law trial by jury impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Northern Ireland non-biased jury terrorism trials post 9/11 Lackwana Six emotional bias fear anxiety hatred paranoia jury impartiality defendants guilty plea judicial verdict fair trial Laura K. Donohue Terrorism and Trial by Jury British and American Criminal Law trial by jury impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Northern Ireland jury bias terrorism trials post 9/11 Lackwana Six emotional impact jury impartiality judge decision justice Laura K. Donohue British and American Criminal Law jury impartiality terrorist attacks nationalist conflict non-biased juries Northern Ireland post 9/11 Lackwana Six emotional bias judge verdict trial fairness Laura K. Donohue terrorism trials jury bias impartial decision making judicial override jury impartiality nationalist conflict terrorist attacks non-biased juries Northern Ireland jurors sympathize violent offenders terrorism trials post 9/11 Lackwana Six emotional bias prejudiced jury judge decision fair trial Laura K. Donohue Terrorism and Trial by Jury British and American Criminal Law jury bias judicial verdict impartial decision-making trial fairness"
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro03a	Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO recognition conflict resolution Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem Ismail Haniyeh Hamas long term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia Ehud Olmert Six-Day War territory Palestinian pro-Fatah Ahmadinezhad Saudi pre-1967 border peace deal 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO recognition conflict resolution Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem Ismail Haniyeh Hamas long term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks Ehud Olmert Six-Day War territory security two-state solution Ahmadinezhad Al-Quds UPI The Independent 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO recognition conflict resolution Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem Ismail Haniyeh Hamas long-term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks Ehud Olmert Six-Day War territory Palestinians security two-state solution Ahmadinejad UPI The Independent MacIntyre Donald 1967 borders Palestinian recognition peace Israeli security PLO Hamas international support Ehud Olmert Six-Day War East Jerusalem truce Saudi Arabia Iran two-state solution Yasser Abed Rabbo Ismail Haniyeh 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organization PLO recognition conflict resolution Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem Ismail Haniyeh Hamas long-term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks Ehud Olmert Six-Day War Palestinian territories security two-state solution Ahmadinejad MacIntyre Donald UPI The Independent Haaretz 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO recognition conflict resolution Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long-term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks Ehud Olmert Six-Day War territory security Palestinian recognition Israeli withdrawal two-state solution Ahmadinejad UPI The Independent MacIntyre Donald Haaretz Amira Hass 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organization PLO recognition conflict Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem recognition of Israel Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long-term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks Ehud Olmert Six-Day War territory Palestinians security two-state solution Fatah Ahmadinejad Donald MacIntyre The Independent UPI Haaretz 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO recognition conflict resolution Yasser Abed Rabbo East Jerusalem map state recognition Ismail Haniyeh Hamas long term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks Ehud Olmert Six-Day War security Palestinian state Donald MacIntyre Al-Quds Ahmadinezhad UPI Haaretz Amira Hass 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO conflict resolution Yasser Abed Rabbo territorial recognition East Jerusalem Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long-term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia Ehud Olmert Six-Day War Palestinian state security negotiation pre-1967 border peace deal 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO conflict resolution recognition Palestinian state East Jerusalem Yasser Abed Rabbo Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long-term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia Ehud Olmert Six-Day War Haaretz Al-Quds UPI The Independent Donald MacIntyre
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro01a	Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political chaos USSR dissolution public opinion strong leadership order democracy stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political reform USSR dissolution public opinion leadership strong leader governance democracy order social trust institutional trust public polls political stability economic stability stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political chaos USSR dissolution public opinion strong leadership order democracy stability reform Russia post-communism economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political reform USSR dissolution public trust strong leadership governance democracy order Russian public opinion polls importance of stability political chaos social unrest economic instability leadership in crisis national unity governance philosophy political ideology economic policy social policy political stability economic recovery public disillusionment government distrust societal cohesion leadership effectiveness political direction national progress societal values political priorities public preferences political reform vs stability societal transformation post-Soviet challenges stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political reform USSR dissolution public trust strong leadership order democracy Russian public opinion stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political chaos USSR dissolution public disillusionment government distrust strong leadership order democracy Russian public opinion poll statistics stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequalities corruption political chaos USSR dissolution public disillusionment government distrust strong leadership order democracy Russian public opinion polls societal cohesion stability reform Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political reform USSR disillusionment government distrust chaos strong leader clear direction national unity Russian population order democracy public opinion polls stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political reform USSR breakup public opinion strong leadership order democracy Russian population governance social trust economic stability political stability stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political reform USSR dissolution public opinion strong leadership order democracy
test-economy-beghwbh-con03a	There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes high-speed train Robert M. Salter vacuum train pneumatic transport system 19th century trains Beach Pneumatic Transit New York RAND Corporation George Medhurst D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes high-speed trains Robert M. Salter 1972 vacuum train 3000 mph pneumatic transport systems 19th century 1812 Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 technology history Elon Musk innovation transportation evolution intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes high-speed trains Robert M. Salter vacuum trains pneumatic transport 19th century trains Beach Pneumatic Transit New York historical transportation innovative transit systems RAND Corporation George Medhurst D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes Robert M. Salter 1972 very high speed train vacuum 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century 1812 Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 technology RAND Corporation George Medhurst D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk Hyperloop intercity travel low-pressure tubes high-speed train Robert M. Salter vacuum train pneumatic transport 19th century trains Beach Pneumatic Transit New York RAND Corporation George Medhurst D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk intercity travel Hyperloop low pressure tubes Robert M. Salter 1972 very high speed train vacuum train 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century 1812 Beach Pneumatic Transit 1870 New York historical transportation proposals technology stagnation Elon Musk Bloomberg Stephen Mihm intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes Robert M. Salter very high speed train vacuum 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century 1812 Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 basic technology RAND Corporation George Medhurst D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk intercity travel Hyperloop tubes low pressure Robert M. Salter 1972 high speed train vacuum 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century 1812 Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 technology RAND Corporation George Medhurst Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes high-speed trains Robert M. Salter vacuum trains pneumatic transport 19th century trains Beach Pneumatic Transit New York historical transit systems RAND Corporation George Medhurst D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk transit innovation vacuum technology historical proposals transportation history technological advancement rapid transit vacuum transit pneumatic tubes intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes high-speed train Robert M. Salter 1972 vacuum train 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century 1812 Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 technology RAND Corporation George Medhurst D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro02a	Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, dictatorships low cost political stability lack of rotation stable government long term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections economic environment policy changes partisan appointments medium term focus close elections disorder vote recounts court appeals popular unrest mass protests foreign confidence development foreign direct investment China United States election costs state expenses infrastructure business investment dictatorship political stability low cost long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections economic environment policy changes partisan appointments election costs infrastructure business investment foreign direct investment FDI China United States Mexico 2006 election popular unrest mass protests legislative opposition US presidential election BBC News OECD election expenses Cordelia Hebblethwaite dictatorship political stability low cost government planning long-term focus foreign investment democracy regular elections policy changes partisan appointments election disputes close elections popular unrest electoral costs infrastructure development foreign direct investment China United States Mexico 2006 election election expenses US presidential election economic environment legislative opposition FDI attraction political framework foreign confidence development impediment societal expenses state resources election infrastructure business investment policy continuity political disorder election recounts legal challenges economic planning governmental stability democratic societies election funding infrastructure spending dictatorships political stability low cost rotation in office stable government long-term planning foreign investment regular elections economic environment policy change partisan appointments medium-term focus election results disorder vote recounts court appeals popular unrest mass protests foreign confidence development foreign direct investment China United States election costs democratic society infrastructure businesses dictatorships political stability cost-effectiveness long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections policy shifts government changes economic environment close elections disorder vote recounts court appeals popular unrest legislative conflict foreign confidence development foreign direct investment infrastructure election costs societal expenses business investment China United States Mexico 2006 election protests inauguration OECD FDI statistics US presidential election election funding dictatorship political stability low cost government long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections economic environment policy change partisan appointments medium-term focus election disorder vote recount appeals court 2006 Mexican presidential election popular unrest mass protests foreign confidence development rapid development FDI China United States election costs infrastructure businesses US presidential election Cordelia Hebblethwaite BBC News OECD FDI in Figures dictatorships low-cost political stability rotation in office stable government long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections economic environment policy change partisan appointments medium-term focus close elections disorder vote recounts court appeals popular unrest mass protests foreign confidence development foreign direct investment electoral costs state expenses societal expenses infrastructure investment business investment US presidential election costs Mexico 2006 elections FDI statistics OECD US economy China FDI Cordelia Hebblethwaite BBC News dictatorship political stability cost-effective long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections policy changes partisan appointments election costs foreign confidence economic development FDI China United States Mexico 2006 election mass protests infrastructure businesses OECD BBC News dictatorship political stability low cost democracy elections economic environment policy changes foreign investment China United States FDI infrastructure business investment election costs social expense Mexico 2006 presidential election popular unrest protests government recognition international confidence partisan appointments medium-term focus stable framework development OECD BBC News Cordelia Hebblethwaite US election 2012 $6bn cost infrastructure development business spending dictatorship political stability low cost long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections policy changes partisan appointments medium-term focus close elections disorder vote recounts court appeals popular unrest mass protests lack of foreign confidence development rapid development foreign direct investment China United States election costs state expenses societal expenses infrastructure investment business investment
test-international-ghbunhf-con05a	As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf globalization global forum dispute resolution international cooperation economic interdependence war costs conflict prevention regional organizations EU ASEAN specialized organizations WTO United Nations UN global governance international peace diplomatic dialogue Hammarskjold Dag UN necessity global challenges international community globalisation international forum conflict resolution global interdependence costs of war regional organizations EU ASEAN WTO United Nations global diplomacy international cooperation Hammarskjold UN necessity globalization international cooperation conflict resolution economic interdependence regional organizations United Nations global forum peace dialogue WTO EU ASEAN Hammarskjold global forum resolving problems globalised economy interdependence costs of war conflict resolution international dialogue regional bodies EU ASEAN specialised bodies WTO United Nations Dag Hammarskjold necessity of UN global cooperation international peace multilateralism global governance international relations diplomatic forums global challenges collective security international law global policies world peace international community global issues diplomatic relations United Nations importance globalisation impact conflict prevention international cooperation world forum multilateral organisations global decision-making international institutions global stability international negotiations global consensus globalization international forum conflict resolution interdependence costs of war global communication regional organizations EU ASEAN WTO United Nations global governance peacekeeping international cooperation diplomatic relations global issues multilateralism international law global stability diplomatic dialogue globalisation world forum conflict resolution international cooperation global economy war costs interdependence regional organizations EU ASEAN WTO United Nations global governance international dialogue Dag Hammarskjold UN necessity globalization international cooperation global forum conflict resolution interdependence war costs diplomatic dialogue regional organizations EU ASEAN specialized organizations WTO United Nations global governance international peace Hammarskjold UN necessity global challenges international community multilateralism globalisation global forum resolving problems globalised economy interdependence war costs conflict resolution international dialogue regional bodies EU ASEAN specialised bodies WTO United Nations global governance international cooperation peacekeeping global issues diplomatic relations UN necessity international community global peace world conflicts international security global stability multilateralism international law Hammarskjold UN importance global challenges international organisations global cooperation international relations globalisation impacts peace maintenance global forums international dispute resolution global interdependence UN role global peacebuilding international conflict globalization international cooperation global forum dispute resolution interdependence economic globalization costs of conflict world peace regional organizations EU ASEAN specialized bodies WTO United Nations UN Dag Hammarskjold global governance international relations multilateralism global challenges international dialogue world security international law global stability global policy international community conflict prevention peacekeeping global issues international institutions global cooperation international forums global diplomacy international affairs global order international systems global integration international trade international security global environment international justice global health globalisation international relations conflict resolution global forum United Nations regional bodies EU ASEAN WTO diplomacy world peace economic interdependence war costs Dag Hammarskjold
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro03a	"If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. God existence evidence belief atheists knowledge Universe reason omniscience holy books revelation ignorance Theodore Drange John Schellenberg nonbelief hiddenness argument philosophy religion atheism God existence irrefutable evidence belief atheists developed world human knowledge social institutions religious faith reason omniscient being divine wisdom holy books flawed works atheism ignorance revelation Theodore Drange John Schellenberg hiddenness argument God evidence belief atheism developed world human knowledge Universe social institutions religious faith reason existence humanity chosen few wisdom inferior knowledge omniscient being holy book divine wisdom flawed men madness revelation ignorance Theodore Drange John Schellenberg Nonbelief Hiddenness Argument Religious Studies irrefutable evidence divine existence compelling belief atheism growth developed world human knowledge social institutions religious faith reason supremacy omniscient being divine wisdom holy books flawed works divine spark atheism conclusion nonbelief support hiddenness argument Drange Schellenberg God existence evidence belief atheism developed world human knowledge Universe social institutions religious faith reason omniscient being divine wisdom holy book flawed works madmen ignorance revelation Theodore Drange John Schellenberg Nonbelief Hiddenness Argument atheism support divine spark earthly knowledge chosen few universal recognition flawed men rational conclusion religious texts scientific progress philosophical argument critique of religion atheistic reasoning evidence-based belief spiritual doubt intellectual skepticism divine omnipotence human dependence divine revelation religious diversity atheistic God irrefutable evidence belief atheists developed world human knowledge social institutions religious faith reason existence chosen few wisdom earthly knowledge omniscient being holy book divine wisdom flawed works divine spark atheism ignorance revelation Drange Theodore Nonbelief Schellenberg John Hiddenness Argument God existence irrefutable evidence belief atheism developed world human knowledge Universe social institutions religious faith reason omniscient being holy books divine wisdom flawed works atheism support nonbelief ignorance revelation Theodore Drange John Schellenberg hiddenness argument God evidence belief atheism reasoning divine wisdom holy books nonbelief theological arguments philosophy religious studies Theodore Drange John Schellenberg omniscience human knowledge social institutions faith atheism growth secularization divine revelation religious texts skepticism divine omnipotence argument from silence cognitive theism hiddenness argument epistemology metaphysics natural theology agnosticism rationality secular worldview religious pluralism divine intervention moral philosophy ontological arguments cosmological arguments teleological arguments empirical evidence spiritual experiences God irrefutable evidence belief atheists developed world human knowledge Universe social institutions religious faith reason existence humanity chosen few wisdom earthly knowledge omniscient being holy book divine wisdom flawed works madmen ignorance revelation Drange Theodore Nonbelief as Support for Atheism Schellenberg John Hiddenness Argument Revisited Religious Studies atheism evidence God existence belief nonbelief religious faith reason omnisicent being holy books divine wisdom flawed works ignorance revelation Drange Schellenberg hiddenness argument atheism support human knowledge social institutions developed world atheists growth"
test-science-ascidfakhba-con04a	Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists copyright protection financial support creative output existing copyright laws policy impact creative commons potential revenue financial burden robust copyright system material wants secure copyright alternative work copyright protection financial support creative output revenue creative commons policy financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work copyright protection financial support artists creative output copyright laws revenue creative commons families financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work artists copyright protection financial support families creative output existing copyright laws sell and profit work revenue creative commons added financial burden strip copyright robust copyright system protection struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation less secure copyright find other work copyright protection financial support creative output copyright laws policy impact creative commons potential revenue financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work copyright protection financial support creative output copyright laws revenue potential creative commons financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants secure copyright other work artists copyright financial support families creative output recognition existing laws selling profit work policy creative commons revenue financial burden copyright protection robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation less secure copyright other work copyright protection financial support creative output artists copyright laws policy creative commons revenue families financial burden robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation less secure copyright other work copyright protection financial support artists families creative output existing copyright laws sell profit work policy creative commons potential revenue financial burden robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation less secure copyright find other work copyright protection financial support artists families creative output sell profit work creative commons potential revenue policy financial burden robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work
test-economy-epsihbdns-con03a	"Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. rural life mortality rates city life living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban development rural poverty social cleavage economic disparity urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell rural poverty developing countries child mortality AIDS China Hukou system urban development social inequality famine healthcare disparities economic growth rural-urban divide political economy Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's policies population control social cleavage rural deprivation urban-rural disparity food security Noticed exclusion rural life mortality rates cities living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death development urban growth villages poverty social cleavage wealth inequality urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa political economy Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang exclusion division Walker & Company Elsevier Science Ltd World Development rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system urban food security social cleavage poverty villages economic growth Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang political economy exclusion division rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security social cleavage poverty rural areas Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine exclusion division Fei-Ling Wang Dikötter Frank Maxwell Daniel rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa social cleavage economic disparity rural poverty urban growth policy analysis political economy Rural life mortality rates cities living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security social cleavage wealth inequality Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality AIDS China Hukou system urban growth social cleavage poverty deprivation urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang exclusion political economy Rural life mortality rates developing countries child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system urban development social cleavage poverty famine sub-Saharan Africa political economy urban food security Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell World Development Walker & Company Elsevier Science Ltd. Rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system urban food security social cleavage poverty rural development Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang political economy Walker & Company Elsevier Science Ltd. World Development"
test-international-aegmeppghw-con04a	Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey unstable Muslim state Christian union citizens Muslims secular constitution government Justice and Development Party AK secular constitution amend laws headscarves government buildings religious belief human rights EU ascension European Union Islamic second-class citizens Christian club Albania Bosnia Kosovo freedom religion Islam democratic progress human rights moderate western Islamic country EU entry positive example compatible democracy EU member states relations Islam Turkey Muslim Christian European Union secular constitution Justice and Development Party AK headscarf ban human rights Islam democracy religious freedom Albania Bosnia Kosovo moderate western compatibility progression Turkey Muslim state Christian union secular constitution Justice and Development Party headscarf ban human rights European Union Islam democracy religious freedom Albania Bosnia Kosovo moderate Islamic country Turkey Muslim state Christian union secular constitution Justice and Development Party headscarf ban human rights EU membership religious freedom democracy Islam European Union Albania Bosnia Kosovo moderate Islam western Islamic country integration diversity religious expression political beliefs cultural compatibility Turkey unstable Muslim state Christian union secular constitution Justice and Development Party AK headscarf ban religious freedom EU membership Islam democracy human rights European Union Albania Bosnia Kosovo religious discrimination Christian club moderate Islam Western Islamic country Turkey unstable Muslim state Christian union secular constitution Justice and Development Party AK headscarves religious freedom European Union exclusion Islam democracy human rights Albanian Bosnian Kosovar moderate western integration Turkey Muslim state Christian union secular constitution Justice and Development Party headscarf ban religious freedom EU membership Islam democracy human rights Albania Bosnia Kosovo second-class citizens Western Islam moderate Islam EU institution freedom of religion religious belief European Muslims Christian club closer relations with Islam positive example religious expression human rights laws EU entry secular government religious discrimination constitutional amendment European Union political Islam religious practices religious minorities constitutional law EU values religious tolerance religious identity political rights legal restrictions religious freedom democratic principles Turkey Muslim state Christian union secular constitution Justice and Development Party AK Party secularism headscarf ban religious freedom EU membership Islam democracy human rights European Union religious discrimination Albania Bosnia Kosovo moderate Islam Western Islam EU expansion Turkey Muslim Christian European Union secular constitution Justice and Development Party headscarves human rights democracy Islam religious freedom Albania Bosnia Kosovo EU membership Western moderate progress compatibility Turkey Muslim Christian European Union secular Justice and Development Party headscarves human rights democracy Islam Albania Bosnia Kosovo freedom of religion moderation western progress citizenship discrimination
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro03a	China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China EU arms Russia Israel high-tech military marketplace US criticism economic jobs European industry research development collapse BBC Ottens Ashbourne China global marketplace EU arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industry research and development indigenous arms sector US Defence Market China EU arms sales global marketplace Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economy Chinese market European jobs arms industry research and development indigenous arms sector US Defence Market Ashbourne Alex Ottens Nick BBC News China global marketplace EU states arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs European arms industries export markets domestic military forces research and development indigenous arms sector US Defence Market military equipment international trade economic sanctions political alliances defense industry military exports international relations arms control defense policy China global marketplace EU arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industries export markets domestic military forces research and development indigenous arms sector BBC News Russian Arms Sales Opening the US Defence Market China EU arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industry research and development indigenous arms sector US defence market global marketplace alternative suppliers economic sanctions international relations defence exports China global marketplace EU arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism economic interest European jobs indigenous arms sector research and development arms export markets domestic military forces cost support arms industry collapse China global marketplace EU states arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism Europe economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industries export markets domestic military forces research and development indigenous arms sector collapse BBC News Russian Arms Sales Defence Market China global marketplace EU arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industry research and development indigenous arms sector export markets domestic military forces BBC News Russian arms sales US defence market China arms sales global marketplace EU states Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industry research and development indigenous arms sector BBC News Russian Arms Sales US Defence Market
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con01a	"Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. needle exchange drug use normalization state responsibility public health harm reduction legal implications social impact addiction policy debate taxpayer funding moral arguments contravention of law societal harm first-time users friend influence ethical considerations public safety crime deterrence needle exchange drug use normalization state responsibility drug user behavior social harm legal compliance public health addiction support harm reduction policy opposition taxpayer burden moral implications drug legalization substance abuse intervention community safety ethical governance public health ethics drug control societal norms drug culture impact needle exchange drug use normalise encourage first-time users state involvement harm reduction moral implications legal contravention taxpayer burden societal impact punishment reward drug policy public health addiction substance abuse community safety ethical concerns health care prevention treatment social norms law enforcement public opinion harm bien-être policy effectiveness medication distribution user behavior addiction treatment crime societal values government role health equity advocacy moral relativism societal harm drug-related crime public spending health education risk reduction crime prevention substance misuse needle exchange drug use normalization state acceptance drug user encouragement first time users moral ambiguity state responsibility harm reduction societal harm legal contravention taxpayer resources punishment over reward public health policy substance abuse treatment drug addiction community impact ethical considerations public safety law enforcement judicial system societal values health economics needle exchange drug use normalization state acceptance drug user safety moral grey area first-time drug users state responsibility law enforcement taxpayer burden illegal drug use consequences societal harm punishment versus reward public health policy harm reduction addiction treatment drug criminalization social impact ethical considerations public opinion policy alternatives needle exchange drug use normalization state acceptance drug user safety moral implications first-time users societal harm legal contravention taxpayer funding policy opposition needle exchange drug use normalization state implication drug user encouragement first-time users moral grey area state responsibility law contravention taxpayer funding punishment vs reward Toni Meyer New Jersey Family Policy Council needle exchange drug use normalize behavior state acceptance first-time users moral gray area societal harm contravene law taxpayer burden policy opposition public health harm reduction drug addiction crime rates community values ethical concerns legal implications substance abuse public safety government role needle exchange drug use normalisation state policy harm reduction public health drug abuse societal impact legal implications moral arguments taxpayer burden punishment vs reward drug legalization public safety addiction treatment community health stigma drug culture first-time users peer influence ethical considerations needle exchange drug use normalisation societal impact public health harm reduction moral arguments legal implications taxpayer burden first-time users state responsibility punitive measures health policy addiction treatment community safety drug-related crime public opinion ethical considerations substance abuse social norms"
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro02a	This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. healthcare costs smokers taxpayer costs private healthcare social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke healthcare cost reduction Arizona smoking ban hospital admissions smoking-related diagnoses acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health study Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayer burden individual healthcare expenses social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke health improvements hospital admissions reduction Arizona smoking ban public health benefits acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma medical cost savings tobacco control public smoking restrictions health economics smoking-related illnesses smoking ban healthcare costs social smokers passive smokers hospital admissions Arizona smoking ban healthcare savings taxpayer costs private healthcare second-hand smoke smoking-related illnesses acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health policy tobacco control health economics medical expenses cardiovascular diseases respiratory diseases tobacco exposure non-smokers smoking cessation public places smoking environmental tobacco smoke secondhand smoke exposure health impact assessment healthcare utilization health policy evaluation medical cost reduction preventive healthcare community health public smoking restrictions health behavior change health outcomes health interventions ban healthcare costs smokers social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke hospital admissions Arizona smoking ban health problems taxpayers private healthcare government healthcare acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma comprehensive statewide smoking ban public health Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health ban healthcare costs smokers social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke Arizona smoking ban hospital admissions acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health 2011 smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayer expense individual healthcare social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke health problems hospital admissions smoking-related diagnoses Arizona study statewide smoking ban acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health healthcare costs smokers taxpayers private healthcare social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke decrease healthcare costs reduction Arizona statewide smoking ban hospital admissions acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma smoking-related diseases public health cost savings smoking regulations health outcomes policy impact tobacco control public smoking ban health benefits reduced admissions medical expenses healthcare expenditure preventive measures public health policy environmental tobacco smoke non-smokers health impacts smoking cessation socioeconomic factors health economics healthcare utilization chronic diseases cardiovascular health respiratory health smoke healthcare costs smokers taxpayer private healthcare social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke healthcare costs reduction Arizona statewide smoking ban hospital admissions acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma smoking-related diseases public health Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health healthcare costs smokers taxpayers private healthcare social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke Arizona smoking ban hospital admissions acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayers private healthcare social smokers passive smokers healthcare cost reduction Arizona smoking ban hospital admissions smoking-related diagnoses acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health second-hand smoke comprehensive smoking ban healthcare savings public policy tobacco control
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con01a	Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. blocking social networks police riots Twitter online networking reporting internet community adaptation censorship suggestions cutting off internet phone networks communications blackout China Tibet unrest law abiding majority pictures encouragement rioting blocking social networks police riots censorship internet Twitter communication blackout Chinese Tibet unrest rioters mobile connections law abiding Branigan The Guardian Blocking social networks police riots censorship internet community adapt circumstances Twitter online networking reporting law enforcement communication blackout internet cutoff phone networks Chinese Tibet unrest Branigan The Guardian rioters pictures encouragement government law-abiding majority mobile connections Blocking social networks police tactics riots online networking internet censorship Twitter internet community adaptation communication blackout Chinese internet restrictions Tibetan unrest Branigan The Guardian riot prevention law-abiding citizens mobile connections government intervention blocking social networks police riots Twitter online networking reporting internet community adaptation censorship internet blackout phone networks communications blackout Chinese Tibet unrest Branigan The Guardian rioters pictures encouragement law abiding majority blocking social networks police blocking social networks riots online networking reporting during riots internet community adaptation censorship blocking Twitter communications blackout cutting off internet phone networks Chinese internet censorship Tibetan unrest internet restoration mobile connections law abiding majority Branigan The Guardian blocking social networks police tactics riot control online networking internet censorship communications blackout Chinese internet restrictions Tibetan unrest internet适应 rioter behavior government intervention law-abiding citizens nightly riots internet restoration mobile network restrictions digital adaptation online reporting social media bans emergency communications technological workaround social networks blocking police riots Twitter online networking reporting internet community adaptation censorship internet blackout phone networks communication restriction Chinese Tibet unrest rioters internet restoration law-abiding citizens social networks police riots blocking Twitter internet censorship adaptation communication blackout Chinese Tibet unrest internet cut-off mobile networks law-abiding citizens rioters pictures encouragement Blocking social networks police riots Twitter online networking reporting internet community adaptation censorship internet blackout phone networks communications blackout Chinese Tibet unrest Branigan The Guardian rioters pictures encouragement law abiding majority government action
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro02a	Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. overcoming prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan unconscious bias academic community diversity meritocracy racial bias in hiring minority applicants systemic bias educational equity fairness in admissions representation in academia overcoming prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan study academic community minority applicants meritocracy racial bias hiring practices iversity equity inclusion university diversity admission policies systemic bias minority representation educational equity prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan University of Chicago MIT minority applicants academic community meritocracy racial bias hiring practices BBC News Magazine 100m winners black athletes Overcomes prejudice Affirmative action University admissions Job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan University discrimination Academic community diversity Meritocracy Minority applicants Racial bias Hiring practices prejudice affirmative action universities admissions job market Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan discrimination minority backgrounds academic community meritocracy racial bias hiring BBC News Magazine 100m winners black athletes affirmative action university admissions job market prejudice Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan minority applicants academic community meritocracy racial bias hiring discrimination university diversity admission procedures bias mitigation educational equity prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan University of Chicago MIT minority backgrounds academic community meritocracy racial bias hiring practices BBC News Magazine 100m winners black athletes prejudice affirmative action universities admissions job market Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan minority backgrounds academic community discrimination meritocracy racial bias hiring BBC News Magazine sports 100m winners black athletes prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan minority applicants academic community meritocracy racial bias hiring practices bias in admissions diversity in education equal opportunity systemic discrimination unconscious bias fairness in recruitment educational equity overcoming prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan minority applicants academic community bias meritocracy racial bias in hiring BBC News Magazine diversity in higher education unconscious bias systemic discrimination
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro04a	A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 ban enforce create religious symbols shown police authorities check wearing societies bans public buildings France 2004 conspicuous religious apparel entering teachers security guards BBC News French scarf ban ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards BBC News French scarf ban ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards French scarf ban ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings police authority France school ban conspicuous symbols teacher enforcement security guards legal precedent policy implementation ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards BBC News French scarf ban ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France schools conspicuous apparel teacher enforcement security guards ban enforcement simplicity religious symbols visibility police authorities public buildings France schools 2004 conspicuous apparel teachers security guards entry public buildings police involvement ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France school ban conspicuous symbols teacher enforcement security guards legal restrictions public policy religious apparel ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France school ban conspicuous apparel security guards teacher enforcement police involvement policy implementation religious symbols public buildings enforcement police authorities conspicuous France schools ban teachers security guards religious apparel legislation compliance
test-society-epsihbdns-con01a	Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, freedom of movement human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival moral right state collective theory inseparable rights human life charters starvation migration rights protection legal documents individual freedoms human dignity movement restrictions ethical considerations humanitarian law international rights basic freedoms essential rights human conditions legal protections societal benefits individual survival government role human rights charters global standards freedom of travel movement rights human rights articles foundational rights human rights principles essential human needs human rights debates rights and freedoms human mobility human rights legislation freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights UDHR Article 13 survival moral rights state rights individual freedoms human dignity basic human needs legal charters international law human conditions inalienable rights mobility rights right to life humanitarian law collective theory individual survival starvation mobility human rights protection fundamental freedoms freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights universal declaration of human rights moral right survival starvation human dignity state rights individual freedoms 迁移自由 人权 天赋权利 世界人权宣言 道德权利 生存 饥荒 人类尊严 国家权利 个人自由 freedom of movement human rights fundamental conditions human life Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival starvation moral right state freedoms inhuman collective theory staying alive Freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 survival starvation moral right state freedoms human life conditions rights charters inseparable rights fundamental conditions collective theory individual rights state authority human dignity mobility rights legal protection humanitarian principles freedom of movement human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival moral right state individual freedoms inhuman collective theory starvation relocation fundamental conditions human life charters inseparable rights Article 13 moral obligation survival rights human dignity humanitarian law legal protection natural rights basic liberties personal autonomy mobility rights legal rights civil rights societal norms ethical principles human values global standards international law human security social justice equity human welfare individual liberty personal safety human conditions legal framework global human rights human Freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights charters inseparable rights human life conditions Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival starvation inhuman collective theory state moral right stay alive freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights moral rights survival human dignity state authority individual freedoms collective theory right to life migration starvation human conditions charters inseparable rights Article 13 General Assembly December 1948 fundamental rights human existence legal protections ethical considerations societal norms global standards international law personal liberty mobility rights survival rights human rights protection constitutional rights civil liberties humanitarian law asylum refugee rights displacement human security basic human rights social justice human freedom of movement human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights intrinsic rights moral right survival state rights individual freedoms human life conditions starvation relocation collective theory moral obligation legal protection fundamental rights human dignity mobility rights international law human security legal charters Freedom of movement human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival moral right state authority individual freedoms human life conditions charters inhumanity collective theory starvation relocation protection inseparability fundamental rights morality legal recognition Article 13 General Assembly 1948 Declaration
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro02a	A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial force rapidly-deploying multi-national police actions prevent warfare enforce ceasefires neutral peacemaker peacekeeper conflict resolution neutrality UN interventions local civilian suspicion propaganda resistance state power deployment speed peacekeeping missions bureaucracy troop coordination linguistic barriers humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia independent UN army prevent genocides crimes against humanity rapid crisis containment international peacekeeping global security Johansen 2006 UN Emergency Peace Service UN standing army contemporary crises impartiality rapidly-deploying multi-national force modern warfare police actions prevent warfare enforce ceasefires neutral peacemaker peacekeeper perceived differences warring sides Balkans free from accusations meddling self-interest neighbouring states UN interventions local civilian suspicion propaganda restraints of state power deploy faster current peacekeeping missions bureaucracy troops equipment funding inadequate forces co-ordination cultural barriers linguistic barriers act too late humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia independent army avert UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial rapidly-deploying multi-national force police actions prevent warfare enforce ceasefires neutral peacemaker peacekeeper impartiality perceived differences attitude troops warring sides Balkans free accusations meddling self-interest neighbouring states UN interventions overcame local civilian suspicion propaganda restraints state power deploy faster peacekeeping missions bureaucracy troops equipment funding months inadequate forces co-ordinate cultural linguistic barriers humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia independent UN standing army contemporary crises impartial force rapid deployment multi-national modern warfare police actions ceasefire enforcement neutral peacemaker peacekeeper civilian suspicion propaganda resistance state power faster deployment peacekeeping missions bureaucracy reduction cultural coordination linguistic barriers humanitarian disasters genocide prevention crime against humanity crisis containment full-scale wars rapid response UN capacity force raising effectiveness Johansen R.C. 2006 UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial rapidly-deploying multi-national force police actions prevent warfare enforce ceasefires neutral peacemaker peacekeeper civilian suspicion propaganda state power deploy faster peacekeeping missions bureaucracy troops equipment funding humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia United Nations Emergency Peace Service prevent genocide crimes against humanity UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial rapidly-deploying multi-national force police actions prevent warfare enforce ceasefires neutral peacemaker peacekeeper UN interventions local civilian suspicion propaganda state power deploy faster peacekeeping missions bureaucracy cultural barriers linguistic barriers humanitarian disasters prevent genocide crimes against humanity United Nations Emergency Peace Service UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial force rapidly-deploying multi-national police actions prevent warfare enforce ceasefires neutral peacemaker peacekeeper impartiality conflict resolution accusations of meddling self-interest troops from neighbouring states UN interventions local civilian suspicion propaganda restraints of state power rapid deployment peacekeeping missions bureaucracy finding troops equipment funding inadequate forces co-ordination cultural barriers linguistic barriers humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia independent army capacity to avert catastrophes United Nations UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial peacekeeping rapidly-deploying force multi-national force trench battles police actions ceasefire enforcement neutrality conflict resolution peacemaker peacekeeper impartiality troop neutrality conflict mediation humanitarian aid military intervention rapid deployment peacekeeping efficiency cultural barriers linguistic barriers humanitarian disasters genocide prevention crimes against humanity UN Emergency Peace Service crisis containment international security global stability peacekeeping missions military bureaucracy troop coordination international cooperation UN reforms military capability state power neutral peacemaker conflict prevention regional UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial rapidly-deploying multi-national force police actions prevent warfare enforce ceasefires neutrality peacemaker peacekeeper perceived differences troop attitudes Balkans free of accusations meddling self-interest UN interventions neighbouring states local civilian suspicion propaganda free from restraints state power rapid deployment current peacekeeping missions bureaucracy troop allocation equipment funding inadequacy humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia independent army capacity to avert catastrophes raise forces effectively UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartiality rapidly-deploying multi-national force police actions ceasefire enforcement neutral peacemaker peacekeeper conflict resolution perceived differences troop neutrality meddling self-interest local civilian trust propaganda resistance state power independence faster deployment peacekeeping missions bureaucracy reduction troop coordination cultural barriers linguistic barriers humanitarian disaster prevention full-scale war containment UN effectiveness rapid crisis response independent military capacity
test-international-epglghbni-pro04a	Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political inclusion debate discussion grievances resolution attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Unionist power lasting peace marginalization Scottish Welsh emotional ties political ties Unionist participation united Ireland politics uniting Ireland end sectarian violence Protestant inclusion political debate airing grievances attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Unionist power lasting peace political process Unionist grievances inclusive governance Scottish sentiment Welsh sentiment emotional ties political ties united Ireland benefits peace process community integration uniting Ireland end sectarian violence Protestant inclusion political participation debate discussion grievance resolution attachment UK British institutions Northern Irish identity political ties Unionist power self-governance lasting peace Uniting Ireland end sectarian violence Protestant inclusion political process debate discussion grievance resolution attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Scottish Welsh emotional ties Unionist power lasting peace political inclusion marginalized communities cross-community dialogue shared governance national reconciliation Uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political process debate discussion grievances resolution attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Scottish Welsh Unionists power self-governance lasting peace united Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political process debate discussion airing grievances ties to Britain Northern Irish identity Unionist inclusion lasting peace power over lives British institutions Scottish Welsh emotional ties political ties United Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political process debate discussion grievances attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity ties to Britain Unionists power lasting peace inclusive governance shared future cross-community relations political representation conflict resolution united Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political inclusion debate discussion grievance resolution attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Unionist power lasting peace Uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political process debate discussion grievances ties to Britain emotional attachment political power Unionists lasting peace Scottish Welsh Northern Irish identity sectarian violence Protestant population political process debate discussion grievances attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Unionists power political inclusion lasting peace
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con04a	Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, globalization socialism impracticality economic forces financial speculation investment flows economic impact liberalization privatization deregulation Eurozone speculative attacks austerity measures government changes technocrats growth prosperity investment returns market flexibility economic stagnation unemployment central planning unsustainable models old Europe Jeffrey Frankel globalization socialism impractical economic forces financial speculation investment flows economies liberalize privatize deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone markets governments austerity technocrats heads of government flexible markets growth prosperity investment returns resistance old Europe stagnant growth unemployment unsustainable economic regulation central planning globalization socialism impracticality global economic forces financial speculation investment flows economic impact liberalization privatization deregulation speculative attacks Eurozone market forces government change technocrats economic growth prosperity investment returns resistance to globalization stagnant growth unemployment old Europe socialist economic models central planning sustainability globalisation socialism impractical economic forces powerless financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone markets governments austerity technocrats heads of government flexible markets growth prosperity investment returns resist globalisation old Europe stagnant growth higher unemployment unsustainable economic regulation central planning Globalisation socialism impracticality economic forces financial speculation investment flows economic impact liberalisation privatisation deregulation Eurozone speculative attacks markets government austerity technocrats Greece Italy higher growth prosperity sustainable old Europe stagnant growth unemployment central planning economic models Jeffrey Frankel European technocrats globalisation socialism impractical economic forces financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone markets governments austerity technocrats heads of government flexible markets growth prosperity returns on investment resist globalisation liberal economic markets old Europe stagnant growth higher unemployment socialist-style economic models tight economic regulation central planning unsustainable globalisation socialism impractical global economic forces powerless financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone countries markets governments tough austerity changes in government technocrats Heads of Government Greece Italy flexible markets growth prosperity returns on investment old Europe stagnant growth higher unemployment old socialist-style economic models unsustainable tight economic regulation central planning Jeffrey Frankel European technocrats globalisation socialism impractical global economic forces financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone markets governments tough austerity changes in government technocrats Heads of Government Greece Italy flexible markets growth prosperity returns on investment resist globalisation liberal economic markets old Europe stagnant growth higher unemployment unsustainable economic regulation central planning globalization socialism economic forces financial speculation investment flows economic liberalization privatization deregulation Eurozone speculative attacks government change technocrats market flexibility economic growth prosperity investment returns economic stagnation unemployment old Europe central planning economic models sustainable practices Jeffrey Frankel European technocrats globalisation socialism impractical economic forces financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate Eurozone speculative attacks markets government changes Greece Italy technocrats flexible markets growth prosperity investment returns old Europe stagnant growth unemployment unsustainable central planning Jeffrey Frankel European technocrats
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro01a	"Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf needle exchanges disease transmission drug users dirty needles new needles HIV prevention public opinion societal change over-the-counter needles addiction clean needles HIV prevalence New Haven Connecticut NEP Canadian city injecting drug users Seattle drug treatment high-risk behaviors frequency of injection stopping injection never-exchangers needle exchanges prevent disease drug users clean needles HIV transmission public opinion societal change over-the-counter needles HIV prevalence New Haven Connecticut HIV seroprevalence injecting drug users drug treatment frequecy reduction never-exchangers Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges disease prevention HIV transmission reduction public health drug addiction clean needles societal awareness over-the-counter needles HIV seroprevalence drug treatment injection frequency high-risk behaviors public opinion New Haven Canadian study Seattle study Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges prevent disease transmission drug users dirty needles new needles prevent HIV public opinion societal change over-the-counter needles HIV reduction New Haven Connecticut NEP effectiveness HIV seroprevalence Canadian city injecting drug users Seattle reduce injection frequency stop injecting drug treatment Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges disease transmission drug users dirty needles new needles HIV prevention fluid transfer public health societal change over-the-counter needles addiction confidentiality HIV prevalence New Haven Connecticut HIV seroprevalence injecting drug users drug treatment frequency of injection high-risk behaviors Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges prevent disease transmission drug users trade dirty needles new needles prevent disease transfer fluids HIV undiagnosed HIV drug addicts infection dirty needles needle exchange presence awareness dangers public opinion societal change needles over counter target drug users undisclosed addiction clean needles HIV prevalence reduction New Haven Connecticut NEP operation cities with NEP cities without NEP HIV seroprevalence Canadian city high-risk behaviors Seattle NEP attenders reduce injection frequency stop injecting remain drug treatment new NEP users enter drug treatment needle exchanges disease transmission drug users HIV clean needles public opinion societal change HIV prevalence New Haven NEP HIV seroprevalence injecting drug users drug treatment risk reduction addiction awareness Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges disease prevention HIV transmission drug users clean needles public health addiction societal change over-the-counter needles HIV seroprevalence New Haven NEP injecting drug users drug treatment reduction in injection Seattle high-risk behaviors Canadian study Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges disease transmission HIV drug users clean needles public health societal change over-the-counter needles HIV seroprevalence injection frequency drug treatment New Haven Connecticut Canadian city Seattle needle exchanges disease prevention HIV transmission drug users clean needles public health societal change over-the-counter needles addiction HIV seroprevalence NEP effectiveness drug treatment injection frequency high-risk behaviors Seattle New Haven Connecticut Canadian city Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health"
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro02a	It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury UK home office juror protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trial fair trial defendant fault juror safety jury tampering juror intimidation trial by jury limitations UK home office juror protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco trial Heathrow armed robbery case mistrials judge-alone trials fair trial defendant's fault juror safety jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury juror protection police protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trial fair trial defendants' fault trial safety limit trial by jury danger of jury tampering jury intimidation difficult to carry out trial protect jurors from tampering police protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco trial bomb thrown at juror's house Heathrow armed robbery case mistrials trial by judge alone ensuring fair trial jurors' safety defendants' fault fair trial by jury untenable situation jury tampering intimidation trial by jury juror protection police protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco juror safety Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trial fair trial defendants' fault trial efficiency judicial integrity public safety legal reform jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury UK home office juror protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco trial juror safety Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trial fair trial defendants' fault jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury legal system UK home office juror protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trials fair trial defendant fault legal safety measures judicial integrity jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury UK home office juror protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco trial Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trial fair trial defendants' fault juror safety jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury UK home office juror protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco juror security Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge alone trial fair trial juror safety jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury protection of jurors police protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge alone fair trial defendants' fault juror safety
test-science-ascidfakhba-con03a	The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. control profit artistic output disincentive artists decision create copyright ownership investment time pursuits guarantees copyright protections installation art job duplicate originality laziness creativity intellectual property legal protections creative industries economic incentives artist rights cultural production market forces legal frameworks copyright law artistic production creative motivation economic factors legal safeguards creative economy intellectual property rights artistic expression creative works ownership rights art market copyright system artistic creation economic benefits legal environment artistic community creative process economic security legal support artistic output profit control copyright incentive artists creation ownership investment installation art job duplication originality creative urges artistic laziness intellectual property legal protections economic factors creative industries cultural production artistic output profit control copyright incentive artistic creation investment ownership disincentive installation art duplicate works originality creativity intellectual property artistic laziness market adaptation Greenberg John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law artistic control profit motivation copyright importance incentive reduction creative investment ownership security artistic disincentive marginal creators installation art job trade-off duplication prevention originality encouragement artistic laziness creative drive intellectual property protection artistic output profit copyright ownership incentive creation investment copyright protections installation art artistic laziness creative urges originality intellectual property legal protections economic motivation creative industries cultural production artist rights intellectual labor market adaptation artistic creation profit motivation copyright protection incentive to create ownership of art investment in art marginal artists original art creative innovation artistic laziness intellectual property rights economic incentives for artists artistic output copyright law impact creativity and profit art and economy legal protections for artists artistic entrepreneurship art market dynamics creative industries cultural production copyright benefits artistic freedom artistic control duplicate works new ideas in art legal safeguards for artists art investment art creation disincentives copyright and creativity artistic expression economic factors in art art market competition copyright and originality artistic control profit from art artistic output copyright protection incentive to create ownership of work investment in creation copyright system marginal artists installation art duplicate works original art artistic laziness creative urges intellectual property copyright law artistic creation economic incentives legal protections artistic output profit control copyright incentive creation ownership investment time installation art marginal cases duplication originality creativity artistic laziness legal protections intellectual property creative industries economic factors artistic motivation market adaptation artistic output profit control copyright 激励 disincentive creation investment originality ownership legal protection creativity economic factors artist motivation intellectual property market adaptation legal guarantees artistic production economic incentives artistic output profit copyright ownership investment creation disincentive installation art job duplication originality creativity intellectual property legal protection incentive creative industries economic factors cultural production
test-economy-beghwbh-con02a	"Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Hyperloop capacity expansion passengers travel Los Angeles San Francisco Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting population statistical comparison transportation ridership capsule frequency passenger traffic combined statistical areas global rail news Hyperloop capacity expansion passengers per hour San Francisco Los Angeles Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting population combined statistical areas census global rail news ridership capsules frequency transportation statistics Hyperl loophole capacity limitations passenger volume expansion potential transportation demand Hyperloop scalability high-speed rail comparison Taiwan HSR Eurostar ridership commuter usage population density travel frequency transportation infrastructure future growth capacity planning transit systems passenger throughput service frequency capsule capacity operational constraints demand forecasting metropolitan areas travel patterns transportation alternatives infrastructure capacity travel demand modeling transportation efficiency Lack of capacity room for expansion Hyperloop passenger capacity 840 passengers per hour 6 million passengers San Francisco Los Angeles Taiwan High Speed Rail 41.6 million passengers population comparison Eurostar 10 million ridership commuting transportation statistics metropolitan areas census data global rail news Hyperloop capacity expansion passengers Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting population comparison efficiency transportation passenger traffic estimates combined statistical areas global rail news Hyperloop capacity expansion passenger transportation comparison Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting metropolitan areas population ridership traffic statistics census global rail news capacity expansion Hyperloop passengers per hour per year Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting population San Francisco Los Angeles metropolitan areas capsule frequency comparison ridership transportation statistics census global rail news Lack of capacity room for expansion Hyperloop passenger transport LA to SF annual ridership Taiwan High Speed Rail population comparison Eurostar commuting capacity needs transportation statistics census data global rail news Lack of capacity room for expansion Hyperloop passenger capacity 840 passengers per hour 6 million passengers Los Angeles San Francisco 28 people per capsule Taiwan High Speed Rail 41.6 million passengers Eurostar 10 million riders commuting population comparison metropolitan areas traffic statistics rail transportation global rail news capacity expansion Hyperloop passengers per hour per year Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting ridership capsule population metropolitan areas comparison transportation statistics census global rail news"
test-international-emephsate-pro01a	The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 Turkey economy EU development workforce innovation industry finance population youth aging GDP resources elderly projections compensation union growth productivity per capita demographic workforce decline aging population economic impact member states STAT Directorate-General Economic and Financial Affairs Turkey EU economy development workforce innovation industry finance population age decline growth GDP youth complementarity resources elderly productivity compensation membership demographic impact projections aging workforce vitality economic benefit integration Turkey EU economy development growth workforce innovation industry finance young population declining population aging GDP resources elderly care compensation population projections economic impact aging populations EU Member States Turkey EU economy dynamic development booming economy fastest growing economies young workforce skilled workforce vibrant workforce innovation industry finance young population declining EU population complementary economies population statistics under 15 population aging population declining working population GDP per capita drag on GDP population projections caring for elderly new countries younger populations EU25 member states economic impact aging populations Turkey EU economy development population workforce innovation industry finance demographics aging youth GDP growth resources elderly productivity compensation membership projection impact financial affairs Turkey EU economy development dynamic workforce innovation industry finance young growing population complementary declining aging GDP per capita resources elderly drag new countries World Bank The World Factbook population projections economic impact aging populations Member States Directorate-General Economic and Financial Affairs Turkey EU economy development young population workforce innovation industry finance population decline aging population GDP growth workforce dynamics economic complementarity demographic trends EU population projections economic impact of aging GDP per capita labor force resource allocation elderly care economic projections member states demographic balance economic sustainability labor market productivity demographic dividend policy implications economic policy international relations European integration socioeconomic factors population structure workforce participation economic growth drivers youth employment skill development economic forecast aging workforce economic challenges demographic change population statistics economic Turkey EU economy development dynamic booming workforce innovation industry finance young population declining aging GDP growth resources elderly drag compensation Union projection 2035 2008-2060 Carone Giuseppe economic impact aging populations EU 25 Member States STAT/08/119 Europa The World Factbook The World Bank 2012 26.6% 15.44% Turkey EU economy development workforce population growth aging GDP resources elderly compensation member states projections impact financial affairs economic development EU economy Turkey's economy young workforce population decline EU demographics aging population GDP growth population projections economic impact workforce contribution innovation industry finance population structure economic complementarity demographic trends labor force EU membership population aging economic compensation economic growth workforce dynamics EU population demographic balance economic efficiency productivity elderly care GDP per capita population statistics economic forecasts economic research EU enlargement demographic analysis workforce age economic potential labor market economic policy population statistics economic strategy demographic challenges economic benefits workforce diversity
test-international-ghbunhf-con04a	Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. UN reform outdated structures financial transparency international organizations government procedures 21st century adaptation Security Council membership modern world reflection UN reform outdated structures financial transparency government improvements international organizations 21st century reforms Security Council permanent membership modern world international affairs foreign policy Jacqueline London United Nations Security Council reform UN reform outdated structures financial transparency procedural improvements international organizations government reforms 21st century adaptation Security Council permanent membership global representation modern world reflection Jacqueline London International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute UN reform outdated structures financial transparency international organizations government procedures Security Council membership 21st century reforms global governance international cooperation peace and security diplomatic relations institutional changes multilateralism global challenges state sovereignty power distribution international law human rights sustainable development global health climate change economic inequality technological advancements cultural diversity regional conflicts non-state actors global commons international justice humanitarian aid crisis management conflict resolution preventive diplomacy peacebuilding development assistance global partnerships strategic alliances international norms global public goods security architecture global order UN reform outdated structures financial transparency procedural improvements government reforms international organizations 21st century adaptation Security Council membership modern world representation Jacqueline London International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute UN reform outdated structures improve procedures financial transparency government improvements international organizations 21st century reform Security Council membership reflect modern world Jacqueline London International Affairs Foreign Policy Institute June 2007 UN reform outdated structures financial transparency international organizations government procedures 21st century Security Council permanent membership modern world global governance international cooperation institutional change policy improvement diplomatic reform global institutions international reform governance structures UN improvement organizational change international relations UN reform outdated structures financial transparency procedural improvements international organizations government reform 21st century adaptation Security Council membership modern world reflection institutional change global governance international cooperation diplomatic reforms enhanced effectiveness structural modifications policy updates strategic adjustments organizational development systemic improvements governance enhancement UN reform outdated structures financial transparency international organisations Security Council permanent membership 21st century modern world governance improvement global institutions diplomatic change international relations policy enhancement procedural updates multilateral reform institutional development global governance international cooperation enhanced accountability structural changes UN reform outdated structures financial transparency international organisations 21st century Security Council permanent membership global governance international relations diplomatic reform institutional change global cooperation international law peacekeeping global security diplomatic strategy international community global governance structures multilateralism international peace global politics international justice world affairs global leadership international decision-making geopolitical dynamics global stability international reforms global challenges international cooperation global institutions international policy global reform international institutions global issues international systems global institutions reform international system global governance reform international structure
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro02a	If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: benevolent deity evil world God gods morality disasters innocents disease hunger war genocide suffering Universe natural development amoral humanity Abrahamic religions problem of evil Michael Tooley Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy benevolent deity evil observable divine interest creation management god goodness no evil world disasters innocents disease hunger war genocide world suffering loving god perfection universe natural development amoral universe human development abrahamic religions problem of evil stanford encyclopaedia philosophy michael tooley benevolent deity evil observable world creation God gods good no evil disasters kill innocents disease hunger children war genocide slaughter blood pain suffering loving God world imperfect troubled natural development universe life humanity amoral reality incompatible goodness Abrahamic tradition predominant religions problem of evil Michael Tooley Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy benevolent deity evil observable world's ills disasters killing innocents disease hunger children war genocide amoral development universe natural development reality incompatible god goodness abrahamic religions problem of evil stanford encyclopaedia philosophy michael tooley benevolent deity evil observable god's interest creation good gods world's evil disasters disease hunger war genocide suffering loving God imperfect world natural development Universe life humanity Abrahamic tradition Problem of Evil Michael Tooley Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy benevolent deity evil observable God's interest creation goodness no evil disasters innocents disease hunger war genocide blood pain suffering loving God imperfect world troubled world natural development amoral Universe life humanity reality incompatible God of goodness Abrahamic tradition Problem of Evil Michael Tooley Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy benevolent deity evil observable God's interest creation absence of evil disasters innocents disease hunger children war genocide blood pain suffering imperfect world natural development Universe amoral life humanity reality Universe incompatibility good God predominant religions Abrahamic tradition problem of evil Michael Tooley Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy benevolent deity observable evil divine interest creation management godly goodness absence of evil natural disasters innocent deaths disease prevalence childhood mortality war frequency genocide occurrence historical violence universal suffering imperfect world loving god natural development amoral universe human evolution theological incompatibility abrahamic religions moral philosophy problem of evil philosophical theology metaphysical critique religious criticism divine omnipotence divine omnibenevolence free will defense theodicy moral evil natural evil human suffering universe reality god's nature religious belief athe benevolent deity evil observable divine interest creation gods goodness disasters innocents disease hunger children war genocide blood pain suffering loving God imperfect world troubled natural development Universe amoral humanity reality Abrahamic tradition problem of evil Michael Tooley Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy benevolent deity evil observable god's interest creation divine goodness absence of evil disasters disease hunger war genocide suffering imperfect world natural development universe life humanity amoral reality Abrahamic religions Tooley problem of evil Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro03a	Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 dictatorships social unrest control discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productive days investment expats immigration economy autocracy stabilization countries democratic government anarchy loss of life incentives theft production political framework trade investment Mancur Olson Power and Prosperity communist capitalist dictatorships dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productivity investment expatriates immigration economy opposition democracy autocracy country stabilization democratic government anarchy Mancur Olson economic incentives theft political framework trade investment dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productivity investment expatriates immigration economy autocracy stabilization anarchy Mancur Olson loss of life incentives theft production political framework trade investment communism capitalism dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates country stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness decent living economic competitiveness investment attraction expats immigration autocracy stabilization countries without democracy anarchy loss of life stealing production incentives Mancur Olson political framework trade investment dictatorship social unrest discipline order security policies financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party free speech Singaporeans orderliness living standards competitiveness investment expatriates crime immigration economy opposition autocracy stabilization anarchy Mancur Olson power prosperity trade investment communist capitalist dictators dictatorships social unrest discipline order security financial losses crime rates stability Singapore one party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness economic growth competitiveness investment immigration anarchy theft Mancur Olson trade political framework outgrowing dictatorships dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates country stability Singapore one party state People’s Action Party opposition parties free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productive days foreign investment immigration sectors economy autocracy stabilization countries democracy Mancur Olson anarchy loss of life theft political framework trade investment dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness decent living economic competitiveness investment expats immigration economy sectors autocracy country stabilization democratic government Mancur Olson anarchy loss of life theft political framework trade investment dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productivity investment expats immigration economy autocracy stabilize countries democratic government anarchy loss of life incentives theft production Mancur Olson trade investment political framework dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productivity investment expatriates immigration economy autocracy stabilization anarchy loss of life theft production Mancur Olson political framework trade investment
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro01a	Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise financial crisis coherent ideology manifesto for government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street liberalism socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street liberalism socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government aging class warriors Occupy movement social liberals modern Capitalism Socialist Occupy Wall Street Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street liberalism socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government aging class warriors Occupy movement social liberals modern Capitalism Athens street protestors Socialist Occupy Wall Street Website Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street liberalism socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government protesters Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street liberalism socialism
test-economy-epsihbdns-con02a	"It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. developing nations limited capacity state of confusion corruption illegal Hukous bribery urban migration alienation social stratification segregation increased crime law enforcement institutional weakness demographic challenges policy implementation governance issues urban-rural divide control movement developing nations limited capacity confusion law enforcement corruption China Hukou system urban migration illegal sales bribery social alienation illegal living crime segregation social stratification developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law enforcement urban Hukou corruption illegal sales bribery alienation social segregation crime Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman China household registration system social stratification Demography 1955-1996 Springer 2004 control people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law upheld partially corruption illegal Hukous bribed officials urban Hukous legislation issues illegal migration social alienation outside of the law increased segregation more crime China's Hukou system social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu s.l. Treiman Demography Springer 1955-1996 control people's movement developing nations limited capacity system management state of confusion law enforcement corruption China urban Hukous illegal sales bribery alienation social exclusion urban migration increased segregation crime social stratification Hukou system Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman Demography Springer 1955-1996 developing nations limited capacity urban migration law enforcement corruption Hukou system illegal activities social alienation increased crime social stratification demographic changes government regulation policy effectiveness China urbanization rural-urban divide legal constraints socioeconomic issues migration control social integration law adherence official misconduct bribery urban governance rural development social exclusion crime prevention public policy legal framework societal impact urban planning population management legislative challenges socio-economic development international perspectives demographic studies sociological research government policies law implementation urban-rural migration control people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law enforcement urban areas corruption China Hukou system illegal Hukou sales bribery urban migration social alienation life outside the law increased crime segregation social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman 1955-1996 Demography Springer developing nations limited capacity state of confusion corruption illegal legislation urban Hukous bribery official misconduct alienation societal exclusion increased segregation crime social stratification China Hukou system people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law enforcement corruption China Hukou system urban Hukous illegal sales bribery alienation social exclusion increased segregation crime social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman Demography Springer 1955-1996 control movement developing nations limited capacity confusion law enforcement corruption China Hukou urban migration alienation social segregation increased crime Wang Fei-Ling Wu Treiman social stratification household registration system"
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro02a	"China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China Tiananmen change openness domestic policy village elections democratic reforms one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise North Korea nuclear talks regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia UN SCR 1973 democratization international relations global governance foreign policy human rights economic development social reforms China Tiananmen change past decades openness democracy village elections township elections one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear program regional diplomacy East Asia Southeast Asia Central Asia China Tiananmen democratic elections village level townships one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia China Tiananmen change two decades open world domestic village level elections township elections one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia China Tiananmen democratic elections village level township elections one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia democratization UN SCR 1973 international relations foreign policy China Tiananmen change past two decades openness domestic reforms village elections democratic experiments one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia China Tiananmen political changes democratic elections village level township elections one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia UN SCR 1973 China's acquiescence democratization village elections training ground political openness domestic reforms international relations responsible member UN membership veto usage diplomatic frameworks six-nation negotiations nuclear program peaceful development regional cooperation international frameworks East Asian diplomacy Southeast Asian diplomacy Central China Tiananmen change past two decades openness world domestic village elections democratic experiments one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia China Tiananmen democratic elections village level townships one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomatic frameworks East Asia SE Asia Central Asia democratic elections village level township extensions one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia"
test-international-aegmeppghw-con03a	"Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey human rights record improvements death penalty Kurdish language EU influence legislative reforms constitutional reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence police interrogations prison reforms antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure police powers justice administration state security courts Kurdish minority Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership human rights enforcement compliance jurisdiction behavior encouragement contraventions punishment Turkey human rights improvement death penalty Kurdish language EU influence legislative reforms constitutional reforms political system press freedom association freedom expression freedom European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence police torture prison reform antiterrorism laws Penal Code Criminal Procedure Code Administrative Procedure Code police powers justice administration state security courts Kurdish minority Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership human rights conventions compliance jurisdiction behavior change EU punishment human rights violations Turkey human rights record improving death penalty Kurdish language EU legislative reforms constitutional reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure police powers administration of justice state security courts Kurdish minority Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians Kurdistan Workers' Party EU membership human rights compliance jurisdiction behavior change Turkey human rights improvement death penalty abolition Kurdish language EU influence legislative reforms constitutional changes press freedom political system liberalization European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence police reforms antiterrorism laws Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure Kurdish minority Leyla Zana EU membership human rights conventions positive influence compliance punishment behavior change jurisdiction Turkey human rights improvement death penalty Kurdish language EU influence legislative reforms constitutional reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure police powers state security courts Kurdish minority Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership human rights compliance positive influence jurisdiction behavior change Turkey human rights improvement death penalty Kurdish language EU influence legislative reforms constitutional reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Code Administrative Procedure Code police powers administration of justice state security courts Kurdish minority rights protection Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership human rights compliance positive influence jurisdiction behavior improvement contraventions punishment Turkey human rights improvement death penalty Kurdish language EU influence legislative reforms constitutional reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judicial independence torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure police powers justice administration state security courts Kurdish minority Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership human rights compliance punishment jurisdiction behavior enforcement Turkey human rights improvement death penalty Kurdish language EU influence legislative reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judicial independence torture prevention police reforms antiterrorism laws Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure Kurdish minority Leyla Zana state security courts EU membership human rights conventions compliance punishment behavior change Turkey human rights record improvement EU influence death penalty abolition Kurdish language restrictions legislative reforms constitutional reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Codes of Criminal Procedure Codes of Administrative Procedure police powers justice administration state security courts Kurdish minority Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership human rights conventions compliance jurisdiction behavior improvement contraventions punishment accession David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey human rights EU influence Kurdish minority legislative reforms judicial independence press freedom antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure police powers state security courts Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership human rights conventions compliance jurisdiction punishment behavior improvement"
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con02a	Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. needle exchanges drug use increase condoning facilitating drug addicts drug dealers new markets lower risk rational actors potential harm long run eradicating drug use accepting drugs societal impact state intervention public perception harm reduction health policies addiction treatment social stigma community health public safety drug control strategies substance abuse prevention healthcare services law enforcement ethical considerations public health initiatives community engagement drug policies harm minimization societal norms addiction recovery prevention programs needle sharing blood borne diseases HIV Hepatitis C injecting drug users urban needle exchanges drug use condoning drug practice facilitating drug use gathering drug addicts drug dealers new markets decreased risk rational drug users long-term effects eradicating drug use societal acceptance removal of exchanges state intervention opposition to removal Lawrence Aaron RedOrbit August 2005 needle exchanges drug use condoning practice facilitating drug use gathering addicts drug dealers new markets lower risk rational actors potential harm eradicating drug use societal acceptance state intervention public perception needle exchanges increase drug use condone drug practice gather drug addicts facilitate drug dealers encourage drug use lower drug risk rational drug users long-term drug eradication societal drug acceptance public perception state intervention drug addict support harm reduction societal norms drug market expansion -community impact public health policy needle exchanges drug use condoning drug addicts drug dealers new markets lower risk rational actors potential harm long run eradication societal acceptance state intervention opposition needle exchanges increase drug use condone drug use gather drug addicts facilitate drug dealing lower perceived risk encourage drug use rational drug users long-term drug eradication societal acceptance removal opposition public perception state intervention harm reduction drug addiction Lawrence Aaron RedOrbit August 26 2005 needle exchanges drug use condoning practice facilitating drug use gathering drug addicts drug dealers exploring new markets lower risk perception rational actors lower potential harm long-term impact eradicating drug use societal acceptance state intervention opposing facility removal public perception harm reduction drug addiction public health policy needle exchanges drug use increase incidence condoning practice facilitate drug use gather addicts drug dealers efficient operation explore markets encourage drug use decreased risk rational actors lower potential harm long-term effects eradicate drug use ingrain drugs societal acceptance remove facility state intervention opposition Lawrence Aaron RedOrbit needle exchange programme bad idea needle exchanges increase drug use condone drug practice facilitate drug use gather drug addicts drug dealers efficiency explore new markets lower risk perception rational drug users long-term drug eradication societal drug acceptance removal opposition state intervention harm reduction public health addiction treatment needle exchange programs drug policy social impact community health drug addiction substance abuse needle exchanges drug use condoning drug practice drug dealers market exploration risk perception rational drug users long-term drug eradication societal acceptance public opposition state intervention harm reduction addiction Lawrence Aaron RedOrbit 2005
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro03a	This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. public smoking ban smoking cessation reduced smoking frequency non-smoking areas weather deterrent social separation health improvement decreased mortality early stage lung cancer smoking-related diseases policy effectiveness behavioral change environmental tobacco smoke public health intervention smoker behavior quit smoking reduced smoker numbers health benefits lung cancer risk reduction smoking restrictions smoking ban public smoking smokers smoke less give up smoking smoking frequency England smoking ban smoking cessation health benefits lung cancer public health secondhand smoke non-smokers environmental tobacco smoke tobacco control smoking restrictions smoke-free legislation public places bars pubs weather conditions social smoking quitting smoking smoker behavior smoking prevalence health impact mortality rate cancer risk tobacco-related diseases policy effectiveness public policy health promotion behavior change addiction treatment nicotine dependence smoking ban public smoking smokers smoking reduction smoking cessation health benefits lung cancer secondhand smoke pub smoking weather conditions social smoking England smoking ban smoking statistics quitting smoking health risks tobacco control environmental tobacco smoke non-smokers smoking prevalence smoke-free policies smoking ban public smoking reduce smoking quit smoking smoking frequency health benefits smoking cessation lung cancer public health smoker behavior non-smoking areas social smoking weather conditions smoking restrictions tobacco control quit rates health improvement mortality reduction cancer prevention public policy smoking habits England smoking ban systematic review observational studies meta-analysis health outcomes smoker health cardiovascular disease respiratory health non-smokers secondhand smoke public spaces smoking legislation tobacco use cancer risk disease prevention smoking reduction public health measures health education behavior change smoker smoking ban public smoking restriction smoker behavior smoking reduction smoking cessation health benefits public health policy secondhand smoke non-smokers weather conditions social interaction smoking statistics quitting rates lung cancer risk health improvement England smoking ban daily mail bmj meta-analysis tobacco control smoking ban public smoking smokers smoke less give up smoking health benefits smoking cessation risk reduction lung cancer England study smoker behavior non-smoking areas social impact weather conditions friend interactions public health policy quit smoking smoke-free environments tobacco control health outcomes smoking ban public smoking restrictions smoking cessation reduced smoking frequency health benefits decreased smoker numbers England smoking ban study smoking and lung cancer quitting smoking public health policy smoker behavior change environmental factors social smoking weather conditions non-smoking friends smoke-free environments tobacco control health improvement mortality reduction early stage lung cancer patients smoking habit disruption legislative impact public health improvement smoker reformation secondhand smoke reduction smoking ban public smoking smokers smoke less quit smoking health benefits lung cancer risk reduction England study smoking cessation non-smoking friends uncomfortable weather pub smoking systematic review meta-analysis death risk early stage lung cancer public health behavioral change tobacco control environmental restrictions secondhand smoke smoke-free policies health promotion policy impact cessation support social norms public opinion indoor smoking outdoor smoking weather conditions social interaction health statistics mortality rate cancer prevention lifestyle change habit formation smoker demographics smoking prevalence public health intervention behavioral smoking ban public smoking reduce smoking quit smoking health benefits smoking cessation lung cancer public health tobacco control social smoking weather impact non-smokers friend dynamics England smoking ban study results health statistics reduction in smokers meta-analysis early stage lung cancer prognosis improvement smoking ban public smoking reduce smoking health benefits smoking cessation lung cancer risk environmental tobacco smoke smoker behavior non-smoking areas smoke-free legislation public health policy tobacco control secondhand smoke smoking prevalence quit smoking health outcomes smoking habits social smoking weather conditions smoker isolation smoking restrictions smoking reduction lung cancer prognosis tobacco-related deaths smoking policy England smoking ban health improvement smoking-related illness public health improvement cancer prevention smoking-related mortality health awareness smoking deterrence smoke-free environments smoker's health non-smokers' rights
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro01a	Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. equality opportunity affirmative action education university admissions private schools state schools ethnic minorities socioeconomic status meritocracy wealth talent hard work life chances Oxbridge USA UK graduation rates college enrollment minority students white students Hispanic students black students home life disruption college attendance top universities underrepresentation socioeconomic background racial groups academic institutions private education public education college graduates institutional diversity academic success educational inequality social mobility educational attainment higher education college completion racial disparities socioeconomic disparities educational opportunities academic achievement university Equality opportunity affirmative action university admissions private schools state schools ethnic minorities socioeconomic status educational inequality meritocracy Oxbridge graduate rates college enrollment racial disparity socioeconomic disparity higher education demographic representation academic achievement college access educational privilege social mobility equality opportunity affirmative action education socioeconomic status racial groups university admissions meritocracy underrepresentation ethnic minorities private schools public schools college enrollment graduation rates wealth talent hard work life chances Oxbridge USA UK high school college data statistics research social justice discrimination privilege inequality access academic performance home environment socioeconomic factors race ethnicity policy reform barriers opportunities disadvantaged advantaged fairness equality of outcomes social mobility cultural capital institutional bias systemic issues academic achievement educational inequality Equality of opportunity Affirmative action University admissions Private schools State schools Oxbridge Ethnic minorities Socioeconomic status Racial groups Education inequality Meritocracy Wealth advantage Graduation rates College enrollment Minority youth Graduation rate crisis USA education UK education Social mobility Fairness in education Equality of opportunity Affirmative action Educational inequality Socioeconomic factors Racial disparities University admissions Oxford Cambridge Private schools State education Ethnic minorities Meritocracy Wealth advantage High school graduation rates College enrollment USA UK Socioeconomic status Home environment Talent Hard work Life chances Social mobility Educational reform Access to education Disadvantaged groups Underprivileged students Higher education Institutional bias Systemic inequality Academic achievement Graduate rates Demographic representation Opportunity gap Equity in education Educational policies Social justice Academic selection criteria equality of opportunity affirmative action university admissions private schools state education Oxbridge ethnic minorities socioeconomic status racial groups meritocracy educational inequality college enrollment graduation rates minority youth socioeconomic barriers racial disparities academic institutions higher education wealth advantage life chances equality of opportunity affirmative action university admissions private schools state schools socioeconomic status ethnic minorities Oxbridge meritocracy educational inequality race and education college graduation rates socioeconomic barriers racial barriers underrepresented students college enrollment academic institutions socioeconomic diversity racial diversity educational attainment disadvantaged students privilege in education fairness in education social mobility college access higher education disparities wealth and education talent vs. wealth disrupting meritocracy educational advantage socioeconomic factors racial factors academic achievement school quality opportunity gaps college representation social injustice educational policy college preparation equality opportunity affirmative action university admissions private schools state education UK Oxford Cambridge ethnic minorities socioeconomic status racial disparities meritocracy wealth talent hard work education inequality graduation rates high school college USA minority youth graduation crisis underrepresentation socioeconomic groups home environment life chances academic institutions admits diversity educational opportunities social mobility fairness university access race socioeconomic factors graduation gap college enrollment educational attainment barrier privilege admission barriers policy reform demographic statistics research inequality socioeconomic privilege academic achievement equality of opportunity affirmative action university admissions socioeconomic status racial disparities educational inequality meritocracy private schools state education Oxbridge admissions ethnic minorities college enrollment high school graduation wealth advantage socioeconomic factors racial groups home environment life chances USA education UK education Equality of opportunity Affirmative action University admissions Private schools State education Oxbridge Ethnic minorities Socioeconomic status Racial disparities Meritocracy Education inequality College enrollment Graduation rates USA UK
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro01a	"The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 act circumstances free speech shouting fire theatre panic clear and present danger harm false commercial speech misrepresentation adverts truthful deceive consumers restrictions tobacco products advertising illegal fraudulent tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly clear and present danger false speech free speech limitations misleading advertisements unlawful speech public safety legal restrictions on speech commercial speech regulation tobacco advertising restrictions fraudulent tax advice prohibitions free speech shouting fire theatre panic clear and present danger false commercial speech misrepresentation advertisement regulation tobacco advertising illegal tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly free speech clear and present danger false commercial speech misrepresentation tobacco advertising restrictions illegal tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly act circumstances free speech false speech shouting fire theatre panic danger harm false commercial speech misrepresentation advertising regulation truthful advertising tobacco advertising illegal advice fraudulent tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly act circumstances free speech shouting fire theatre panic clear and present danger harm false commercial speech misrepresentation regulation truthful deception consumers restrictions tobacco advertising illegal fraudulent tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly character act circumstances stringent protection free speech shouting fire theatre panic crowded cinema clear present danger harm others US false commercial speech misrepresentation contents adverts regulated truthful deceive consumers restrictions tobacco products advertised people promoting illegal fraudulent tax advice Supreme Court Schenck v United States Lorillard Tobacco Co Reilly AG Massachusetts free speech shouting fire theatre panic clear present danger false commercial speech misrepresentation advertisement regulation tobacco advertising illegal tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly circumstances act free speech shouting fire theatre panic false commercial speech misrepresentation tobacco advertising illegal tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly clear and present danger false speech free speech limitations public safety misrepresentation advertising regulations consumer protection tobacco advertising restrictions illegal tax advice U.S. Supreme Court cases Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly"
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro01a	China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry China-EU relationship EU arms embargo normal trading relationship European citizens economic wellbeing trade ties China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry China-EU relationship EU arms embargo economic wellbeing trade ties European Union Xinhua prejudiced China Europe strategic partnership largest trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry sound growth China-EU relationship EU arms embargo normal trading relationship citizens economic wellbeing trade ties European Union European Commission Xinhua China-EU relationship strategic partnership trading partner EU exports EU imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry spokesman sound growth EU arms embargo normal trading relationship citizens economic wellbeing trade ties China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry China-EU relationship arms embargo economic wellbeing trade ties European Union European Commission Xinhua China-EU relations strategic partnership trade volumes economic interdependence global economy international affairs emerging superpower Foreign Ministry spokesman sound growth China-EU relationship EU arms embargo normal trading relationship European citizens economic wellbeing trade ties China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports services global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry spokesman China-EU relationship EU arms embargo economic wellbeing trade ties European Union normal trading relationship ban lifted European Commission Xinhua prejudiced embargo China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports services global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry China-EU relationship arms embargo economic wellbeing trade ties European Union European Commission Xinhua prejudiced China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Foreign Ministry trade relationship EU arms embargo economic wellbeing trade ties China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry sound growth China-EU relationship EU arms embargo economic wellbeing trade ties European Union Xinhua prejudiced normal trading relationship
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro03a	A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. UN standing army effectiveness operations variety of troops current system developing nations profit payments under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment soldiers motivation enlist conscripts states fight single force command control national forces commanders cultural linguistic French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army language combat professional ethos mutual cause values prepare train fight UN standing army effectiveness operations current system developing nations profit payments under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment soldier motivation choice to enlist conscripts mutual cause command and control national forces cultural reasons linguistic reasons French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos combat situations values prepare train fight together UN standing army effectiveness operations variety of troops current system developing nations profit payments services under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment motivation enlist conscripts choice single UN force command control national forces commanders cultural reasons linguistic reasons French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army language culture combat situations professional ethos mutual cause prepare train fight together UN standing army more effective operations variety of troops current system developing nations profit from payments under-equipped badly trained forces from major powers substantial public pressure incentive for use better prepared training and equipment greater motivation choice to enlist conscripts single UN force better command and control cultural and linguistic reasons French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause prepare train fight together UN standing army effectiveness operations developing nations profit under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment soldier motivation conscripts single force command and control cultural differences linguistic differences French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause combat situations values training together fight together UN standing army effective operations troop variety current system developing nations profit payments under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment soldier motivation choice to enlist conscripts fight others war command and control national forces cultural reasons linguistic reasons French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause values prepare train fight together UN standing army effectiveness operations variety of troops current system developing nations profit payments under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment motivation choice to enlist conscripts single force command and control national forces cultural reasons linguistic reasons French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause prepare train fight together UN standing army effectiveness operations current system developing nations profit payments under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment motivation voluntary enlistment conscripts command and control national forces cultural differences linguistic differences French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause combat readiness international peacekeeping military operations defense strategy global security UN standing army effectiveness troop deployment developing nations major powers public pressure incentives training equipment motivation command and control cultural differences linguistic barriers professional ethos mutual cause combat readiness UN standing army effectiveness operations current system developing nations profit payments major powers public pressure incentive preparation training equipment motivation enlistment conscription command and control cultural differences linguistic differences French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause combat situations
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con02a	Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. blocking social networks mobilize social issues state gauge legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant communities issues ruling elites public consciousness Arab Spring London riots government suppression demonstrations internet repression media attention organizing power protest violence cyber regulation study proof bad idea Twitter Blocking social networks mobilize social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant communities issues ignored boiling over positive outcomes public consciousness Arab Spring London riots peaceful protests change suppressing demonstrations internet repression problem ignoring justified media attention organizing power engagement visibility preventing violence access Twitter study bad idea blocking social networks mobilize social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant communities issues public consciousness Arab Spring London riots government internet repression media attention organizing power violence Twitter study Dugan Stylianou Cyber Regulation Legal Matters Media Bistro blocking social networks mobilize on social issues state gauge legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant integration issues ignored positive outcomes from riots public consciousness Arab Spring London riots government suppression internet repression legitimate demonstrations muzzle expression media attention organizing power prevent violence access to social networks study proves blocking social networks mobilize social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant communities issues public consciousness Arab Spring London riots government internet repression media attention organizing power protest demonstration violence cyber regulation study Twitter bad idea blocking social networks mobilize on social issues gauge legitimacy of riots massive social pressures poverty limited integration immigrant communities issues not addressed ignored by elites positive outcomes from riots public consciousness Arab Spring legitimate demonstrations internet repression expression of outrage media attention organizing power engaged citizens visible activism prevent violence stopping protest access to social networks cyber regulation study on blocking twitter media bistro blocking social networks mobilize social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant integration ruling elites positive outcomes public consciousness Arab Spring London riots peaceful protests government physical force internet repression media attention organizing power engaged motivated visible prevent violence study cyber regulation Blocking social networks mobilize genuine social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant communities issues ruling elites positive outcomes public consciousness Arab Spring London riots peaceful protests government suppressing demonstrations internet repression problem ignore media attention organizing power engaged motivated visible prevent protest violence access Twitter study bad idea social networks mobilize genuine social issues state legitimacy of riots social pressures poverty immigrant integration ruling elites public consciousness Arab Spring London riots government suppression internet repression media attention organizing power protest demonstration violence cyber regulation study tweet blocking bad idea blocking social networks mobilize genuine social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant communities ruling elites positive outcomes riots public consciousness Arab Spring London riots peaceful protests suppressing demonstrations internet repression media attention organizing power government prevent violence cyber regulation study Media Bistro
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con03a	Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities underrepresentation universities state-funded schooling integration failures tokenism education funding parental choice accountability examination data standards underprivileged children potential Cato Institute policy analysis affirmative action myth change Carlos Rosado Affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities educational inequality state-funded schooling integration underrepresentation universities policy failures tokenism school funding parental choice education accountability examination data standards underprivileged children potential fulfillment Cato Institute policy analysis change advocacy minority representation academic achievement socioeconomic factors educational reform public education diversity initiatives equality of opportunity systemic issues minority education poverty and education affirmative action debate political solutions social equity academic performance policy effectiveness educational standards school reform educational access academic success ethnic diversity social affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities educational inequality state-funded schooling integration underrepresentation universities state intervention funding for state schools parental choice in education accountability examination data policy analysis Cato Institute Christopher Rosado Mark Gryphon affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities disadvantage state-funded schooling integration underrepresentation universities policy failures tokenism education funding parental choice accountability examination data standards underprivileged children Cato Institute policy analysis affirmative action myth time for change Affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities generational disadvantage state-funded schooling integration failures underrepresentation universities tokenistic policy funding state schools parental choice education accountability examination data policy analysis Cato Institute change in affirmative action Rosado Gryphon affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities education state schools funding parental choice accountability examination data underprivileged children university representation policy effectiveness Cato Institute affirmative action myth integration failures tokenistic policy standards improvement potential fulfillment policy alternatives affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities educational inequality state-funded schooling university representation policy effectiveness educational reform school funding parental choice accountability examination data underprivileged children potential fulfillment Cato Institute policy analysis Christopher Rosado affirmative action debate societal impact long-term solutions affirmative action social problems underrepresented minorities state-funded schooling integration failures underprivileged children education funding parental choice school accountability examination data policy analysis Cato Institute educational standards ethnic minorities generational disadvantage tokenistic policy real solutions potential fulfillment academic representation policy effectiveness affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities education state schools parental choice accountability examination data underprivileged children university representation policy effectiveness Cato Institute education reform integration societal inequality Gryphon Rosado affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities underprivileged state-funded schooling integration university representation policy failures education funding parental choice accountability examination data standards potential fulfillment Cato Institute policy analysis time for change
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro03a	Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders observance religious oppression internalized oppression approval essential tenet Islam non-Muslims different schools Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka banning veil entrenchment religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders observance religious oppression internalization Muslim head coverings non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka banning veil Workers Power Rumy Hassan Religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure religious oppression women Muslim non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veil Religious symbols societal division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure Muslim community religious interpretations Koran modest dress severe interpretations banning the veil moderate interpretations religious oppression internalized oppression non-Muslim perceptions cultural symbols societal integration freedom of religion women's rights religious attire Islamic dress public policy cultural sensitivity religious freedom community dynamics social norms gender equality religious expression cultural identity societal norms legal restrictions religious practices cultural conflict societal tension public debate religious symbolism cultural diversity social cohesion religious plural Religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders observance religious oppression internalized oppression Muslim head coverings non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka veil banning the veil moderate Islam severe Islam Rumy Hassan Workers Power religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure Muslim community religious oppression internalization Muslim head coverings non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka veil banning moderate Islam severe Islam religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious observance internalized oppression non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka veil banning the veil moderate Islam severe Islam Religious symbols division Western society Muslim Hijab pressure community religious oppression non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veil entrenchment moderate Islam severe Islam Religious symbols Western society division Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious observance Muslim head coverings non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka banning the veil moderation entrenchment Religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious oppression moderate interpretations severe interpretations Koran dress prescriptions banning veil Burka non-Muslims Islamic schools internalized division entitlement modern dress full covering Workers Power Rumy Hassan
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con03a	Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich European societies world outside rising unemployment fantastically rich obscene salaries bonuses Socialist thinkers class distinction Occupy protesters 1% process media political classes streets Europe social change economic inequality popular realization political process social movement economic disparity public opinion social justice wealth distribution class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich European societies world outside rising unemployment fantastically rich salaries bonuses Occupy protesters 1% class distinction Socialist thinkers popular realisation important first step establishing socialism media political classes single party policy process streets across Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich European societies world outside rising unemployment fantastically rich salaries bonuses class distinction Occupy protesters 1% rest of us important first step establishing socialism media political classes process streets across Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness interests of the majority uber-rich European societies world outside rising unemployment fantastically rich obscene salaries bonuses class distinction Occupy protesters 1% popular realization socialist thinkers political process media political classes streets across Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority interests uber-rich rising unemployment rich salaries bonuses class distinction Occupy protesters 1% political process European streets media political classes single party policy social change economic inequality public awareness social justice protest movements economic disparity wealth distribution social equity political economy labor rights income inequality Class consciousness Socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich European societies world rising unemployment rich salaries bonuses class distinction Occupy protesters 1% Socialist thinkers process media political classes streets Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness interests ultra-rich European societies world rising unemployment rich salaries bonuses Occupy protesters 1% class distinction socialist thinkers media political classes process streets Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich European societies world rising unemployment rich salaries bonuses Occupy protesters 1% class distinction Socialist thinkers process media political classes streets Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich European societies world outside rising unemployment fantastically rich salaries bonuses Occupy protesters 1% class distinction Socialist thinkers popular realisation political process media political classes streets Europe class consciousness socialism historical context economic inequality wealthy elite unemployment salaries and bonuses Occupy movement class distinction political process European protests media influence political representation
test-international-epglghbni-pro03a	It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, united Ireland religious minorities Catholic community Northern Ireland Protestant majority Catholic majority Republic of Ireland political representation civil service discrimination gerrymandering Unionist rhetoric equal treatment reforms stigma united Ireland religious minorities rights protection Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination civil service representation reforms stigma Catholic community Unionist rhetoric majority Protestant Catholic majority Republic of Ireland political representation equal treatment social integration historical context political unity religious freedom community relations sectarianism peace process power-sharing equality legislation human rights social justice minority representation political participation community engagement social cohesion inter-community relations legislative reforms constitutional change national identity cultural diversity inclusive governance minority rights regional integration political stability united Ireland religious minorities Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority Northern Ireland Parliament gerrymandering discrimination civil service reforms stigma equal treatment Unionist rhetoric majority Protestant Catholic majority Republic of Ireland political representation united Ireland religious minorities Catholic treatment Northern Ireland unrest gerrymandering discrimination civil service representation reforms Unionist rhetoric equal treatment Protestant majority Catholic majority political representation stigma Whyte 1983 united Ireland religious rights Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination civil service representation reforms Catholic community Unionist rhetoric equal treatment majority Protestant Catholic majority political representation stigma Whyte 1983 united Ireland religious rights minority protection Northern Ireland unrest Catholic discrimination gerrymandering political representation civil service stigma Unionist rhetoric Catholic representation majority Protestant Catholic majority equal treatment Ireland unification historical treatment reform introduction Whyte 1983 minority inclusion political domination social stigma equality politics religious minority integration united Ireland religious minorities Northern Ireland Catholic minority unrest gerrymandering discrimination representation civil service reforms stigma Catholic community Unionist rhetoric politics equal treatment majority Protestant Catholic majority Republic of Ireland political representation neighbors Whyte 1983 religious minorities united Ireland Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination civil service reforms stigma Catholic community Unionist rhetoric equal treatment majority Protestant Catholic majority Republic of Ireland political representation united Ireland religious minorities Northern Ireland Catholic minority Protestant majority civil rights discrimination gerrymandering political representation Unionist rhetoric Catholic representation equal treatment social stigma Irish unification reform Whyte 1983 united Ireland religious minorities Catholic minority Northern Ireland Parliament gerrymandering discrimination civil service reforms Unionist rhetoric equal treatment majority Protestant Catholic majority Republic of Ireland political representation stigma Whyte 1983
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro03a	"Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" judges juries justice evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions jury reliability wrongful convictions juror engagement judicial expertise professional assessment trial effectiveness juror misconduct social media influence courtroom procedures judges juries justice evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions jury trials conviction rates juror disinterest trained justices legal professionals trial procedures judicial expertise jury misconduct courtroom conduct legal studies judicial training juror performance legal system efficiency Judges juries justice evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decision-making prosecutorial strategy jury bias wrongful conviction juror disinterest trial complexity legal expertise professional justices amateur jurors judicial training courtroom procedures legal professionals trial effectiveness juror misconduct social science studies legal system improvement judges juries justice technical training evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions studies innocent questionable convictions jurors ordinary citizens dull trials protracted trials interest listening expertise screened justices trained justices Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC Baldwin and McConville BBC Juror Contempt Facebook Case judges juries justice evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions juror competence trial efficiency professional oversight jury bias legal expertise judicial training courtroom dynamics innocent defendants questionable convictions juror disinterest professional assessment legal professionals judicial reliability amateur jurors courtroom procedures legal education juror misconduct judicial superiority legal strategy prosecutorial tactics juror attentiveness trial participation legal system improvement justice administration judicial impartiality jury reliability courtroom evidence trial fairness legal judgement juror responsibility judicial accountability legal ethics courtroom justice judicial efficiency judges juries justice technical training evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions prosecutorial strategy jury bias innocent verdicts questionable convictions juror engagement trial duration contempt of court social media influence professional expertise judicial efficiency judges juries delivering justice evaluating evidence technical training suppressing prejudices objective decisions prosecutorial strategy studies wrongful convictions jury bias juror disinterest trained justices Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC Baldwin and McConville Joanne Frail contempt of court Facebook case judges juries justice evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions jury misconduct juror disinterest professional training judicial expertise trial efficiency legal studies conviction accuracy juror contempt courtroom procedures legal professionals amateur jurors judicial training jury trials legal effectiveness judges juries justice evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions jury flaws questionable convictions juror disinterest trained justices legal expertise amateur jurors judicial training prosecutorial strategy jury trials legal professionals court contempt trial participation juror misconduct digital age trials judges juries justice evaluating evidence technical training prejudice objective decisions prosecutorial strategy jury bias innocent defendants questionable convictions juror disinterest trial length juror misconduct professional expertise screened justices"
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro02a	You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, government surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies communication privacy arrest without cause democratic government practices war on terror foreign government surveillance national security citizen monitoring Posner Eric New York Times debate government surveillance intelligence agencies privacy rights arrest without cause national security foreign government interference war on terror democratic governance Posner Eric The New York Times Room for Debate government surveillance privacy concerns arrest rates intelligence agencies national security democratic governance war on terror foreign government involvement citizen monitoring legal repercussions Eric Posner New York Times debate personal data protection digital privacy civil liberties government surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies warrantless searches civil liberties national security foreign governments domestic spying war on terror Eric Posner Room for Debate New York Times citizen rights democratic oversight legal protections privacy rights digital communications surveillance state individual freedoms government accountability government access communications privacy intelligence agencies arrest without cause democratic governments information usage foreign governments national security threat assessment war on terror Eric Posner New York Times Room for Debate privacy concerns surveillance impact citizen security legal protections data collection law enforcement informational privacy national interest government surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies arrest without cause democratic government practices war on terror foreign government interest national security civilian threat assessment Eric Posner New York Times debate government surveillance personal privacy intelligence agencies national security foreign governments democratic oversight war on terror citizen pressure legal protections Eric Posner New York Times Room for Debate government surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies communication monitoring citizen safety democratic oversight national security foreign intelligence war on terror civil liberties legal protections Eric Posner New York Times Room for Debate arrest government access communications intelligence agencies information citizens just cause democratic governments war on terror foreign governments national security threat action privacy surveillance civil liberties Posner New York Times Room for Debate government surveillance privacy rights intelligence agencies national security democratic governments war on terror foreign governments arrest without cause Posner Eric New York Times Room for Debate citizen pressure communication monitoring individual privacy legal protections security vs privacy democratic oversight intelligence gathering foreign policy domestic policy surveillance ethics
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con02a	Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco advert radio television enforcement issues resource allocation crime prioritization unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force priority crimes Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco adverts survey enforcement challenges resource allocation public health policies legal compliance urban governance Unenforceable Smoking bans Higher income countries Manpower CCTV Police force Berlin New York City African cities Ghana Advertising ban Flouted Survey Tobacco advert Radio Television Spiegel Online Huffington Post Kaloko Mustapha 2013 unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries expensive manpower CCTV surveillance police force priorities crime enforcement Berlin smoking ban New York City smoking ban African cities enforcement Ghana advertising ban tobacco advert flouting survey recall tobacco control challenges AFP Germany smoking ban Huffington Post NYC parks ban Mustapha Kaloko study unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco adverts radio television survey enforcement resources crime priorities unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban flouted tobacco advert radio television Spiegel Online Huffington Post Mustapha Kaloko unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco adverts survey enforcement challenges resources crime priorities Unenforceable Smoking bans Higher income countries Expensive manpower CCTV Police force Prioritization Important crimes Berlin New York City African cities Ghana Advertising ban Flouted Survey Tobacco advert Radio Television AFP Spiegel Online Huff Post New York NYC parks Mayor Mustapha Kaloko Enforcement challenges Resource allocation Public health policy Legal compliance Urban governance smoking bans unenforceable higher income countries manpower CCTV police force priorities crime Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban flouted survey tobacco radio television Spiegel Online Huffington Post Kaloko Mustapha unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco adverts survey Spiegel Online Huffington Post Mustapha Kaloko
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro01a	"Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel occupied territories international law annexation war International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Hague IV Convention Article 42 belligerent occupation Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank Palestinian people 1967 war Egypt Jordan Gaza pre-1967 borders settlements Western powers security guarantees just settlement moral argument might makes right occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Article 42 Hague IV Convention Israeli armed forces 1967 conflict Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria belligerent occupation Arab states 1967 war Palestinian territory just settlement pre-1967 borders Palestinian people Israeli settlements Western powers legal consequences construction of a wall Palestinian Territory Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel Israel launches attack on Egypt non-Palestinian nations Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion customary international law Hague IV Convention Article 42 Israeli armed forces 1967 conflict Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation legitimacy might makes right 1967 war Arab states Palestinian territory just settlement pre-1967 borders security guarantees Gaza Jordan Egyptian control Palestinian people Israeli settlements Western powers Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Article 42 Hague IV Convention Israeli armed forces Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation Arab states 1967 war Palestinian territory just settlement pre-1967 borders Palestinian people Gaza Egypt Jordan Israeli settlements Western powers BBC News UN moral argument might makes right security guarantees international law occupied territories Israeli annexation 1967 war International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Article 42 Hague IV Convention Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation Palestinian territory Arab states just settlement pre-1967 borders Gaza Egypt Jordan Palestinian people Israeli settlements Western powers legal consequences construction of a wall Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel Israel launches attack on Egypt Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Article 42 Hague IV Convention Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation 1967 war Arab states Palestinian territory just settlement pre-1967 borders Gaza Palestinian people Egyptian and Jordanian control Western powers Israeli settlements BBC News Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel security guarantees Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Article 42 Hague IV Convention Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation 1967 war Arab states Palestinian territory legitimate claim might makes right pre-1967 borders Gaza Egyptian and Jordanian control Palestinian people settlements Western powers security guarantees BBC News legal consequences construction of wall Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel Israeli attack on Egypt Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Article 42 Hague IV Convention 1967 war Israeli Supreme Court Judea Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation Palestinian territory Arab states pre-1967 borders Gaza Egypt Jordan BBC News settlements Western powers security guarantees moral justification ""might makes right"" Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Hague Convention belligerent occupation Israeli Supreme Court West Bank Palestinian people 1967 war Arab states Egypt Jordan pre-1967 borders settlements Western powers BBC News legal consequences wall Mara'abe Prime Minister of Israel attack on Egypt security guarantees territorial disputes international relations Middle East human rights self-determination Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Hague IV Convention Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank 1967 war Arab states Palestinian territory justice pre-1967 borders Gaza Jordan Egypt Palestinian people settlements Western powers BBC News Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel Israel launches attack on Egypt legal consequences wall construction belligerent occupation security guarantees morally abhorrent might makes right innocent people illegitimate claim representative nations majority inhabitants"
test-international-emephsate-pro02a	Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey European continent geographically historically European Union Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European powers Roman Empire World War I European state system secular state Swiss civil law western nation Islamic Samuel P. Huntington The Clash of Civilizations EU membership criteria European geography cultural identity historical ties political integration modernization secularization legal system international relations geopolitical significance continental boundaries historical context state systems European community civilizational clash western methods religious reform legal reform international law sovereignty geopolitical strategies cultural hybrid Turkey European continent historical ties geographical location European Union membership Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European state system secularization westernization civil law Islamic law western nation Huntington clash of civilizations modern European state system Anderson Turkey European continent geography history European Union membership Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European powers state system secularization Western methods modernization Islamic law Swiss civil law Western nation Islamic nation civilization state system European history geopolitical cultural integration legal systems religious reforms political reforms historical context European identity cultural values international relations EU membership criteria geographical division historical significance European integration state formation European legal framework secular state cultural hybridity European and Asian divide globalization identity politics historical narratives Turkey European continent geographical location historical context European Union membership Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Roman Empire European state system Russian comparison Western orientation secularization Swiss civil law Western nation Islamic influence Samuel Huntington cultural clash civilization remaking Turkey European continent geographically historically European Union Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European powers Roman Empire World War I European state system secular western methods Swiss civil law western nation Islamic Samuel P. Huntington The Clash of Civilizations modern European state system Turkey European continent geographically historically European Union Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European state system western orientation secularism Swiss civil law western nation Islamic modernization membership EU European powers World War I civilization Samuel Huntington cultural identity geographical divide European integration political values legal system historical context state system European history cultural influence European identity EU membership geopolitical position historical significance European community values legal reform secular state cultural transformation European powers World powers European system European civilization Turkey Europe Asian European Union Istanbul geographic location historical significance Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Roman Empire World War I European state system Russia western orientation modernization secularism Swiss civil law Islamic law Western nation Islamic nation EU membership European continent core values legal system cultural identity historical powers state system European values civilizational identity modern European history geopolitical significance international relations European integration cultural heritage legal reforms historical continuity state secularism civilizational clashes Huntington Samuel P. Turkey European continent geographical location historical context European Union Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Roman Empire World War I European state system secular state Swiss civil law Western methods modernization Islamic law Western nation Huntington Anderson EU membership geographical divide Europe and Asia historical powers European and World powers European system European civilization cultural identity political integration legal system secularization historical continuity geopolitical significance civilizational clash cultural hybridity historical legitimacy political rights EU principles European identity state modernization legal reforms Turkey European continent geographical division historical context European Union membership Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Roman Empire World War I European state system modernization westernization secular state Swiss civil law Islamic law western nation Islamic nation EU values state system Longman London Samuel P. Huntington The Clash of Civilizations world order European powers historical powers legal system cultural orientation membership criteria geopolitical significance continental identity European integration historical continuity modern European history state secularism civilizational identity European and Asian divide Turkey European continent geographical division European Union Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European state system secularization Swiss civil law Westernization Islamic law Samuel P. Huntington The Clash of Civilizations modern European state system European membership cultural identity geographical and historical ties EU membership criteria European cultural values historical European powers European legal systems secular state Western methods European and Islamic identity European system Russian comparison World War I European integration European political values European legal traditions European historical context European political landscape European cultural sphere European
test-international-ghbunhf-con03a	Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. UN organs valuable work World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR diplomacy UN General Assembly respected international organisations United Nations structure organisation global impact international bodies peacekeeping humanitarian aid global governance international law human rights education health children refugees international justice global health UN organs valuable work World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR UN General Assembly diplomacy UN failure respected international organisations United Nations structure United Nations organisation UN organs valuable work international impact World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice UNHCR diplomatic functions UN General Assembly international respect citizen perception UN effectiveness global governance international cooperation peacekeeping human rights development assistance global health education children's welfare judicial resolution refugee protection UN organs valuable work World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR international bodies UN General Assembly diplomacy UN failure respected international organisation United Nations structure United Nations organisation UN organs valuable work World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR diplomacy UN General Assembly international organisations respected citizens failed structure organisation 2011 UN organs valuable work United Nations debating forum vital work World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR diplomacy UN General Assembly respected international organisations ordinary citizens UN organs valuable work World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR UN General Assembly diplomacy international organisations respected United Nations structure organisation UN organs valuable work World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR diplomacy UN General Assembly United Nations international organisation respected global impact peacekeeping human rights development humanitarian aid global governance multilateralism international cooperation failed success achievements global health education children justice refugees international law ordinary citizens trust effectiveness debate forums decision-making complexity challenges progress diplomacy challenges international community global challenges sustainable development international security UN organs valuable work World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR UN General Assembly diplomacy failed respected international organisations ordinary citizens UN organs valuable work World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice UNHCR diplomacy UN General Assembly international organisations global respect UN structure organisational impact
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro05a	"A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 code of conduct arms ban EU embargo military items China EU member states legally binding arms sales external aggression internal repression arms exports misuse public support European Union Tkacik Archick code of conduct arms ban symbolic military items China Europe USA legally binding EU member embargo ineffective blunt instrument future sales regulated tough EU code military equipment external aggression internal repression arms exports guarantee misuse Tkacik E.U. Leadership Kristin Archick European Union arms embargo code of conduct arms ban symbolic military items EU member legally binding blunt instrument arms exports external aggression internal repression misused public support European Union China weapons sales regulation effectiveness Tkacik Kristin Archick embargo code of conduct arms ban symbolic military items China Europe USA legally binding EU member embargo ineffective blunt instrument future sales regulated tough EU code prevent military equipment state external aggression internal repression guarantee not misused Tkacik E.U. Leadership public support lifting China arms ban Archick Kristin European Union’s Arms Embargo p5 p21 code of conduct arms ban military items Europe USA China EU member legally binding embargo effective blunt instrument future sales regulated tough EU code military equipment external aggression internal repression arms exports guarantee misuse public support Tkacik Archick Kristin code of conduct arms ban military items Europe USA China EU member embargo legally binding future sales regulation external aggression internal repression EU code of conduct arms exports guarantee misuse Tkacik Archick European Union public support symbolic code of conduct arms ban military items EU member legally binding arms exports external aggression internal repression EU states public support European Union China weapons sales symbolic ban blunt instrument regulation military equipment misuse prevention 1998 code Tkacik Kristin Archick 2005 reports embargo effectiveness legal enforcement international trade defense policy ethical guidelines code of conduct arms ban symbolic China military items Europe USA legally binding EU member embargo ineffective blunt instrument future sales regulated tough EU code military equipment external aggression internal repression guarantee misused public support Tkacik Kristin Archick European Union arms embargo code of conduct arms ban symbolic military items China Europe USA EU member legally binding embargo ineffective blunt instrument future sales regulated tough EU code military equipment external aggression internal repression arms exports guarantee misused Tkacik Kristin Archick European Union China Arms Ban code of conduct arms ban EU embargo military sales China Europe USA legal binding effectiveness arms regulation state aggression internal repression public support Tkacik Archick European Union arms exports misuse prevention"
test-economy-thsptr-pro05a	A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. progressive taxation economic growth economic welfare poverty reduction wealth redistribution tax burden disposable income velocity of money economic equity worker motivation automatic stabilizer economic stability unemployment wage cuts tax brackets average yearly growth tax system economic policy fiscal policy income inequality economic development economic justice financial stability tax reform economic performance tax progression economicimpact tax policy social welfare economic theory macroeconomics fiscal stimulus economic expansion economic models tax structure economic indicators historical economics political economy economic research tax efficiency economic analysis fiscal economic growth progressive taxation tax burden wealth redistribution poverty reduction disposable income velocity of money economic welfare social development worker motivation economic equity automatic stabilizer recessions employment tax brackets income loss economic data historical growth rates tax policy economic research American economy fiscal policy economic stability income inequality tax reform political economy economic theory fiscal impact social equity economic justice government revenue public spending economic development economic performance tax structure economic inequality tax efficiency tax fairness economic benefits tax incentives economic resilience economic cycles progressive taxation economic growth economic welfare redistribution poverty reduction disposable income velocity of money worker motivation fairness tax brackets automatic stabilizer recessions unemployment wage cuts American economy historical tax rates annual growth rates economic development tax burden wealthy poor equity economic policy fiscal policy economic stability progressive taxation economic growth redistribution of wealth disposable income velocity of money worker motivation tax equity automatic stabilizer economic downturns American economy historical data tax policy fiscal policy economic welfare societal development poverty reduction income inequality tax brackets wage loss unemployment tax rate reduction fiscal stimulus economic performance tax system fairness Batra Boxx Quinlivan economic growth progressive taxation tax burden wealth redistribution poverty reduction disposable income velocity of money worker motivation economic equity automatic stabilizer unemployment tax brackets wage cuts income loss American economy historical data tax system changes annual growth economic policies political economy economic welfare societal development fairness perceptions work incentives savings behavior market downturns tax progressivity economic stability fiscal policy income distribution economic theory policy impact economic analysis tax reform economic growth progressive taxation tax burden wealth redistribution disposable income velocity of money equity worker motivation automatic stabilizer recession unemployment wage cuts tax brackets American economy tax system historical data 1950s growth 1980s growth tax policy fiscal policy progressive taxation economic growth tax burden wealth redistribution poverty reduction disposable income velocity of money economic welfare social development fairness perception worker motivation saving behavior automatic stabilizer recession wage loss tax bracket income loss American economy historical data tax policy economic history 1950s growth 1980s growth tax progressivity economic performance fiscal policy income distribution social equity public finance economic stability tax system efficiency economic development policy analysis tax reform income inequality macroeconomics fiscal impact economic cycles progressive taxation economic growth poverty reduction income redistribution wealth inequality disposable income velocity of money worker motivation tax equity economic welfare automatic stabilizers recessions unemployment wage cuts tax brackets American economy historical economic data 1950s growth 1980s growth tax policy economic development social equity fiscal policy poverty alleviation tax burden economic stability recession response worker productivity tax system fairness economic performance long-term growth income distribution social welfare tax reform economic justice fiscal stimulus economic cycles tax progressive taxation economic growth redistribution tax burden wealth poverty disposable income velocity of money equity fairness motivation automatic stabilizer recession unemployment tax bracket income loss American economy historical growth rates tax policy economic welfare social development economic development fiscal policy income distribution economic stability economic performance tax reform progressive tax system economic theory economic equity public finance macroeconomics microeconomics labor market consumer spending investment government revenue social justice fiscal stability economic inequality economic fairness tax incentives economic cycles economic economic growth progressive taxation economic welfare redistribution tax burden disposable income velocity of money equity worker motivation automatic stabilizer income loss tax brackets American economy historical data tax policy economic development social equity tax reform fiscal policy economic stability
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con03a	Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. broadcast tax public service broadcasting viewer offense mandatory license fee content regulation offensive programming audience exclusion blasphemy claims cultural sensitivity editorial responsibility financial contribution television regulation media ethics public funding broadcaster accountability viewer rights program testing audience research content monitoring broadcasting standards television offenses cultural values religious beliefs media offense mandatory payment programming choices broadcaster funding license fee payer program controversy Jerry Springer: The Opera viewer boycott offensive media media criticism public broadcaster content controversy television ethics media regulation audience offense broadcaster liability media content viewer broadcasting ethics media regulation public funding viewer rights content censorship offensive programming compulsory levy audience offense religious beliefs broadcaster responsibility public service broadcasting programme testing audience monitoring Jerry Springer: The Opera BBC funding viewer choice 付费电视 强制性电视许可证 广播内容审查 观众权益保护 公共资金使用 媒体道德规范 宗教敏感性 节目制作责任 观众反应测试 公共广播服务 不当内容管理 电视节目监管 强制缴费公平性 英国广播公司收费制度 节目引起的公众不满 内容制作的伦理考量 电视许可证制度 公共 bill airtime excluded broadcaster compulsory levy television offence consumer blasphemy values beliefs sacred major routinely test shows audience response relaxed material viewers uncomfortable sinful watch station expected British viewer choose never watch caused programmes Jerry Springer Opera paying salaries caused reasonable standard foot the bill excluded airtime broadcaster compulsory levy television produce programmes cause offence consumer charge of blasphemy deeply held belief deliberate attack values and beliefs viewer producer responsibility audience testing audience response monitor audience major broadcasters BBC Jerry Springer: The Opera British viewer pay for content reasonable standard bill airtime excluded broadcaster compulsory levy television offence consumer blasphemy values beliefs viewer fundamental monitor audience response material viewers uncomfortable sinful watch station salaries Jerry Springer: The Opera reasonable foot the bill chunks of airtime excluded compulsory levy television produce programmes cause offence consumer charge of blasphemy deeply held belief deliberate attack values beliefs sacred fundamental major broadcasters BBC test shows monitor audience response relaxed produce material viewers uncomfortable sinful watch pay British viewer choose watch BBC offence programmes Jerry Springer: The Opera paying salaries reasonable standard search accuracy expansion terms query enrichment broadcaster funding compulsory levy television ownership programme offence consumer rights blasphemy deeply held beliefs broadcast testing audience response viewer discomfort .sinful content payment obligation Jerry Springer: The Opera BBC funding reasonable standards blasphemy offence compulsory levy broadcaster viewer beliefs audience response test shows programme content Jerry Springer: The Opera BBC funding model viewer exclusion deliberate attack deeply held beliefs sinful content payment obligation unreasonable standard airtime exclusion compulsory levy offensive programmes blasphemy deeply held beliefs audience testing viewer offense payment for unwanted content BBC funding public broadcaster responsibility viewer rights gratuitous offense compulsory payment programming ethics compulsory levy offensive content viewer values blasphemy broadcast regulation audience testing public funding viewer choice programme offense BBC funding taxpayer contribution content sensitivity moral objection media responsibility public service broadcasting programme testing audience reaction viewer rights content moderation offensive programming viewer exclusion broadcast standards public broadcaster accountability media ethics religious sensitivity content warning public broadcasting voluntary funding viewer boycott media criticism government-funded media censorship debate free speech vs offense media accountability broadcast controversy viewer offense funding controversy media production ethics viewer concerns public trust
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con01a	Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. social media educational resources teachers discussion pages homework learning fun Khan Academy youtube lectures shy students facebook twitter classroom discussions funding teacher skills school policies technology in education online learning digital tools student engagement educational technology virtual classrooms interactive learning educational platforms digital literacy classroom extension online interaction educational innovation school technology integration web-based learning multimedia resources collaborative learning student participation educational apps e-learning blended learning educational software digital classrooms teacher-student communication educational videos asynchronous learning virtual learning environments technology-ass social media educational resources teachers classroom extension discussion pages homework help student engagement learning tools Khan Academy YouTube lectures shy students class participation Facebook Twitter educational platforms school funding teacher skills classroom discussions educational value online learning social media educational resources classroom extension discussion pages student-teacher communication homework help learning engagement Khan Academy educational videos shy students classroom participation Facebook Twitter educational platforms school funding teacher skills online learning educational technology digital education online discussions social media educational resources teachers classroom extension discussion pages homework help learning engagement student interest shy students classroom participation facebook twitter educational platforms khan academy youtube lectures school funding teacher skills classroom discussions educational technology digital learning tools student support social media educational resources classroom extension discussion pages homework help student engagement learning tools Khan Academy youtube videos shy students classroom participation facebook twitter educational platforms school funding teacher skills classroom discussions educational technology online learning digital tools educational innovation social media educational resources teachers classroom extension discussion pages student contact homework help learning engagement educational tools Khan Academy YouTube lectures shy students classroom participation Facebook Twitter educational platforms school funding teacher skills classroom discussions educational value educational technology blended learning interactive learning online discussion educational platforms digital literacy virtual classroom student engagement teacher-student communication shy students educational equity Khan Academy YouTube education social media in education Facebook for learning Twitter for education classroom extension educational resources modern teaching methods informal learning environments social media educational resources classroom extension discussion pages student contact homework help learning engagement fun learning shy students participation Facebook Twitter educational platforms classroom discussions groups pages pictures videos funding issues teacher skills Khan Academy Salman Khan classroom flipping online lectures YouTube videos educational technology digital learning interactive learning modern education tools student support educational innovation technology in education social media educational resources classroom extension discussion pages homework help student engagement learning fun shy students participation facebook twitter ready-made platforms classroom discussions school funding teacher skills Khan Academy youtube videos lectures education technology online learning digital tools interactive learning educational platforms student support virtual classrooms modern education teaching methods educational innovation classroom technology digital education academic resources online education e-learning blended learning educational apps school technology digital literacy student interaction academic performance educational improvement educational tools teacher-student communication learning management systems social media educational resources classroom extension discussion pages student engagement learning tools shy students facebook twitter classroom discussions Khan Academy educational videos online learning teacher support student interaction educational technology digital platforms educational funding teacher skills classroom technology integration
test-society-epsihbdns-con03a	"Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. rural life mortality rates living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban development social cleavage wealth inequality political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang exclusion division Walker & Company Elsevier Science Ltd. World Development rural life mortality rates cities developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban development village poverty social cleavage economic growth political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell rural life mortality rates cities developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa political economy Mao's Great Famine social cleavage poverty deprivation rural areas urban areas growth disparities inequality China's policies Fei-Ling Wang Daniel Maxwell Frank Dikötter Rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China’s Hukou system urban food security social cleavage poverty deprivation economic growth Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell World Development Walker & Company Elsevier Science Ltd. rural life mortality rates cities living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa social cleavage rich poor villages poverty deprivation political economy Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Dikötter Frank rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban development social cleavage economic disparity policy critique urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa political economy Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell rural life mortality rates cities living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death economic growth villages poverty social cleavage urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa political economy Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang exclusion division rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security social cleavage wealth disparity rural deprivation policy critique Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Dikötter political economy Sub-Saharan Africa urban development rural-urban divide rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban-rural divide social cleavage poverty deprivation economic growth policy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa political economy Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell rural life mortality rates cities living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security social cleavage wealth disparity Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine population control poverty rural deprivation"
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro01a	When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. terrorists national groups ethnic groups practical searches young men Muslim terrorist attacks Western targets prejudice security policy police officers factual information rights liberties ethnicity religious belief sensible security profiling airport staff targeting regrettable necessity aeroplane safety terrorist profiling ethnic profiling religious profiling security policy factual information young Muslim men Western targets terrorist attacks police decisions security officials airport security public safety human rights civil liberties targeted searches practical security measures regrettable necessity group identification profiling acceptability blast prevention aeroplane safety terrorists national groups ethnic groups young Muslim men Western targets security policy police officers factual information ethnic profiling airport security terror attacks safety measures public safety sensible checks regrettable necessity rights liberties religious belief profiling targeted searches pragmatic approach security efficiency risk assessment threat prevention terrorist attacks Western targets young Muslim men security policy factual information ethnic profiling airport security public safety individual rights counter-terrorism strategies risk assessment safety measures profiling necessity traveler screening terrorism prevention terrorists national ethnic groups practical searches major attacks Western targets recent young Muslim men prejudice sensible check recheck rights liberties ethnicity religious belief security policy police officers factual information interest blown aeroplane regrettable necessity airport staff target likelihood terrorist attacks young Muslim men security policy factual information ethnic profiling airport security terrorist groups public safety rights and liberties regrettable necessity targeted searches sensible group checking Western targets practical security measures accepted necessity non-prejudiced approach safety vs. liberty effective law enforcement risk assessment selective screening terrorism security policy profiling ethnic groups religious beliefs factual information young men Muslim Western targets airport security rights liberties practicality necessity public safety decision-making police profiling acceptance terrorism security policy ethnic profiling religious profiling young Muslim men Western targets factual information rights and liberties airport security targeted searches terrorist attacks practical measures regrettable necessity public safety terrorist profiling ethnic targeting security policies factual information rights and liberties airport security young Muslim men terrorist attacks Western targets sensible checks public safety profiling necessity regrettable measures ethnic groups security decisions stop and search practical focus respectful policing targeted searches security and liberty balance terrorists national ethnic groups practical focus searches Western targets young Muslim men prejudice security policy police officers factual information rights liberties ethnicity religious belief profiling airport staff stop target groups terrorists likely aeroplane blown up regrettable necessity
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro02a	Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, non-violent methods disrupting riots police force public safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets preventative approach social media networks riot expansion police presence communication disruption San Francisco BART cell service shutdown protest prevention freedom of speech public order activist tactics communication means social media activists rioters coordination emergency response crowd control digital communication public communication shutdown legal concerns ethical considerations technology in law enforcement community trust police-protest dynamics peaceful assembly civil rights Riot Control Law Enforcement Strategies Social Media Impact Public Safety Measures non-violent riots police force safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets public order preventative approach social media communication protest freedom of speech BART cell service commuters non-violent disrupting riots police safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets public order preventative social media networks communication rioters activists outmanoeuvre targeting police presence cutting off mobile phones protests commuters freedom of speech BART cell service outrage clashes protests disobedience control escalation combat prevention strategy tactics communication disruption crowd control public safety legal considerations democratic rights protest management technological intervention societal impact ethical concerns law enforcement civil unrest digital activism non-violent methods disrupting riots use of force police intervention public safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets maintaining public order preventative measures social media networks preventing riot expansion communication disruption rioters' tactics police presence San Francisco BART mobile phone shutdown protests freedom of speech non-violent disrupting riots police safety batons water-cannon tear-gas rubber-bullets public-order preventative social-media networks communication activists outmanoeuvre police-presence san-francisco-bart mobile-phones protests commuters freedom-of-speech outrage violations effectiveness prevention expansion rioters encouraging friends areas presence disruption ネットワーク communication-shutdown public-safety social-activism protest-control technology-impact legal-considerations civil-liberties crowd-control non-violent methods disrupting riots police force public safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets preventative approach social media networks shutting down communication disruption riot expansion police presence freedom of speech BART cell service shutdown protests commuter safety outrage public order social media activism rioters targeting areas San Francisco BART mobile phones preventing protests civil liberties law enforcement strategies crowd control digital communication online organizing activist tactics public reaction ethical concerns police tactics riot prevention technological intervention community response legal implications public non-violent disrupting riots police safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets public order preventative social media networks communication activists targeting areas presence cutting off effective San Francisco BART mobile phones protests commuters freedom of speech outrage violations non-violent riot-disruption pre-force public-safety batons water-cannon tear-gas rubber-bullets police-duty public-order preventative-approach social-media-shutdown riot-expansion-prevention communication-block police-efficacy activist-tactics protest-prevention BART-case cell-service-shutdown freedom-of-speech-violation non-violent methods disrupting riots police response public safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets preventative measures social media networks shutting down communication disruption riot expansion police tactics social media activists targeted protests police presence San Francisco BART mobile phone shutdown protest prevention freedom of speech civil rights crowd control technological interventions public order maintenance non-violent methods disrupting riots police force public safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets preventative approach social media networks riot expansion communication prevention police presence social media activists San Francisco BART mobile phones shutdown freedom of speech protests commuter clashes
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro02a	Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 religious symbols school problems societal division classroom division hijab student alienation bullying practical dangers PE swimming technology lessons crucifix ban public classrooms religious segregation Italy Christianity non-Christians religious symbols schools division society Hijab problems alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology science machinery Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregation non-Christian ban court case Times of Malta religious symbols schools division society Hijab problems alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregation ban religious symbols school division social division Hijab issues classroom alienation bullying PE restrictions science lesson safety Crucifix debate Italy ban non-Christian segregation religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregation Crucifix ban religious symbols school problems societal division Hijab issues classroom alienation bullying concerns PE restrictions science safety Crucifix debate Italy ban non-Christian segregation Religious symbols schools division society Hijab Crucifix alienation bullying impractical dangerous PE swimming technology science machinery Italy ban Christian segregates non-Christian Times of Malta Crucifix ban case March 17th 2011 July 24th 2011 religious symbols problems in schools division in society classroom division Hijab school rules alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology lessons science lessons machinery Crucifix ban public classrooms Christian symbol segregation Italy Times of Malta legal case Crucifix display Religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom alienation bullying PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregation non-Christian ban Religious symbols division schools society Hijab problems alienation bullying PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregation ban
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro03a	Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mindset cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG fast moving consumer goods cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial situation mental dependency product dependency Global North action against colonialism Monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mindset cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG fast moving consumer goods cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial situation mental dependency product dependency Global North anti-colonial action monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mindset cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG companies cultural inferiority complex globalization consumerism non-western consumers western products colonial dependency mental dependence economic exploitation post-colonialism resistance policy action Global North victim nations Monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mindset cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG companies cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial situation dependency on the west mental dependency product dependency action against colonialism Global North post-colonial critique economic exploitation 美容消费主义 白皙肤色 新殖民心态 文化帝国主义 资本主义 快速消费品公司 文化自卑感 全球化消费世界 非西方国家 西方产品 Monetizing colonialism Skin whitening Neo-colonialist mind-set Cultural imperialism Capitalism FMCG companies Cultural inferiority complex Globalised consumer world Non-westerners Western products Colonial situation Mental dependence Product dependence Victims of colonialism Global North Action against neo-colonialism Monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mind-set cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial situation mental dependence product dependence action against colonialism Global North victims of colonialism Monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mind-set cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG fast moving consumer goods cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial situation mental dependence product dependence Global North victims of colonialism action against colonial products monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mindset cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial situation mental dependence product dependence global north action against colonialism Monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mind-set cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial dependency Global North action against colonialism monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mindset cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG companies cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial dependency mental dependence product dependence action against colonialism Global North victim nations
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con01a	The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level consolidation unison rejection watered-down version groundbreaking lameness initiative shadow failure post treaty constitution referendums representatives language major decisions state level policy integration solidarity sovereignty governance diplomacy institutional reform political union public opinion national interests supranational integration decision-making European Union international relations diplomatic representation policy-making institutional changes treaty provisions High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level EU High Representative foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level consolidate unison failure groundbreaking lame attempt watered-down rejection major decisions language treaty constitution post shadow inability initiative salvage bolder think act unified representatives insist clearly states continue taken High Representative EU foreign policy EU Constitution Dutch and French referendums EU reform treaty member states UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level EU consolidation political unison European Union international relations failed initiatives constitutional reform policy integration governmental decision-making European integration treaty negotiations representative roles High Representative EU foreign policy EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU reform treaty member states UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level EU foreign policy High Representative role EU Constitution rejection EU reform treaty Dutch and French referendums EU member state sovereignty UK influence on EU policy EU foreign policy decision-making EU constitutional initiative EU policy consolidation challenges High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level political integration European Union diplomatic power institutional reform public opinion national sovereignty High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states unified thinking UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level European Union political integration member states consensus international relations European governance diplomatic challenges sovereignty EU decision-making EU foreign policy High Representative EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU reform treaty member states unison UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro04a	Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life bioethics moral philosophy legal ethics human rights personal autonomy medical ethics societal norms legislative control moral arguments ethical dilemmas suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislate human dignity social life intrinsic constituent respect actions undermine inviolability suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life ethical concerns moral philosophy bioethics legal ethics human rights intrinsic value societal norms moral legislation respect for life bodily autonomy suicide sanctity of human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering human dignity social life legislation moral actions bioethics human rights intrinsic value societal norms legal protections bodily autonomy suicide human body sanctity inviolability abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life moral integrity bioethics legal restrictions personal autonomy suicide human body sanctity inviolability abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life bioethics moral philosophy human rights legal ethics suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life intrinsic value moral integrity bodily autonomy ethical considerations public policy bioethics human rights legal constraints philosophical debate societal norms suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life intrinsic value bioethics moral philosophy legal ethics human rights societal norms ethical considerations personal autonomy public policy suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life intrinsic value moral arguments bioethics legal restrictions suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life ethics moral philosophy bioethics public policy human rights
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro03a	Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . baseball home plate collisions injury risk catcher safety rule changes sports injuries training risk minimization MLB Buster Posey batter safety outfielder risks inherent risks sport safety collision prevention injury statistics player protection game dynamics sports commentary training techniques safety measures career impact injury prevention sports regulations safety protocols player health collision frequency sports science athletic performance safety equipment professional baseball game strategy sports medicine player education safety awareness sports analytics collision injuries risk assessment sports policy injury prevention strategies player well-being collision home plate collisions MLB catchers career-ending injuries risk of injury baseball safety sport injuries trained catchers minimized injury risk pitches to batters outfielder collisions inherent sports risks rule changes Buster Posey baseball training catcher safety plays at home relays and cutoffs baseball catcher techniques Baseball home plate collisions injury risk MLB catchers career impact sport safety training risk minimization game rules player protection sports injuries collision frequency significant injury sports statistics risk assessment safety measures defensive positioning professional baseball baseball plays player training catcher safety home plate collisions MLB catchers career-ending injuries risk of injury baseball safety pitch risks outfield collisions inherent sports risks catcher training injury minimization rule change proposals baseball injury statistics sports injury prevention Buster Posey baseball safety measures catcher protection sports safety debates injury likelihood sports risk management player safety home plate collisions injury risk MLB catchers career impact sports safety pitched ball injuries outfielder collisions baseball risks catcher training injury minimization rule change debate Buster Posey incident baseball safety practices home plate collisions risk of injury baseball safety catcher training MLB rule changes injury prevention sports inherent risks batter strikes outfielder collisions significant injury baseball plays sports injuries catcher protection Buster Posey Relays Cutoffs Plays at Home On Baseball Joe Janish home plate collisions injury risk MLB catchers career-ending injuries sport injuries inherent risk baseball safety catcher training collision prevention pitch risk outfielder injuries risk management baseball rules Buster Posey Relays Cutoffs Plays Home Joe Janish On Baseball Baseball-Catcher.com home plate collisions MLB catchers career-ending injuries risk of injury baseball safety sport risks injury prevention catcher training rule changes baseball plays injury statistics sports safety regulations player protection professional baseball defensive strategies baseball collisions sports injuries physical risks in sports athletic training safety in sports home plate collisions injury risk MLB catchers rule change baseball safety sport injuries player training collision prevention game rules athletic risks home plate collisions MLB catchers injury risk rule change baseball safety catcher training sports injury pitch risk outfield collisions inherent risk significant injury Buster Posey Joe Janish Baseball-Catcher.com
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro01a	"The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), government social contract community decisions representatives autonomy freedom policies public interest individual interests rural depopulation agricultural production urban amenities state intervention long-term benefits social contract theory collective welfare individual incentives urbanization societal impact governance philosophical approaches contractualism political philosophy public policy communal living societal responsibilities collective decision-making ethical governance social justice communal well-being public goods societal sustainability urban-rural dynamics policy-making social ethics community development governance models public administration social cohesion communal interests policy analysis social structure government decisions best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests countryside agricultural goods amenities cities individual incentive long term benefits state protection Fred D'Agostino Gerald Gaus John Thrasher Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Edward N. Zalta social contract government decisions people's best interest community living representatives autonomy freedom policies short-term interests individual incentives long-term benefits trend emptying countryside agricultural production city amenities state intervention protection of people collective welfare philosophical approaches D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy government right decisions for people social being community decisions representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies best interest short-term interests individual trend emptying countryside agricultural production city amenities individual incentive city harm state action long-term benefits social contract theory contemporary approaches philosophy Stanford Encyclopedia D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher Edward N. Zalta government decisions best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests trend countryside agricultural goods amenities cities individual incentive harm accumulated gains state long term benefits social contract theory contemporary approaches political philosophy public policy collective welfare rural depopulation urbanization societal impact ethical governance government decision-making best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests individual trend countryside agricultural production city amenities personal incentive urban migration long-term benefits state intervention social contract theory political philosophy public policy collective welfare government decision-making public interest social being community representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests individual rights collective welfare rural depopulation agricultural production urban amenities individual incentives city migration state intervention long-term benefits contemporary social contract theories D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy government decisions best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests individuals trend emptying countryside agricultural goods amenities cities personal incentive harm accumulated gains state action long-term benefits D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John Contemporary Approaches Social Contract Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Edward N. Zalta government decisions best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests individuals countryside agricultural goods amenities cities personal incentive harm accumulated gains state action long-term benefits social contract theory political philosophy public policy urbanization rural depopulation collective welfare individual rights ethical governance community development sustainable practices Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher contemporary approaches social contract government decision-making public interest social being community representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies long-term benefits short-term interests countryside urbanization agricultural production city amenities individual incentives state intervention long-term benefits social contract theory political philosophy D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con01a	Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery music censorship glorification of violence hip hop rock music white middle class newspaper columnists musical diversity creative industries content classification criminal intent film censorship videogame censorship contextual analysis Jerry Springer: The Opera Saving Private Ryan war violence didactic violence chills effect social acceptability violent imagery music ban simplistic understanding musical genres protest white middle class middle-aged newspaper columnists diversity depth creative industries content classification criminal acts intention murder films videogames censor context offensive act satire religious figures war Saving Private Ryan inhumanity didactic point audience entertainment brutality brutal language themes critically analyse chilling effect mainstream hip hop social acceptability violent imagery music ban simplistic understanding contemporary music popular music protest hip hop rock music white middle class middle-aged newspaper columnists diversity depth musical genres musicians violent events creative industries content classification content restriction media criminal acts murder intent film censorship videogame censorship graphic images offensive content context Saving Private Ryan war violence inhumanity Second World War didactic point audience reaction brutality popular music violent lyrics critical analysis imagery artist intentions chilling effect social acceptability musical expression Violent imagery music censorship hip hop rock music white middle-class columnists diversity in music creative industries content classification criminal intent violent acts film censorship videogames Jerry Springer: The Opera Saving Private Ryan war violence didactic violence violent music glorification of violence chilling effect social acceptability media pressure artistic expression cultural impact lyric analysis artist intent free speech content regulation public discourse musical genres controversial content entertainment industry media influence public opinion artistic freedom cultural diversity musical commentary violent themes critical analysis media Violent imagery purposes calls for ban music references glorifies violence simplistic understanding contemporary musical genres popular musical genres protest hip hop rock music white middle class middle-aged newspaper columnists diversity depth commenting violent events creative industries classify restrict content other media criminal acts punished damaging outcome dishonest malicious intention guilt murder intention graphic images words examined BBC director general Mark Thompson Jerry Springer: The Opera freespeechdebate.com religious content satire American talk show host religious figures violent imagery music censorship contemporary musical genres white middle class columnists creative industries content classification criminal acts murder intention film and videogame censorship Jerry Springer: The Opera Mark Thompson Saving Private Ryan war violence audience reaction hip hop culture social acceptability chilling effect violent imagery music ban contemporary genres popular music hip hop rock white middle class middle-aged newspaper columnists diversity depth musicians violent events creative industries content classification media criminal acts intention dishonest malicious murder films videogames censored banned graphic images words context offensive act intention satire talk show host religious figures war Saving Private Ryan inhumanity Second World War didactic point audience disgust extreme violence brutality brutal language themes critically analyse imagery artists violent imagery music ban glorification simplistic understanding musical genres white middle class middle-aged newspaper columnists diversity depth creative industries content classification criminal acts intention malicious dishonest films videogames censored banned graphic images context war Saving Private Ryan didactic point sympathy disgust brutality moving engaging lyrics critical analysis chilling effect mainstream hip hop social acceptability Violent imagery musical genres hip hop rock music white middle class newspaper columnists creative industries content classification films videogames criminal acts intention graphic images offensive content Saving Private Ryan war inhumanity entertainment brutal language social acceptability chilling effect free speech censorship artistic expression critical analysis media regulation cultural impact public discourse First Amendment artistic freedom media literacy societal norms cultural diversity musical censorship violent lyrics artistic intent media criticism populist pressure talk show hosts social commentary thematic depth artistic merit Violent imagery music censorship hip hop rock music white middle-class critics diversity in music creative industries content classification criminal intent media restriction artistic expression documentary violence entertainment violence cultural impact social acceptability free speech artistic intention media regulation populist pressure chilling effect controversial art religious content satire war films violent lyrics music analysis thematic exploration social commentary artistic freedom media criticism genre diversity content restriction public discourse creative expression media content violent content censorship debate artistic merit media classification social norms artistic themes media
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con03a	Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion taboo status quo restriction Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin liberalising 80s and 90s female sexuality gender norms commercial viability social structures controversy expressive freedom censorship progressive movements cultural change artistic expression societal norms provocativeness maintenance of tradition liberal values artistic impact social change creative expression mainstream acceptance conservative backlash artistic innovation cultural resistance expressive limits social taboos artistic challenges liberal advocacy conservative preservation social norms evolution artistic contribution societal progress social disgust liberal ideas art influence public opinion taboo subjects gender norms sexuality stereotypes status quo artistic expression commercial viability social structures Tracey Emin Sarah Lucas liberal movements 80s and 90s art controversy in art censorship in art progressive change societal norms artistic freedom restriction of art social taboos maintaining the status quo socially liberal movements art as social change restrictions on expression protecting the status quo art vs. commerce socially restrictive policies liberalizing influence of art art's role in society challenging taboos social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion taboos status quo Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin stereotypes gender norms female sexuality 80s 90s commercial viability expression social structures controversial movements restriction liberalising provocation protection maintenance attack disproportionate effect social disgust socially liberal ideas art and social change Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin 80s and 90s liberal movements taboo and art maintaining status quo restriction of provocative art censorship and creativity gender and sexuality in art public opinion and art social structures and art commercial viability of art liberal movements and controversy art as social commentary taboo subjects in art socially liberal movements restriction and freedom of expression art and social norms social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin liberalising 80s and 90s female sexuality gender taboo restriction of art status quo social structures commercially viable controversy expression taboos stereotypes norms social change censorship creative freedom progressive movements societal norms artistic expression provocation social taboos cultural evolution liberal values artistic censorship social progress gender norms sexuality norms artistic contribution social controversy mainstream acceptance art and society challenging norms artistic impact social dynamics social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion taboos status quo restriction Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin female sexuality gender norms liberalising 80s and 90s commercial viability controversial movements artist expression social structures taboo attack socially liberal movements maintaining status quo worthy protection social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin liberalising 80s and 90s stereotypes gender norms female sexuality taboo status quo restriction commercial viability social structures artistic expression controversial movements social change censorship social disgust social liberalism art movements public opinion taboo status quo gender norms sexuality Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin 1980s 1990s social structures commercial viability liberal ideas restriction of art maintaining the status quo socially liberal movements controversy artistic expression social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin 80s and 90s female sexuality gender norms taboo status quo restriction commercial viability social structures controversial movements artist expression social disgust socially liberal ideas art as change agent public opinion taboo Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin liberalising 80s and 90s female sexuality gender norms status quo restriction of art creative expression commercial viability social structures controversial art movements
test-international-epglghbni-pro02a	The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, partition of Ireland undemocratic Northern Ireland self-determination British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists manipulation Irish people electoral boundaries Republican majority pro-Republic vote Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century unjust legitimacy partition of Ireland undemocratic people's decision Northern Ireland British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists manipulation British politicians six counties United Kingdom electoral boundaries Republican majority unjust illegitimate pro-Republic vote Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century partition of Ireland undemocratic Northern Ireland self-determination British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists manipulation British politicians electoral boundaries gerrymandering Republican majority injustice illegitimacy pro-Republic vote Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century partition of Ireland undemocratic process people's decision Northern Ireland unity British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionist influence British politicians six counties Northern Ireland parliament electoral boundary manipulation Republican majority unjust prevention pro-Republic vote Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century Ireland partition undemocratic Northern Ireland British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists manipulation British politicians electoral boundaries Republican majority unjust illegitimate pro-Republic Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century partition of Ireland undemocratic Northern Ireland government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists British Parliament electoral boundaries Republican majority pro-Republic vote Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century partition of Ireland undemocratic Northern Ireland United Ireland British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists arm-twisting manipulation British politicians electoral boundaries Republican majority unjust prevent pro-Republic vote Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century partition of Ireland undemocratic process people's decision Northern Ireland British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists manipulation British politicians electoral boundaries Republican majority unjust illegitimate pro-Republic vote Ireland 20th century Ferriter partition Ireland undemocratic Northern Ireland people decision unity British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 six counties parliament Unionists manipulation British politicians electoral boundaries Republican majority injustice pro-Republic Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century partition of Ireland undemocratic Northern Ireland United Ireland British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists manipulation British politicians electoral boundaries Republican majority Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century injustice legitimacy pro-Republic vote
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con02a	The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. wealth distribution supporters failure inequality Blair Clinton rich poor economic model left leaders fairness equality opportunity choice Europe technocrats bankers jobs livelihoods latent inequalities anger history Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution supporters failure inequality Blair Clinton rich poor economic model left leaders fairness equality opportunity choice Europe technocrats bankers jobs livelihoods latent inequalities public anger historical irony nineteenth century Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution economic inequality supporters failure Blair Clinton rich poor model new leaders left fairness equality opportunity choice Europe unelected technocrats international bankers jobs livelihoods latent inequalities people anger history Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution supporters failure Blair Clinton rich poor model ineffective left leaders fairness equality opportunity choice Europe unelected technocrats bankers jobs livelihoods inequalities anger history Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution inequality supporters failure fairness equality Blair Clinton rich poor economic model leaders left concepts opportunity choice Europe technocrats bankers jobs livelihoods latent inequalities anger history Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution economic inequality social justice political leadership economic policy socialism capitalism financial crisis public opinion social inequality political reform economic growth wealth redistribution economic fairness economic models political philosophy economic systems social change financial regulation economic disparity wealth distribution supporters inequality failure Blair Clinton rich poor fairness equality timid leaders left opportunity choice Europe unelected technocrats international bankers jobs livelihoods latent inequalities anger history early nineteenth century Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution supporters failure inequality Blair Clinton rich poor model new leaders left fairness equality opportunity choice Europe technocrats bankers jobs livelihoods latent inequalities anger irony nineteenth century Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution supporters inequality failure to distribute wealth Blair Clinton rich getting richer poor getting richer model failure timid leaders left fairness equality opportunity choice Europe unelected technocrats international bankers jobs livelihoods latent inequalities anger history nineteenth century Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution inequality supporters failure Blair Clinton rich poor fairness equality opportunity choice Europe technocrats bankers jobs livelihoods Socialist Capitalists nationalising banks
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro03a	"Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks society democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies megaphone population will oppressive regimes protests government forces online environment Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin unpopular policies dissent online petition gathering Avaaz.org change Sonya Angelica Diehn DW Caroline Stauffer Reuters activists government crackdown Facebook democracy social networks society democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies megaphone population oppressive regimes organize protests government safe house government intervention online environment Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin policies citizens disapproval dissent online petition gathering Avaaz.org change Sonya Angelica Diehn DW Caroline Stauffer Reuters activists Turkey Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies megaphone population protests oppressive regimes government forces online environment Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin citizens unpopular policies dissent online petition Avaaz.org social media Egypt Brazil protests Turkey protests Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin government policies online petitions Avaaz.org citizen engagement public opinion digital activism social media impact political change online organization civic participation Facebook democracy social networks society democratic process autocracies western democracies protests government Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin unpopular policies online petitions Avaaz.org social media activism citizen engagement petition gathering online organizing civic participation digital democracy political change free speech internet freedom Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin government intervention safe house news online environment unpopular policies citizens dissent online petition gathering Avaaz.org Sonya Angelica Diehn Caroline Stauffer activists government crackdown Facebook democracy social networks autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin government intervention online environment democratic process unpopular policies citizen engagement dissent online petitions Avaaz.org social media Egypt Reuters Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks society democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests government Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin online environment safe house government intervention spread news organize protests unpopular policies citizens make a difference disapproval dissent online petition gathering Avaaz.org petition sharing change Sonya Angelica Diehn DW Caroline Stauffer Reuters activists social media evade crackdown Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks society democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies megaphone population oppressive regimes protests government forces online environment Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin policies citizens dissent online petition gathering Avaaz.org social media Egypt Reuters Turkey protests Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks protests autocracies western democracies organization online activism Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin petitions Avaaz.org government policies civil engagement social media impact political change grassroots movements online communities civic participation public opinion digital activism information dissemination online petitions government intervention -oppressive regimes free speech social media influence political mobilization democratic process enhancement online organization protest coordination digital safe spaces government oversight civic technology social change democratization social media platforms political expression citizen empowerment policy influence"
test-international-amehbuaisji-con04a	ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials due process US Constitution ratification Rome Statute Americans subject procedures violation Sixth Amendment jury trials judges majority vote convict independence neutrality foreign policy US judicial independence executive legal system political considerations rules double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial special measures witnesses defence ICC trials due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans judicial procedures Sixth Amendment jury trials judges independence neutrality foreign policy judicial independence executive legal system political considerations double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial special measures witnesses defence rights ICC trials due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence neutrality foreign policy executive influence double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection defence rights ICC trials US Constitution due process US ratification Rome Statute Americans jury trials Sixth Amendment judge independence foreign policy interests judicial independence executive influence double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial witness protection defence rights ICC trials due process US Constitution ratification Rome Statute Americans procedures Sixth Amendment jury trials judges independence neutrality foreign policy judicial independence executive political considerations double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial special measures witnesses defence ICC trials due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence neutrality foreign policy interests double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection defence rights ICC due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans trials Sixth Amendment jury trials judges judicial independence neutrality foreign policy executive influence political considerations double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial witness protection defence rights ICC trials US Constitution due process Rome Statute American defendants jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence foreign policy interests neutrality of judges legal system executive influence political considerations double jeopardy speedy trial pre-trial detention witness protection defence rights ICC trials due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans legal procedures Sixth Amendment jury trials judges independence neutrality foreign policy executive influence double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial witness protection defence rights ICC trials due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence neutrality judges foreign policy executive influence double jeopardy speedy trial pre-trial detention special measures witness protection defence rights
test-international-ghbunhf-con02a	The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. United Nations international law human rights UN founding 1945 customary state behavior codification of law protection of rights genocide 1948 Convention Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide United States Holocaust Memorial Museum UN international law human rights 1945 customary behavior states 60 years codifying protection human rights crime of genocide 1948 Convention Prevention and Punishment Crime of Genocide United States Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide UN international law human rights United Nations 1945 customary behaviour states codifying protection human rights crime of genocide 1948 Convention Prevention Punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide UN international law human rights 1945 customary behaviour states codifying promoting genocide 1948 Convention prevention punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide UN offices UN organs crime enshrinement international concept post-1945 development global governance legal frameworks human rights protection state conduct international norms legal codification historical context international justice global human rights UN role legal history international relations peace security humanitarian law diplomatic relations state sovereignty international community legal principles UN international law human rights 1945 customary behavior states codification protection genocide 1948 Convention Prevention Punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide UN international law human rights United Nations 1945 customary behaviour states codifying promoting concept protection crime of genocide 1948 Convention Prevention and Punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide UN international law human rights 1945 customary behaviour states codifying protection crime genocide 1948 Convention Prevention Punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum UN international law human rights founding 1945 customary behavior states codifying promoting genocide 1948 Convention prevention punishment US Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide UN international law human rights 1945 customary behaviour states codification protection genocide 1948 Convention Prevention Punishment Crime United States Holocaust Memorial Museum UN international law human rights 1945 customary behaviour states codifying protecting genocide 1948 Convention Prevention Punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
test-politics-oapghwliva-con03a	Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget spending cuts earmarks Republican members White House friction threatened veto wasteful spending deficit reduction government finance legislative power executive authority budget process fiscal policy political leverage congressional relations budgetary impact historical precedent legal authority expenditure reduction government accountability fiscal responsibility legislative-executive relations public finance budget deliberations fiscal reforms budgetary constraints government spending fiscal management budgetary control legislative oversight executive privilege budgetary discretion fiscal discipline budgetary negotiations political influence budget Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget spending cuts earmarks Republican members executive-legislative relations wasteful spending deficit reduction legislative threats Congressional hearings government financial management line item veto president clinton federal budget savings earmarks republican members white house friction constitutional amendment wasteful spending deficit reduction mcMurity government spending presidential power legislative process fiscal policy Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget savings earmarks Republican members White House friction threatened veto unrelated legislation Virginia A. McMurty Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management Government Information Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee Hearing wasteful spending deficit reduction Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks Republican members White House friction wasteful spending deficit reduction congressional veto threats government finance legislative-executive relations Virginia A. McMurty Senate Homeland Security Governmental Affairs Committee line item veto president clinton federal budget savings earmarks constitutional amendment legislative friction white house republican members wasteful spending deficit reduction administrative threats congress policy precedent governmental affairs Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget savings earmarks partisan conflict executive-legislative relations wasteful spending deficit reduction Virginia A. McMurty Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management Government Information Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee Hearing Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget deficit reduction earmarks fiscal policy legislative-executive relations government spending wasteful spending deficit reduction strategies political leverage inter-branch conflict budgetary impact legislative behavior earmark reform executive authority budgetary efficiency government accountability line item veto president clinton constitutional amendment federal budget spending cuts earmarks republican members white house legislative friction wasteful spending deficit reduction government information homeland security committee hearing Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks Republican members White House friction wasteful spending deficit reduction Virginia A. McMurty Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management Government Information Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee Hearing
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro01a	There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation information services harm benefit privacy surveillance security ethics data collection individual safety governmental oversight misinformation public perception no physical risk government information physical retaliation intelligence agencies democracies Russian FSB James Bond films information privacy harm assessment benefit evaluation physical risk government information intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation harm benefits privacy concerns data collection civil liberties surveillance security personal safety governmental power information misuse democratic societies rss no physical risk physical safety government information intelligence agencies democratic societies physical retaliation information privacy harmlessness benefits of surveillance continued surveillance physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation information services harm good privacy debate surveillance ethics no physical risk government information Russian FSB intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation information security privacy concerns harm assessment ethical intelligence practices physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation information services harm benefits privacy debate surveillance controversy public safety civil liberties physical risk government information Russian FSB intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation harm good continuation physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies bumping people off mortal coil physical retaliation information services harmful effects benefits continuance physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies bumping people off physical retaliation information services harm good continuation
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro02a	Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Palestinian aspirations statehood Israeli occupation resistance two-state settlement 1967 borders self-determination international law 1993 Vienna Declaration human rights Brazilian President Lula 1967 borders Palestinian majority occupied territories democratic processes human rights violation withdrawal Israeli settlements Western powers Arab Conquests Islam spread VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION United Nations World Conference on Human Rights Brazil recognition Palestinian state Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation two-state settlement self-determination 1967 borders human rights international law Vienna Declaration right to self-determination UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights Brazilian President Lula 1967 borders recognition Israeli settlements Western condemnation Arab conquests Hugh Kennedy Brazil recognition Palestinian majority democratic processes human rights violation Israeli withdrawal Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation two-state settlement 1967 borders right to self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights Brazilian recognition democratic processes Israeli withdrawal Palestinian majority occupied territories human rights violation Palestinian aspirations statehood Israeli occupation resistance two-state settlement 1967 borders self-determination international law 1993 Vienna Declaration human rights Brazilian President Lula pre-1967 borders Palestinian majority human rights violation withdrawal Israeli settlements Western condemnation Arab Conquests Hugh Kennedy United Nations Brazil recognition Palestinian state Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation two-state settlement 1967 borders self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights Brazilian recognition democratic processes Israeli settlements Western condemnation UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights Hugh Kennedy Arab conquests NDTV Agence France-Presse Israeli occupation Palestinian aspirations statehood self-determination two-state settlement 1967 borders human rights violation Vienna Declaration international law democratic processes Brazilian recognition coexistence legitimate right economic viability political status World Conference on Human Rights UN Charter Universal Declaration of Human Rights Palestinian majority Israeli refusal occupied territories suppression withdrawal Western powers Arab conquests Hugh Kennedy Agence France-Presse NDTV Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva Da Capo Press United Nations 2011 2007 Palestinian aspirations statehood Israeli occupation two-state settlement 1967 borders self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights Brazilian President Lula pre-1967 borders Palestinian majority occupied territories democratic processes human rights violation withdrawal BBC News Hugh Kennedy United Nations Agence France-Presse NDTV Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation two-state settlement 1967 borders self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights democratic processes pre-1967 borders Israeli settlements Western condemnation Palestinian majority occupied territories Brazil recognition Hugh Kennedy Arab Conquests United Nations World Conference on Human Rights NDTV Agence France-Presse Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation self-determination two-state settlement 1967 borders human rights right to self-determination Vienna Declaration international law Brazilian recognition peaceful coexistence democratic processes Israeli settlements Western condemnation Arab conquests World Conference on Human Rights economic viability political status social development cultural development human rights violation Palestinian majority occupied territories Israel withdrawal rightful aspiration security democracy international standards legal standards human rights standards United Nations Charter Universal Declaration of Human Rights Palestinian aspirations statehood Israeli occupation two-state settlement 1967 borders self-determination human rights Vienna Declaration international law Brazilian President Lula pre-1967 borders Palestinian majority occupied territories democratic processes human rights violation withdrawal Palestinian rights Israeli settlements Western powers Arab Conquests recognition NDTV Agence France-Presse United Nations World Conference on Human Rights
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro01a	Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 collective bargaining freedom of association state rights decision making process union influence political process special privileges economic disruption private unions public sector supply chains logistics government intervention societal harm curtailment of rights free speech racial hatred rail strike auto industry labor unions David Shepardson David Denholm LabourUnionReport The Detroit News collective bargaining freedom of association union influence political process private unions economic disruption supply chains decision making process societal harm government intervention free speech limitations labor rights public sector unions private sector unions union privileges economic impact legislative action worker rights industrial relations labor laws union activities disruption prevention economic stability political leverage union power collective action labor disputes workforce representation employee negotiation labor market collective agreement labor standards employment conditions union membership bargaining power industrial action strike impact economic policy labor reform union regulations worker protection collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process unions special privileges political influence private unions economic disruption supply chains inequality government intervention free speech harm to society labor rights rail strike auto industry David Shepardson The Detroit News David Denholm LabourUnionReport.com collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process union influence political process private unions economic disruption supply chains decision making access inequality government limits free speech societal harm rail strike auto industry collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process union influence political process private unions economic disruption supply chains inequality societal harm free speech government intervention labor rights rail strike auto industry collective bargaining freedom of association unions decision making process private unions economic disruption political influence supply chains logistics government intervention rights limitations free speech societal harm labor rights public sector private sector economic impact political process special privileges group rights inequality disruption rail strike auto industry incitement racial hatred collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process unions special privileges political influence private unions economic disruption supply chains inequality government intervention rights curtailment free speech societal harm rail strike auto industry David Shepardson The Detroit News Denholm LabourUnionReport.com collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process union influence political process private unions economic disruption supply chains inequality government intervention curtailment of rights free speech societal harm labour strikes auto industry rail strike collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process union privileges economic disruption private sector unions supply chains logistics political influence societal harm free speech limitations government intervention legal rights labor rights union rights economic impact public sector unions private unions political process special privileges inequality social harm curtailment of rights incitement of racial hatred automotive industry rail strike industrial disruption collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process union influence political process private unions economic disruption supply chains logistics decision-making inequality government curtailment rights limitation free speech societal harm rail strike auto industry labor rights
test-international-emephsate-pro03a	Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position energy benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO strategic geography trade energy security EU energy minister oil gas Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly energy policy accession process strategic benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic location trade energy security EU energy minister oil gas Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia transit point Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly energy policy accession process Strategic position energy benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic location trade energy security EU energy minister oil gas Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia transit point Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly external energy policy accession process strategic position energy benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic situation trade oil gas fields energy security EU energy minister Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia transit point Nabucco pipeline gas monopoly Russia Belarus Ukraine import gas pipelines Strategic benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO strategic geography trade energy security oil gas Caspian Sea Russia Bosporus Nabucco pipeline Russia gas monopoly energy cooperation EU energy minister transit point Gulf gas pipelines energy policy European Commission accession process Strategic position energy benefits European Union Turkey regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic location trade oil gas fields energy security EU energy minister transit point Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly European energy policy accession process strategic position energy benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic location trade oil gas energy security EU energy minister transit point Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly external energy policy accession process Turkey European Union NATO Middle East Central Asia strategic position energy security oil gas Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia Nabucco pipeline Russia gas monopoly energy cooperation trade geographic location regional power EU energy policy Turkey accession process Strategic benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic situation border Europe and Asia trade energy security EU energy minister oil gas Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia transit point Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly external energy policy accession process strategic benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO strategic geography trade energy security oil gas Caspian Sea Russia Bosporus transit point Nabucco pipeline Russian gas monopoly energy cooperation energy transit geopolitical importance EU energy policy Turkey accession external energy policy gas pipelines energy diversification EU-Turkey relations
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro01a	Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment low taxes exchange rate import tariffs political opposition fracking autocratic government health services education services curricula salaries supplies Cuba healthcare doctors per capita Shanghai PISA test dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking energy access health services education services curricula salaries supplies healthcare systems doctors per capita manufacturing PISA test Cuba Shanghai autocratic government political opposition energy industry resource control dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment low taxes exchange rate import tariffs political opposition fracking energy access health services education services curricula salaries supplies Cuba healthcare doctors per capita Shanghai PISA test dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulations import tariffs political opposition fracking energy access health services education services curricula salaries supplies healthcare systems doctors per capita PISA test Cuba Shanghai autocratic government political stability economic development social services governance democracy authoritarianism public policy economic policy institutional change economic growth resource control dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking energy extraction autocratic government health services education services curricula salaries supplies healthcare systems doctors per capita PISA test Cuba Shanghai dictatorships effectiveness resource mobilization investment quick decision-making policy implementation institutional modification legal framework development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking autocratic government health services education services curricula salaries supplies Cuba healthcare system doctors per capita Shanghai PISA test dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate import tariffs political opposition fracking natural gas autocratic government energy health services education services curricula salaries supplies healthcare systems doctors per capita PISA test Cuba Shanghai dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking energy industry health services education services curricula salaries supplies Cuba healthcare doctors Shanghai PISA test dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment low taxes exchange rate manipulations import tariffs political opposition fracking energy industry autocratic government opposition health services education services curricula salaries supplies Cuba healthcare system doctors per capita Shanghai PISA test resource control economic framework institutional framework legal framework political stability governance economic development social services public policy political opposition environmental concerns energy policy health policy dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking natural gas autocratic government opposition disregard health services education services curricula salaries supplies Cuba healthcare doctors per capita Shanghai PISA test resource control manufacturing reshoring solidarity revolutionary doctor Monthly Review The Economist Scientific American
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con01a	Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. paternalism personal freedom individual rights autonomy state intervention smoking regulations public health risk awareness informed consent self-determination government overreach liberty choice education health risks societal norms public policy personal responsibility civic liberties debate ethics morality smoking bans voluntary action decision-making risk-taking legal restrictions human rights civil liberties tobacco control freedom of choice moral autonomy health education policy-making social ethics public interest individualism collectivism legislation enforcement harm reduction personal dignity societal impact behavioral norms civic paternalism personal autonomy individual freedom state intervention smoking regulations public health risk awareness informed decision making personal responsibility societal norms government overreach tobacco control health education public place policies smoker rights non-smoker protection ethical governance legislative balance harm reduction civil liberties paternalism personal freedom individual rights public health smoking regulations informed consent risk awareness societal norms government intervention autonomy self-determination health education civil liberties public place policies tobacco use non-smokers rights harm reduction paternalism personal autonomy individual freedom smoking rights public health government intervention informed decision-making risk awareness smoker education personal responsibility state role civil liberties health risks societal norms freedom of choice paternalism personal autonomy individual freedom state intervention risk-taking informed decision-making public health smoking regulations personal responsibility education on risks societal norms government overreach citizen rights voluntary exposure health awareness paternalism personal autonomy individual freedom state intervention smoking regulation public health risk awareness informed decision making personal responsibility societal norms legal limits individual rights government overreach health education voluntary risk taking tobacco control civil liberties smoking bans private property rights health warnings Paternalism personal autonomy smoking public places state intervention individual freedom risk-taking informed decision-making education health risks paternalism personal autonomy individual freedom smoking rights public health risk-taking informed decision-making government intervention societal norms individual choice education on risks non-interventionist policies public place regulations smoker's rights health education risk awareness policy debate autonomy vs control ethical governance tobacco use freedom paternalism personal freedom individual rights public health tobacco regulation informed consent risk awareness government intervention smoking laws civil liberties autonomy choice public policy health education societal norms ethical considerations legal frameworks moral philosophy self-determination regulatory balance paternalism personal freedom autonomy smoking public health individual rights state intervention risk-taking informed decision-making education public places tobacco control
test-international-eiahwpamu-con02a	Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). microfinance quick-fix poverty loans investment entrepreneurship economic stability political stability short-termism high interest rates long-term interests education primary school attendance IOE 2011 microfinance quick-fix poverty loans entrepreneurship political stability economic environment short-termism high interest rates primary school attendance long-term investment capital access community development IOE 2011 microfinance quick-fix poverty community development loans entrepreneurship economic stability political environment short-termism investment high interest rates repayment long-term interests primary school attendance education IOE 2011 deeper issues unresolved problems microfinance quick-fix solutions poverty economic development loans investment entrepreneurship political stability economic environment investment climate short-termism long-term interests high interest rates loan repayment primary school attendance education investment IOE 2011 deeper issues unresolved microfinance quick-fix solution poverty loans investment future access to capital entrepreneurialism key concern not a silver bullet stable political environment economic environment investment climate short-termism quick return high interest rates repayment long-term interests primary school attendance IOE 2011 deeper issues microfinance quick-fix solution poverty loans investment stable environment short-termism high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance IOE 2011 deeper issues unresolved problems microfinance quick-fix solution poverty loans investment future community development capital access entrepreneurialism political stability economic environment short-termism quick return high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance education investment IOE 2011 Deeper issues unresolved problems microfinance quick-fix solution poverty community investment loan provision future investment capital access entrepreneurialism stable political environment stable economic environment investment climate short-termism quick return investments high interest rates loan repayment long-term interests primary school attendance education investment IOE 2011 microfinance quick-fix poverty loans investment entrepreneurship political stability economic environment short-termism high interest rates long-term interests education primary school attendance IOE 2011 microfinance quick-fix poverty loans investment entrepreneurship political stability economic stability short-termism interest rates long-term interests education primary school attendance IOE 2011
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro04a	Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. cooperation influence China regime democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecturing threats Russia United Nations Security Council Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippine dictator Marcos Korean President Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship global benefit EU cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecturing threats Russia United Nations Security Council veto sanctions Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippine dictator Marcos Korean President Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship investment global benefit EU cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust diplomacy public criticism Russia United Nations Security Council Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippines South Korea investment Europe-China relationship global benefit cooperation influence China regime democracy human rights international engagement trust public criticism Russia United Nations Security Council Syria sanctions veto United States East Asia democratization Philippine dictator Marcos Korean President Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship global benefit EU David Cameron China visit Syria reforms The Two Koreas cooperation influence China regime democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecturing threats Russia United Nations Security Council veto Syria sanctions United States East Asia democratization Philippine Marcos Korean Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship investment global benefit EU Cooperation influence China promote democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecturing threats United Nations Security Council Russia sanctions Syria United States East Asian states democratization Philippine dictator Marcos Korean President Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship global benefit EU cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecturing threats Russia United Nations Security Council sanctions Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippines Marcos Korea Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship global benefit EU cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecturing threats Russia United Nations Security Council Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippine dictator Marcos Korean President Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship global benefit EU cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust public criticism threat Russia United Nations Security Council sanctions Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippines South Korea Europe-China relationship investment global benefit cooperation China influence democracy human rights international engagement trust Russia United Nations Security Council sanctions Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippines President Marcos Korea President Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship EU Sholto Byrnes Martin Chulov Don Oberdorfer The Two Koreas
test-international-aegmeppghw-con05a	Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey population EU member states voting power disproportionate European terms largest single EU member 2020 15% total population enlarged EU 25 countries smaller proportion Germany EU-15 2004 enlargement 21.9% ridiculous dominate decision-making full status inauguration period semi-membership slowly introduced change policy suit itself arrives European Union EU-15 population projections Demographia 2001 Turkey EU population voting power member states European Union enlarged EU Germany decision-making semi-membership policy Demographia projections 2050 2020 2004 enlargement EU-15 constituent nation population statistics inauguration period disproportionate influence Turkey EU member states population voting power European Union enlarged EU Germany EU decision-making semi-membership EU policy Demographia EU-15 population projections Turkey EU member states population voting power disproportionate enlarged EU 25 countries Germany EU-15 2004 enlargement 15% 21.9% inauguration period semi-membership EU policy Demographia 1950-2050 projections Turkey EU member states population voting power EU enlargement 2020 15% enlarged EU 25 countries Germany EU-15 21.9% 2004 enlargement decision-making full status inauguration period semi-membership EU policy Demographia 1950 2050 Turkey EU member states population voting power EU enlargement Germany decision-making semi-membership policy change EU-15 Demographia population projections Turkey population EU member states voting power European Union enlarged EU Germany EU-15 2004 enlargement decision-making semi-membership policy change Demographia projections 2050 Turkey EU population voting power member states enlarged EU Germany decision-making semi-membership policy change Demographia projections 2020 2004 enlargement EU-15 2050 nation population European Union Turkey EU member states voting power population enlarged EU Germany EU decision-making semi-membership policy influence Demographia population projections European Union EU-15 Turkey population EU member states voting power European Union enlarged EU Germany 2004 enlargement decision-making semi-membership policy change Demographia projections 2050 EU-15
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con02a	The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. freedom of speech association social networking teacher student predator messaging facebook twitter legal rights government intervention Solove Daniel Missouri social media regulation teacher-student communication digital communication laws constitutional rights educator restrictions online interaction policies freedom of speech freedom of association social media teacher-student communication legal restrictions constitutional rights Missouri law Daniel Solove Huffington Post online messaging teacher rights student safety potential predators educational legislation digital communication laws freedom of speech association rights social media messaging teacher-student communication Missouri law privacy rights constitutional law education policy online safety legal restrictions teacher rights student protection social networking regulations digital communication laws law freedom of speech association social media teacher student rights Missouri legislation communication digital privacy education policy constitutional rights online safety friending messaging potential predator offense status fundamental right government interference Daniel Solove Huffington Post August 2011 freedom of speech association social networking teacher student legal restrictions constitutional rights Missouri Solove Daniel Huffington Post 2011 online communication predator privacy education law professional boundaries digital ethics first amendment legislative overreach law freedom of speech association random person student potential predator facebook twitter teacher offence fundamental right government teacher rights social networking Missouri Daniel Solove Huffington Post banning friending students law freedom of speech association social media Facebook Twitter teacher student predator messaging offense rights government Missouri Daniel Solove Huffington Post social networking friending legal violation fundamental rights professional status privacy concerns freedom of speech association rights social media messaging teacher-student communication legal restrictions constitutional rights Missouri teacher law Daniel Solove Huffington Post online interaction predator concern privacy rights fundamental rights government overreach educational law digital communication teacher rights student safety social networking legislation freedom of speech association rights social media messaging teacher-student communication legal restrictions fundamental rights government overreach Missouri law Daniel Solove Huffington Post social networking teacher rights student safety online communication laws law freedom of speech association social media teacher student messaging Facebook Twitter rights government Missouri Solove Daniel Huffington Post friending predator offense status fundamental right legal violation communication privacy
test-economy-thsptr-pro04a	Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: progressive taxation equal society harmonious society equality of opportunity level playing field social classes economic ladder tax revenues flat taxes regressive taxes poor income contribution state funding social services financial burden poor and disadvantaged social mobility equitable society harmonious community well-funded services crime prevention greater equality social cohesion wealth stratification social message social mobility redistribution social stratification economic opportunity public services tax policy fiscal policy economic justice income distribution social integration communal well-being socio-economic mobility progressive tax system economic fairness progressive taxation economic equality social harmony opportunity level playing field social mobility tax revenue flat tax regressive tax social services economic ladder poor disadvantaged equity social cohesion social stratification wealth distribution empathy social mobility redistribution equal sacrifice social classes consumption savings crime reduction social message social benefits societal well-being public goods fiscal policy economic policy income distribution wealth inequality tax fairness social welfare social justice progressive taxation equality of opportunity social harmony economic ladder tax revenues flat taxes regressive taxes social services socioeconomic mobility social strata equitable society social cohesion wealth stratification social mobility redistribution public services fiscal policy economic justice class distinctions income distribution tax burden poverty alleviation social equity economic growth financial stability progressive tax system tax fairness opportunity equality social integration community well-being economic opportunity tax structure wealth inequality social welfare economic policy social justice fiscal reform public finance tax equity progressive tax rates Progressive taxation equal society harmonious society equality of opportunity level playing field social classes economic ladder flat taxes regressive taxes tax revenues social services tax burden disadvantaged social strata equitable society well-funded services social cohesion social mobility demand for redistribution social message class distinctions wealth stratification empathy sympathy social harmony greater opportunities economic equality tax fairness public goods community welfare financial justice social integration progressive tax rates income distribution wealth distribution economic mobility poverty reduction fiscal policy tax policy economic policy social Progressive taxation equal opportunity social harmony economic mobility social services tax equity flat tax regressive tax social stratification economic inequality social cohesion public finance social mobility wealth distribution tax burden economic ladder social classes consumer spending savings crime prevention social empathy social message economic sacrifice redistribution social welfare fiscal policy economic policy public services economic justice social justice income distribution social inequality economic stratification economic opportunity tax fairness progressive taxation equal society harmonious society equality of opportunity level playing field economic ladder flat taxes regressive taxes social services tax revenue social mobility equitable society reduced crime social cohesion social strata wealth stratification empathy sympathy social message tax burden disadvantaged social mobility redistribution economic opportunity social harmony public services income distribution progressive tax regime flat-rate system equitable financing social welfare economic inequality social integration communal well-being fiscal policy economic growth social progress opportunity equality progressive taxation equal society harmonious society equality of opportunity social mobility economic ladder tax revenues flat taxes regressive taxes poor contribution state financing social services funding burden sharing disadvantaged social strata equitable society social cohesion crime prevention social message wealth stratification social classes empathy sympathy H. Peyton Young Roland Benabou equal sacrifice social mobility demand redistribution Poum Hypothesis progressive taxation social equality economic opportunity income distribution tax fairness social services financial burden class mobility societal harmony crime reduction social cohesion wealth stratification public empathy economic ladder tax revenue flat tax regressive tax social mobility redistribution demand equal sacrifice poverty alleviation public services funding community solidarity economic justice tax policy impact societal benefits progressive tax regime fiscal equity economic disparity social integration class fluidity public welfare tax burden distribution social message class distinctions economic mechanisms social policies tax system efficiency societal well-being progressive taxation equal society harmonious society equality of opportunity social mobility economic ladder tax revenue flat tax regressive tax social services tax burden poverty social strata social equity crime prevention social cohesion wealth stratification empathy social message economic sacrifice redistribution social mobility demand Poum Hypothesis progressive taxation equal society harmonious society equality of opportunity economic ladder regressive taxes tax revenues social services equitable society social cohesion social mobility wealth stratification flat-rate system economic inequality social classes crime prevention sympathy empathy social message public services tax burden disadvantaged groups income distribution economic opportunity social equity tax policy fiscal policy economic justice social harmony progressive tax regime tax fairness redistribution economic growth social welfare economic stability public finance tax structure economic development social integration social solidarity economic mobility social
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro01a	Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. free speech riot legitimate free society legal methods peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions contact representatives parliamentary process state apparatus societal engagement public regard violence damage disadvantaged social media misuse speech curtailment individual security safety long-term damage temporary speech restriction voice restoration riot aftermath communications block future riots Thomson Hutton UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging Bloomberg August 2011 free speech riots legitimacy free society legal dissent peaceful methods demonstrations petitions parliamentary representation state engagement public regard violence disadvantaged social media misuse speech curtailment security safety long-term damage temporary restriction Thomson Hutton UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging future riots free speech riot legitimacy free society peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions parliamentary representation state engagement public regard social harm disadvantaged impact state challenge freedom curtailment security safety speech misuse social media organized violence temporary restrictions long-term damage Thomson Hutton UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging future riots free speech riots legitimate dissent free society legal methods peaceful demonstrations petitions contacting representatives harm to public violence disruption disadvantaged social media misuse organizing violence curtailment individual security societal safety long-term damage temporary restrictions freedom of expression state challenge public order democratic processes digital communication law enforcement riot control community impact legislative measures technology regulation civil rights public safety government intervention constitutional rights protest civil unrest social impact judicial response ethical considerations human rights democratic values digital ethics civic engagement political activism free speech riot free society legal dissent peaceful methods demonstrations petitions contacting representatives parliamentary engagement public regard social responsibility violence public safety disadvantaged state challenge social media misuse speech curtailment security temporary restrictions riot aftermath Thomson Hutton UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging messaging services blocking communications Free speech riot legitimate free society legal methods peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions contacting representatives state apparatus societal engagement public regard violence damage disadvantaged social media misuse organizing violence curtail speech societal security safety long-term damage freedom curtailment temporary block UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging future riots free speech riots legitimate free society legal methods peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions contacting representatives public harm violence disadvantaged social media misuse curtail speech security safety long-term damage short-term curtailment UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging future riots free speech riot legitimate free society legal methods peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions contacting representative state apparatus public regard violence damage disadvantaged social media misuse organize violence curtail speech security safety long-term damage freedom curtailment post-riot voicing block messaging services UK Twitter BlackBerry Thomson Hutton Bloomberg August 2011 free speech riots legitimate free society legal methods peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions parliamentary representation state engagement public regard violence social harm disadvantaged social media misuse speech curtailment individual security safety long-term damage temporary speech restriction technological regulation UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging riot prevention public policy riots free speech legitimate protest social media misuse violence societal harm disadvantaged curtailment security safety legal dissent peaceful methods parliamentary representation state challenge temporary restrictions long-term damage public regard societal engagement
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con01a	Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 employment tourism Tunisia jobs economic growth transport higher-education students taxes wages rebuilding industry positive effect linked industries contribution society purchasing goods vital expectation employment figure creation sectors encourage economy Padmore BBC Global Edge data accessed 2010 2013 2014 Tunisia employment tourism second largest employer jobs Tunisians higher-education students employment expectation transport linked industries economic growth taxes wages purchasing society contribution rebuild economy Global Edge BBC 2013 2014 Tunisia employment tourism jobs students higher-education transport economic growth taxes wages Padmore BBC Global Edge Tourism employment second largest employer Tunisia 400 000 jobs higher-education students high expectation of employment linked industries transport economic growth taxes purchasing goods wages society rebuild BBC Global Edge economy Tunisia employment tourism second-largest employer jobs Tunisians higher-education students high expectation transport linked industries taxes wages economic growth society contribution purchasing goods rebuild economy Global Edge BBC 2013 2014 Tunisia employment tourism second largest employer jobs Tunisians higher-education students expectation of employment linked industries transport economic growth taxes wages purchasing goods society contribution rebuild economy Global Edge BBC Tunisia employment tourism second largest employer 400 000 jobs higher-education 346 000 students 2010 high expectation of employment transport economic growth taxes purchasing goods wages society contribution Padmore R BBC 22nd August 2013 Global Edge Tunisia Economy 27 January 2014 Tunisia employment tourism second largest employer 400 000 jobs higher-education 346 000 students high expectation of employment transport economic growth society taxes purchasing wages BBC Global Edge economy rebuild sector contribution link industries jobs creation positive effect vital encouragement 2010 2013 2014 data access students contribution society economic growth employment creation tourism industry Tunisia economy job creation linked industries positive Tunisia employment tourism second largest employer jobs economy students higher-education transport economic growth taxes wages purchasing society Padmore BBC Global Edge economy data 2013 2014 Tunisia employment tourism jobs students higher-education transport economic growth taxes wages BBC Global Edge
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con04a	Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. graduates move abroad avoid tax payments UK education tax loophole government deficit investment quality education practical system exploitation fiscal migration policy national budget financial impact student finance public spending economic consequences relocation incentives tax evasion international mobility higher education funding models legislation reform prevention measures social contract civic responsibility ethical considerations demographic trends workforce development sustainable funding strategies long-term planning infrastructure academic institutions tax avoidance education tax graduate emigration national tax collection UK education budget government deficit investment in education quality of education tax loophole practicality of tax system tax avoidance international migration graduate exodus national tax systems education funding governmental deficits investment reduction educational quality decline policy loopholes practicality of tax proposals graduate mobility tax avoidance national tax system UK education tax post-graduation relocation government fiscal deficit education budget shortfall investment in education quality of education policy loophole practicality of tax systems economic impact of taxation Graduates move abroad avoid tax tax payments UK education tax government deficit education budget investment education quality tax loophole practicality tax avoidance graduate mobility national tax systems education funding government deficit investment in education quality of education tax loopholes practicality of tax systems international migration of graduates tax avoidance education tax international migration fiscal deficit government revenue educational investment quality of education policy loopholes graduate mobility economic impact tax policy national budget public spending education finance demographic trends social mobility economic planning fiscal sustainability public services higher education funding tax avoidance graduate mobility international relocation fiscal policy education funding government deficit investment shortfall quality of education policy loopholes practicality of taxation systems tax evasion international migration education funding government deficit policy loopholes fiscal impact graduate mobility national taxation educational investment public finance tax policy economic impact higher education financing fiscal sustainability tax compliance tax evasion international migration education funding government deficit investment in education quality of education policy loopholes graduate exodus national tax system fiscal impact
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro02a	Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. profiling terrorism perpetrators ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payment one-way flight no luggage behavior patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers refined profile affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident Obama vows repair intelligence terrorism perpetrators profiling characteristics ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payment one-way flight no luggage subtle ethnic group patterns behaviour terrorists drug mules smugglers refined profile affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident profiling terrorism perpetrators ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payment one-way flight no luggage behavior patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers refined profiling affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident profiling terrorism perpetrators ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber cash payment one-way flight no luggage Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab refined profile behavior patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident terrorism perpetrators profiling ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash one way flight luggage subtle ethnic group patterns behaviour terrorists drug mules smugglers refined profile affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident profiling terrorism perpetrators ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber cash payment one-way flight no luggage Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab behavior patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers refined profile Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident terrorism perpetrators profiling characteristics ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber cash one-way flight luggage Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab subtle ethnic group behaviour patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers refined profile affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident terrorism perpetrators profiling ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payment one way flight no luggage behavior patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers refined profile affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident profiling terrorism perpetrators ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber cash payment one way flight no luggage Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab refined profile behavior patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident profiling terrorism perpetrators ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payment one-way flight no luggage refined profile behaviour patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Obama Detroit airplane incident
test-society-epsihbdns-con02a	"It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law enforcement selective compliance corruption illegal Hukou sales bribery urban migration social alienation lawlessness increased crime social stratification segregation Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman Household Registration System China Hukou Demography social exclusion urbanization migration control policy effectiveness governance issues legal compliance social integration criminology sociological impacts legal alienation crime causation developing country challenges administrative systems population management legal enforcement societal division illegal migration informal economy control movement developing nations capacity management confusion law enforcement corruption China Hukou illegal sales bribery urban migration alienation segregation crime social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman 1955-1996 Demography control people's movement developing nations limited capacity confusion law enforcement urban areas rural areas corruption China Hukou system illegal Hukous bribery official misconduct urban migration social alienation lawlessness crime segregation social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman Demography Springer 1955-1996 practically impossible control people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law upheld ignored corruption legislation urban Hukous illegally sold officials bribed alienated from society life outside the law step to other crimes law works increased segregation more crime Wang Fei-Ling Organising through Division and Exclusion China's Hukou System Wu s.l. Treiman Household Registration System Social Stratification in China 1955-1996 Demography Springer 2004 control people's movement developing nations limited capacity system management state of confusion law enforcement corruption China Hukou system illegal sales bribery urban migration alienation societal exclusion increased crime social stratification segregation law compliance Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman Demography Springer control people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law upheld ignored China corruption urban Hukous illegally sold officials bribed move to cities alienated from society life outside the law step to other crimes increased segregation more crime Wang Fei-Ling Organising through Division and Exclusion Wu Treiman Household Registration System Social Stratification Demography 1955-1996 control people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law enforcement corruption China Hukou system urban Hukous illegal sales bribery illegal migration alienation societal exclusion crime segregation social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman Demography Springer 1955-1996 developing nations limited capacity system management state of confusion selective law enforcement corruption illegal Hukou sales bribery urban migration social alienation extralegal living increased crime social segregation Hukou system China Fei-Ling Wang social stratification Demography Treiman Wu developing nations limited capacity law enforcement state of confusion corruption China Hukou system illegal Hukou sales bribery urban migration alienation social segregation increased crime Fei-Ling Wang social stratification Demography control people's movement developing nations limited capacity confusion law enforcement corruption China Hukou system urban Hukous illegal sales bribery social alienation urban migration lawlessness crime segregation social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman Demography Springer 1955-1996"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con02a	A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. ban ineffective legal prohibition political capital legislative document enforceable beneficial social change reduction violence criminality social disaffection hip hop consumers file sharing cross border online stores illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio urban communities violent videogames liberal democracy regulated space internet dangerous material artists classification control nuance shared standards ban ineffective political capital legislative document enforceable beneficial social change reduction violence criminality social disaffection hip hop behaviour file sharing networks cross border online stores eBay Silk Road music piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio stations urban communities amateur artists western liberal democracy violent videogames prohibition increased piracy unregulated space internet dangerous material artists violent clichés control classification controversial material nuanced understanding shared standards ban ineffective political capital legislative document beneficial social change hip hop violence criminality social disaffection behaviour change enforceable legitimate state power file sharing illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio urban communities talented artists violent videogames western liberal democracy internet unregulated space transparent debate classification bodies nuanced understanding content control ban ineffectiveness political capital legislative process law legitimacy enforceability social change violence reduction criminality social disaffection hip hop music consumption file sharing online stores music piracy urban music grassroots musicians pirate radio internet distribution amateur artists violent videogames game piracy international jurisdiction internet regulation classification bodies artist recognition content control nuanced understanding online content management ban ineffective political capital legislative document social change violence criminality social disaffection hip hop behavior enforceable law prohibitive file sharing illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio urban communities violent videogames internet classification regulated space transparent debate content control specificity nuanced understanding ban ineffective political capital legislative document enforceable law beneficial social change reduction violence criminality social disaffection hip hop music laws behavior change file sharing networks illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio ambitious artists violent videogames banned titles increased piracy prohibited games managed space regulated space nuanced understanding shared standards internet control ban ineffective political capital legislative document law legitimacy enforceable beneficial social change reduction violence criminality social disaffection hip hop behavior file sharing cross border online stores illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio urban communities amateur artists violent videogames liberal democracy internet unregulated dangerous material control classification nuance shared standards ban ineffective political capital legislative document law social change violence criminality social disaffection hip hop file sharing illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio urban communities violent videogames liberal democracy internet regulated space classification nuanced understanding hip hop violence criminality social disaffection political capital legislation enforceability beneficial social change music distribution file sharing illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio internet distribution urban communities violent videogames classification bodies nuanced understanding control of content Hip hop legislation political capital social change violence criminality file sharing music piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio violent videogames internet regulation content control classification bodies artistic expression liberal democracy legislative effectiveness media distribution social disaffection controlled goods online stores credit card forwarding address music industry record companies controversial genres artist recognition nuance shared standards public debate transparent dialogue unregulated space dangerous material artist management violent clichés structured debate policy impact enforcement digital distribution legislative justification social impact legal prohibition
test-international-eiahwpamu-con01a	Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment loan repayment poorest governance regulation political instability sustainability long-term solution supply actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations effectiveness realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure limitations poverty loan repayment poorest populations structural constraints sustainability governance regulation political instability supply actors NGOs community involvement state role private sector partnership tensions objectives motivations realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment repayment poorest governance regulation political instability sustainability actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations Realistic barriers significant barriers microfinance limitations infrastructure limitations poverty and microfinance inability to repay loans poorest populations structural constraints microfinance sustainability bad governance inadequate regulation political instability microfinance actors NGO involvement community involvement state involvement private sector involvement partnership tensions actor motivations realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment repayment poorest structural constraints sustainability long-term solutions bad governance regulation political instability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations effectiveness realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment loan repayment poorest populations structural constraints sustainability governance regulation political instability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations effectiveness Realistic barriers significant barriers microfinance poor infrastructure neediest areas poverty investment loan repayment poorest individuals poverty causation structural constraints microfinance sustainability long-term solutions bad governance inadequate regulation political instability theoretical benefits lived reality supply actors NGOs communities state private sector partnership tensions differing objectives motivations Realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty repayment poorest location needs causes of poverty structural constraints sustainability governance regulation political instability actors in microfinance NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations effectiveness complications realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment repayment poorest location needs causes of poverty structural constraints sustainability governance regulation political instability supply actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations effectiveness realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty repayment poorest needs structural constraints sustainability governance regulation political stability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector effectiveness partnerships objectives motivations
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro03a	Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, suicide prevention societal norms individual behavior legislation impact legal deterrence mental health financial stress emotional distress intimate partner issues job problems public health policy legal sanctions suicide attempts failed suicide rational decision-making short-term circumstances social messaging behavioral regulation legal prohibitions suicide rates deterrence effectiveness mental illness emotional stress economic factors relationship problems public health interventions CDC data suicide statistics preventive measures social norms influence legal frameworks suicide prevention mental health social norms legal prohibition individual behavior societal standards legislation impact deterrence effect suicide attempts emotional distress financial stress intimate partner issues job problems public health CDC data suicide statistics rational decision-making psychological factors legal sanctions societal message moral standards behavioral regulation suicide intervention crisis management legislative measures suicide risk factors mental illness emotional well-being economic hardship relationship dynamics suicide prevention strategies legal frameworks social policies mental health support community response mental health awareness legal consequences societal influence behavioral norms suicidal ide suicide legislation social norms individual action societal messages prohibition mental health financial problems emotional stress intimate partner issues job problems deterrent public health legal sanctions behavioral norms societal standards suicide prevention rational decision-making short-term circumstances long-term effects suicide prohibition societal norms legislative influence individual behavior social standards legal sanctions suicide deterrence mental health financial distress emotional stress intimate partner issues job problems CDC data suicide prevention legal limits behavioral shaping social messaging legislative tools suicidal ideation crisis situations life preservation suicide prevention societal norms legal prohibitions individual behavior mental health emotional distress financial difficulties relationship issues job problems deterrence public health legislation social norms moral standards suicide legislation mental illness suicide rates psychological stress social policies behavioral influence legal sanctions public safety emotional well-being economic stress interpersonal relationships social support crisis intervention suicide prevention strategies mental health services suicide risk factors community standards legal boundaries human behavior social influence behavioral norms law enforcement public policy mental health awareness emotional resilience psychological disorders social psychology prohibiting suicide societal norms legislation individual action social tool legal sanctions suicide prevention short-term circumstances emotional stress financial problems partner issues job problems deterrent effect CDC suicide data suicide prevention societal norms legislative impact mental health emotional distress financial issues relationship problems legal sanctions public health deterrence effectiveness policy making ethical considerations human behavior social psychology mental illness suicide rates intervention strategies psychological stress crisis management societal values legal frameworks individual rights public safety emotional well-being mental health policies societal influence decision-making processes suicide legislation public awareness mental health support suicide risk factors community support prevention programs legislative tools social norms behavioral science emotional support crisis intervention mental health services social control suicide prohibition societal norms individual behavior legislative impact suicide deterrence psychological distress financial difficulties emotional stress partner problems job issues legal sanctions public health suicide prevention mental health socio-economic factors policy effectiveness suicide prevention societal norms legal prohibitions individual behavior mental health emotional stress financial difficulties partner problems job issues legislative impact public policy deterrence mental illness psychological distress ethical considerations social responsibility public health suicide rates intervention strategies crisis management emotional support community standards moral obligations legal consequences causal factors preventative measures psychological factors sociological impact behavioral science health policy suicide attempts successful interventions mental healthcare social norms legislative frameworks ethical debates public opinion social control mental wellbeing societal values legal sanctions suicide risk suicide prevention societal norms legislation individual action mental health emotional stress financial problems intimate partner problems deterrent effects public health policy mental illness rational decision-making social sanctions legal prohibition suicide attempts CDC data behavioral norms social tools legal limits suicide risk factors
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con02a	Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. freedom of expression artists' rights democracy marketplace of ideas plurality of beliefs challenging traditions harmful practices free speech limitations intellectual progress societal stagnation freedom of expression artistic expression democratic values marketplace of ideas plurality of thoughts challenging beliefs progressive thinking harmful practices tradition vs innovation speech limitations cognitive fluidity societal progress free discourse creative freedom intellectual diversity thought evolution cultural stagnation idea challenge belief formation expressive rights artistic expression democratic values intellectual diversity idea marketplace cultural progress speech limitations traditional practices belief fluidity societal stagnation harmful norms Freedom of expression artistic freedom democratic values plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas challenging beliefs societal progress preventing stagnation harmful practices traditional modes of thought free speech limitations accessing diverse ideas challenging harmful habits Freedom of expression artistic freedom democracy plurality of ideas intellectual progress marketplace of ideas censorship harmful practices traditional beliefs intellectual stagnation freedom of expression artistic expression democratic values plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas free speech limitations challenging norms harmful practices societal progress intellectual diversity speech restrictions cultural evolution traditional practices belief formation idea exchange creative freedom democratic discourse speech censorship thought evolution progressive thinking critical discourse free thought idea competition societal stagnation harmful traditions belief fluidity idea challenge democratic participation expressive freedom idea diversity speech rights intellectual growth artistic freedom democratic health free expression idea sharing speech suppression belief reshaping democratic engagement free thinking Freedom of speech artistic expression democracy plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas free speech harmful practices traditional modes of thought speech limitations challenging beliefs intellectual progress cultural stagnation societal evolution critical thinking public discourse creative freedom censorship ideological diversity thought reform democratic values human rights artistic freedom speech regulation intellectual growth social change free expression opinion diversity innovative thinking traditional beliefs modern democracy harmful traditions speech restrictions pluralism ideological challenge belief fluidity expressive freedom artistic rights cultural evolution speech suppression intellectual stagnation democratic discourse Freedom of speech artistic expression democracy marketplace of ideas plurality of ideas challenging beliefs free discourse intellectual progress harmful practices traditional modes of thought censorship ideological stagnation freedom of expression artistic freedom democracy plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas challenging beliefs harmful practices progressive thinking free speech limitations intellectual fluidity Artistic expression democracy plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas free speech limitations harmful practices societal progress traditional modes of thought belief formation intellectual challenge cultural stagnation creative freedom public discourse ideological diversity censorship speech regulation democratic values human rights creative autonomy expressive freedom
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro01a	Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 oppression women religious symbols equality gender divide Muslim Hijab compulsory Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium ban France 2010 Muslim dress rules inequality discrimination liberal societies symbols oppression women religious equality gender Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western democracy full veil Belgium France 2010 dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium France dress rules inequality discrimination liberal societies symbols of oppression women's rights religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab compulsory hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy equality Belgium full Muslim veil ban France 2010 Muslim dress rules gender inequality discrimination liberal societies symbols oppression women religious equality gender Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western democracy counter-productive Belgium ban full veil France 2010 dress rules severe men inequality discrimination liberal societies BBC News Europe 23rd July 2011 oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium France Muslim dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality counter-productive Belgium banned full Muslim veil France 2010 dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies fight BBC News Europe 23rd July 2011 symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab oppression of women Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality counter-productive Belgian ban full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules severe men inequality discrimination liberal societies fight discrimination symbols oppression women religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab compulsory Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium France 2010 Muslim dress rules inequality discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols equality Muslim Hijab compulsory Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium France 2010 dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro02a	Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . baseball collisions tradition home plate hits game history player safety catcher baserunner hardball sport dynamics physical play non-physical sport offense defense mutual discomfort baseball peculiarity injury debate sport evolution fan expectation baseball collisions home plate tradition game history player safety fan expectations catcher baserunner physical play sport dynamics injury hardball defense offense mutual discomfort baseball greatness high-intensity play non-physical sport collision debate baseball rules sport ethics sport tradition sport culture sport strategy sport injuries game evolution baseball evolution protective gear sport commentary baseball commentary baseball analysis sport management player management baseball management sport psychology player psychology baseball psychology sport sociology baseball sociology sport history baseball history sport tradition preservation baseball collisions tradition home plate hits game catchers baserunners safety hardball peanuts Cracker Jacks seventh-inning stretch intensity physical play offense defense dynamics sport injury debate mutual discomfort intriguing peculiarities game quality hard-nosed play non-physical removal impact play hard catcher protection baserunner aggression baseball history player expectations spectator expectations game elements essential component sport tradition baseball culture physicality competitive spirit game dynamics play at the plate baseball tradition home baseball collisions tradition home plate hits fan expectations player safety game intensity hardball offense defense dynamic baserunner catcher interaction baseball pecularities sport tradition physical plays non-physical sport game elements baseball debates injury risks sport ethics game rules baseball history sport culture baseball collisions tradition home plate hits fans players managers catcher Jason Varitek Terry Francona Brad Ausmus Associated Press peanuts Cracker Jacks seventh-inning stretch hardball commentator offense defense baserunner mutual discomfort intriguing peculiarities sport physical play high-intensity injury debate Buster Posey Ricky Doyle NESN non-physical dynamic play hard sports tradition game evolution safety concerns competitive aspect baseball collisions tradition home plate hits fans players managers Jason Varitek Terry Francona Brad Ausmus Associated Press peanuts Cracker Jacks seventh-inning stretch hardball non-physical sport baserunner catcher offense defense game dynamics mutual discomfort intriguing peculiarities Buster Posey injury debate ESPN Ricky Doyle NESN Collisions baseball tradition home plate hits fans players managers Jason Varitek Terry Francona Brad Ausmus Associated Press peanuts Cracker Jacks seventh-inning stretch hardball commentator dynamic offense defense baserunner catcher discomfort intriguing peculiarities baseball collisions home plate hits tradition player safety game dynamics hardball offensive defense dynamic baseball history catcher baserunner interaction physical plays non-physical sport baseball peculiarities fan expectations manager perspectives player perspectives baseball commentary injury risks game spirit competitive element sports tradition sport evolution baseball rules baseball equipment protective gear baseball ethics sportsmanship competitive sports play intensity sports injuries sports debates baseball reforms baseball strategies defensive positioning offensive aggression game engagement baseball evolution sports culture baseball nicknames baseball rituals sports entertainment baseball collisions home plate tradition safety player catcher baserunner game dynamics hardball intensity physical play debate injury sport rules history Contact competitiveness fan expectation management views protective gear sport culture impact game integrity controversial plays defensive strategies offensive tactics sportsmanship rule changes player safety physicality game evolution baseball tradition sport ethics collision risks professional baseball Major League Baseball MLB baseball history sport injuries sport psychology sport sociology fan culture sport management sport commentary sport media baseball collisions tradition home plate hits player safety catcher baserunner physical play game dynamics baseball history hardball sport ethics injuries baseball strategy game integrity baseball culture fan expectations manager perspectives player perspectives collision rules baseball evolution
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro02a	Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poor population living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive citizens tax contributions public funding humanitarian issues malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime rates economic decline progressive development rural aspirations urban realities political economy urban food security sub-saharan africa migration restrictions urban overpopulation city development economic impact social benefits poor population basic goods public resources humanitarian crisis business environment unemployment social exclusion crime rates rural-urban migration progressive urban growth political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa migration restrictions urban development economic benefits social benefits city appeal poverty living standards basic goods public services taxation humanitarian crisis malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic impact progressive development rural perceptions urbanization sub-saharan africa political economy urban food security migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poor population living standards basic goods public services tax contribution overpopulation humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst lack of medication unattractive business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urban reality political economy urban food security sub-saharan africa world development maxwell study migration economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive people tax contributions public resources humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst medication business environment employment social exclusion crime economic erosion migration limits urban development rural perceptions political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Maxwell Daniel World Development Restrictions migration economic benefits social benefits cities poor people living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive people taxes public money humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment crime social exclusion economic erosion reasonable migration levels urban development rural perceptions Daniel Maxwell political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive citizens tax contribution public funds humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment crime social exclusion economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urban food security political economy sub-saharan africa migration cities economic benefits social benefits urban poverty living standards basic goods public services taxation productivity public funds humanitarian issues malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion urban development rural perceptions Sub-Saharan Africa political economy urban food security migration economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive people tax contribution public funds humanitarian issues malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment crime social exclusion economic erosion rural perception urban development policy sub-saharan africa food security political economy urbanization population growth city planning sustainable development resource allocation public services infrastructure social services migration policy humanitarian crisis economic growth social integration crime rate unemployment rate urban poverty development policy government intervention migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods public resources humanitarian crisis business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urbanization Daniel Maxwell political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con01a	Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political tactics trades unions European socialism anti-capitalism global capitalism left-wing internationalism national struggles industrial protection job security political strategies social movements globalization impact labor rights economic policies political activism historical context ideological shifts Socialism historical changes 21st century challenges political activism trade unions European Socialism anti-capitalism global capitalism internationalism national struggles industrial decline job preservation political movements modern socialism leftist strategies global economic trends social movements political evolution labor rights economic policies social justice political ideology globalization impacts policy adaptation progressive politics economic reforms social change political campaigning union roles economic globalization international solidarity worker rights socialist principles modern activism political history economic systems social policies political trends global capitalism challenges socialist strategies Socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political tactics trade unions European socialism anti-capitalism global capitalism left-wing internationalism industrial decline job preservation political movement social change modern socialism ideological shifts worker's rights activism globalization economic systems political strategies international solidarity union roles capitalism critique social movements political history economic policies labor movements political evolution societal issues economic justice historical evolution addressing 21st century challenges traditional outreach methods declining trade union centrality emerging militancy anti-capitalist movement coalescing goals internationalist roots global capitalism left-wing revival social movement transformation political strategy adaptation Socialism historical changes 21st century challenges political activism trades unions European socialism anti-capitalism global capitalism internationalism national struggles industrial decline job preservation political movements social change economic systems political strategies international solidarity left-wing politics industrial relations economic globalization political adaptation Socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political tactics shopping centres train stations soggy newspapers political history trades unions European Socialism militancy anti-capitalist movement globalisation Capitalism internationalism national struggles industries jobs socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political tactics trades unions European socialism anti-capitalism global capitalism internationalism national struggles industrial protection job preservation Socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political tactics trades unions European Socialism anti-capitalist movement global capitalism internationalism national struggles industrial protection job security Socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political activism trade unions European Socialism anti-capitalist movement globalization Capitalism internationalism national struggles industries jobs historical evolution 21st-century challenges political tactics trades unions European socialism anti-capitalist movement globalization internationalism national struggles industrial protection job preservation
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro02a	They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans Latinos socio-economic background whitening creams racism state intervention discrimination banning cosmetics skin lightening social capital women of color Brazil skin color significance colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans Latinos socio-economic background whitening creams racism state intervention discrimination banning social capital women of color skin color Brazil ancestry colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans latinos education income Brazil socio-economic background ancestry whitening creams racism state discrimination banning social capital women of color skin color colorism society racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference minimize US darker-skinned African Americans darker-skinned latinos less educated lower incomes Western Hemisphere Brazil race colour socio-economic background ancestry whitening creams racism state reduce discrimination ban harmful effects lighter skinned colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans Latinos socio-economic background whitening creams racism state intervention discrimination banning skin lightening social capital gender society Brazil ancestry Edward Telles Margaret Hunter colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans lower incomes Brazil socio-economic background whitening creams racism state intervention discrimination banning creams harmful effects skin color social capital women of color Edward Telles Margaret Hunter colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference African Americans Latinos education income Brazil race socio-economic background ancestry discrimination whitening creams state intervention social capital women of color skin color Race in Another America Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans Latinos socio-economic background whitening creams racism state responsibility discrimination banning creams social capital skin color gender and society race in Brazil ancestry Edward Telles Margaret Hunter colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans lower incomes socio-economic background whitening creams racism state intervention banning creams social capital light skin color women of color Brazil skin color significance colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans Latinos socio-economic background whitening creams racism state intervention discrimination banning skin lightening social capital gender society Brazil ancestry
test-international-epglghbni-pro01a	Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. moral obligation secession decolonization colonialism historical wrongs land rights Irish independence British Empire self-determination Hong Kong Northern Ireland voluntary handover justice cultivation rights forceful seizure political autonomy cultural identity international law human rights peace process Good Friday Agreement 1997 handover British governance Irish sovereignty territorial disputes ethnic conflict political legitimacy democratic principles international norms post-colonial states minority rights regional stability European Union cross-border cooperation historical grievances reconciliation transitional justice state sovereignty Britain Northern Ireland secession colonialism moral obligation Irish land rights British Empire decolonization Hong Kong historical wrongs self-determination Irish independence British government political ethics post-colonialism sovereignty territorial disputes Irish history British-Irish relations 1997 Handover Britain Northern Ireland colonialism morality secession decolonization Irish land rights historical wrongs British Empire Hong Kong sovereignty self-determination independence ethnic identity political obligation territorial integrity international law human rights peaceful resolution democratic principles regional autonomy cultural heritage historical justice united Ireland British-Irish relations geopolitical changes post-colonial era national self-determination international community minority rights border issues ethnic conflict historical treaties land ownership labor investment voluntary transfer forced seizure unjust occupation moral obligation political dominance dec Britain moral obligation permit secession Northern Ireland end colonialism historical wrong British Empire decolonization Irish land rights unjust seizure voluntary relinquishment Hong Kong significant population independent identity Britain moral obligation secession Northern Ireland end of colonialism ethical dominance historical Ireland English invasion land rights labor investment unjust seizure voluntary relinquishment decolonization British Empire Hong Kong 1997 significant population independent identity British colonialism Irish sovereignty moral obligation decolonization Northern Ireland secession historical land rights British Empire post-colonialism self-determination Hong Kong handover Britain moral obligation Northern Ireland secession colonialism decolonization historical wrongs Irish people land rights British Empire self-determination Hong Kong Chinese sovereignty political autonomy Irish identity international law human rights territorial integrity peace process Good Friday Agreement sovereignty 紫外線 光合作用 氣候變化 生物多樣性 環境保護 可持續發展 自然資源 生態系統 污染控制 綠色技術 碳足跡 能源效率 環保政策 社區參與 生態旅遊 野生動物保護 森林管理 海洋保護 Britain Northern Ireland secession moral obligation colonialism decolonization Irish land rights historical wrong British Empire Hong Kong self-determination independence sovereignty justice ethical governance territorial integrity international law democracy minority rights peace process Good Friday Agreement United Kingdom Republic of Ireland nationalist movements political liberation cultural identity regional autonomy European context post-colonial studies human rights self-governance national identity ethnic conflict political reform historical justice territorial disputes international relations governance models peaceful coexistence diplomatic solutions geopolitical changes British colonial history Irish land rights decolonization self-determination historical injustices moral obligations Northern Ireland secession British Empire decline post-colonial ethics Hong Kong handover Irish identity sovereignty political autonomy Britain Northern Ireland secession colonialism moral obligation decolonization Irish land rights historical wrongs British Empire Hong Kong self-determination sovereignty independence justice occupation voluntary transfer political history territorial disputes ethnic identity governance
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con02a	"Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. public institutions private institutions hiring practices skills-based hiring gender-neutral hiring economic impact business growth individual qualities training efficiency economic growth EU countries women education structural inefficiencies Norway example board value female representation mandatory quotas upper management experience board size male employees female professionals company quotas empirical data firm valuation Ahern Dittmar board representation gender quotas public institutions private institutions hiring practices skills-based hiring gender-based hiring economic impact business growth workforce diversity gender quotas board representation empirical data Norway female board members company value management experience workforce efficiency economic growth gender equality policy impact structural inefficiencies public institutions private institutions hiring practices gender neutrality economic impact business advancement skills-based hiring gender diversity workforce efficiency EU gender quotas Norway board quotas female board representation company value management experience structural inefficiencies quota implementation male employment female professionals board size firm valuation Ahern and Dittmar study public institutions private institutions hiring based on skills gender diversity economic impact businesses advancing best person for job uniting people creating value individual qualities training gender-specific hiring needs company efficiency economic growth EU countries women's education structural inefficiencies short-term mid-term empirical data Norway female board representation firm valuation mandated quotas board experience upper management board size male employees female professionals quota fulfillment impact analysis public institutions private institutions hiring based on skills gender-neutral hiring economic impact business advancement best person for the job individual qualities training hiring efficiency economic growth EU women education structural inefficiencies Norway board quotas female board representation firm valuation upper management experience board size male employees female professionals quota fulfillment skills-based hiring gender-neutral recruitment economic growth workforce diversity corporate efficiency board representation quotas female leadership management experience Norway board quotas company value decline structural inefficiencies relevant education disparity EU women education workforce optimization merit-based hiring gender-specific policies business value creation team unity training enhancement short-term economic impact long-term economic benefits empirical evidence Ahern and Dittmar study female professionals male dismissals quota fulfillment leadership experience corporate governance hiring practices gender quotas economic performance public institutions private companies relevant qualifications individual qualities training importance public institutions private institutions hiring practices skills-based hiring gender-neutral hiring economic impact business growth employee value team unity individual qualities training programs gender-specific policies EU education statistics women's education economic inefficiencies Norway board quotas female board representation company valuation upper management experience board size employee dismissal quota fulfillment empirical data Ahern and Dittmar study Quarterly Journal of Economics public institutions private institutions hiring practices skills-based hiring gender-based hiring economic impact business advancement best person for the job uniting people creating value individual qualities training efficiency economic growth EU countries women's education structural inefficiencies Norway board representation female quotas board value upper management experience employee dismissal quota fulfillment skills-based hiring gender-neutral recruitment economic impact business efficiency individual qualifications training enhancement gender diversity EU workforce Norway board quotas female board representation upper management experience company valuation board composition legislative quotas short-term inefficiencies long-term growth workforce quality hiring practices gender equality professional qualifications economic performance policy impact empirical evidence corporate governance staffing strategies talent selection value creation team unity board diversity gender-specific policies labor market dynamics organizational effectiveness leadership experience female employees male employees quota fulfillment talent management corporate value business success gender public institutions private institutions hiring practices skills-based hiring gender-neutral hiring economic impact business advancement individual qualities training gender-specific policies efficiency economic growth EU women's education structural inefficiencies Norway board representation quota system female directors firm valuation upper management experience male employees quota implementation empirical data Ahern Dittmar Quarterly Journal of Economics"
test-international-ghbunhf-con01a	The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. UN peacekeeping international disputes military force Kuwait South Korea Cyprus Korea peace resolution UN action unprovoked attacks valuable service preventing wars United Nations realistic expectations peacekeepers vital work global presence conflict prevention authorized intervention UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea freedom UN action peacekeepers Cyprus Korea United Nations peace resolution global security conflict prevention humanitarian aid international stability UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force UN action Kuwait South Korea freedom UN peacekeepers Cyprus Korea peace resolutions authorized military international security conflict prevention global stability humanitarian missions diplomatic negotiations post-conflict recovery UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea UN peacekeepers Cyprus Korea What is Peacekeeping United Nations UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea freedom UN action peacekeepers Cyprus Korea United Nations service negotiating peaceful resolutions realism success vital work global impact security international relations conflict resolution humanitarian aid diplomacy security council peace operations stabilization conflict prevention post-conflict recovery global governance international law human rights disarmament non-proliferation refugee protection humanitarian intervention development sustainable peace cooperation multilateralism sovereignty state security regional stability UN peacekeeping international disputes military force authorization unprovoked attacks peaceful resolutions Kuwait South Korea Cyprus Korea UN action peacekeepers global security conflict prevention international relations United Nations role humanitarian efforts diplomatic negotiations security council international law regional stability UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea freedom UN action Cyprus Korea peacekeepers vital work United Nations What is Peacekeeping 2011 UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes negotiating peaceful resolutions military force authorized unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea freedom UN action peacekeepers vital work Cyprus Korea United Nations service security conflict resolution global stability humanitarian efforts international peace defense global security armed intervention diplomacy international law multilateralism peace support operations conflict prevention post-conflict reconstruction humanitarian aid protection of civilians international cooperation diplomatic missions crisis management strategic operations military observers ceasefire monitoring regional stability peacebuilding global governance UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force UN action Kuwait South Korea freedom UN peacekeepers Cyprus Korea Peacekeeping definition United Nations role conflict resolution global security humanitarian intervention international peace UN missions UN success UN challenges UN peacekeeping military force international disputes Kuwait South Korea Cyprus Korea UN action peaceful resolutions prevention of wars UN peacekeepers unprovoked attacks world security international relations conflict resolution United Nations global stability humanitarian efforts diplomatic negotiations
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con02a	It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, rural development agricultural subsidies Common Agricultural Policy farmer income rural population decline urbanization rural culture farming viability direct payments farm subsidies European farming agricultural economics rural community support agricultural workforce European cultural diversity rural communities EU farmers viable life choice low profit high starting costs hard work low income CAP direct payments subsidies urbanization traditional culture European culture diversity farm reduction agricultural policy economic support rural development farming challenges community preservation rural development agricultural subsidies Common Agricultural Policy farmer income urbanization traditional culture rural economy farming community economic incentives farm profitability agricultural workforce rural population cultural diversity EU farms direct payments rural lifestyle rural communities EU farmers viable life choice low profit high starting costs hard work CAP direct payments subsidies urbanisation traditional culture European culture diversity rural development farming subsidies CAP Common Agricultural Policy farmer income urbanization rural exodus agricultural economics rural culture European agriculture farm support direct payments agricultural subsidies rural population traditional culture European cultural diversity agricultural profitability starting costs farm economics rural development CAP support farmer income agricultural subsidies rural exodus European farm policy agricultural viability rural community preservation cultural diversity farming incentives direct payments farm economics urbanisation impact traditional cultures European agriculture trends farm population decline rural communities EU farming viable life choice low profit high starting costs hard work low income average wage farmers decline CAP Common Agricultural Policy direct payments business support subsidies reasonable prices urbanisation traditional culture cultural diversity European culture farm reduction Caitriona Murphy Independent 2011 rural communities EU farming viable life choice low profit high starting costs hard work low income declining farmers CAP direct payments subsidies urbanization traditional culture cultural diversity European culture farm support rural economy agricultural policy rural communities EU farmers viability agricultural policy CAP direct payments subsidies urbanisation cultural preservation economic challenges farming income startup costs farm reduction European culture diversity rural development Common Agricultural Policy agricultural subsidies farmers' income economic viability urbanization traditional culture European diversity farm subsidies direct payments startup costs agricultural profitability rural population decline urban migration rural economy farm support agricultural policy rural lifestyle farming incentives cultural preservation
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con04a	Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers government intervention Nigeria tobacco control policies public health measures regulatory enforcement legal actions against tobacco pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria government action tobacco control public health regulatory measures legal strategies tobacco litigation pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs lawsuits tobacco manufacturers government actions Nigeria IRIN tobacco control policies pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria government action tobacco control public health policy legal strategies smoking prevention tobacco industry regulation Pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria IRIN government lawsuits tobacco control public health policy regulatory measures consumer protection pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs lawsuits tobacco manufacturers government action Nigeria tobacco control public health legal measures regulatory enforcement Pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers government action Nigeria IRIN tobacco control public health policy legal measures regulatory enforcement anti-smoking measures consumer awareness tobacco industry legal precedents health advocacy Pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits government action tobacco manufacturers Nigeria IRIN law suit tobacco control public health regulatory measures enforcement mechanisms legal strategies consumer awareness policy alternatives health policy tobacco industry legislative options health risks smoking prevention regulatory enforcement tobacco litigation government intervention health regulation tobacco legislation legal action tobacco regulation public health law health enforcement smoking reduction tobacco control policies smoke-free initiatives health advocacy tobacco harm reduction public health protection tobacco industry regulation health legislation pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria government action tobacco control strategies policy enforcement public health measures legal action against tobacco pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers government action Nigeria IRIN
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro07a	Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. atheism God existence relevance human perception universe interaction theologians philosophers laypeople academia battlefield debate belief value pointless proof life changes atheism position hassle Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books 1961 atheism God existence relevance theologians philosophers debate proof belief impact life time argument purpose relief pointless discussion religion universe human perception interaction value change position atheism benefits theological debate philosophical inquiry proof of God God's relevance life's meaning belief systems religious conflict academic discussion historical debate Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books 1961 atheism God existence relevance human perception theologians philosophers debate belief waste of time proof life changes atheism benefits pointless arguments Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books atheism God's existence irrelevant existence human perception theologians philosophers laypeople academic debate battlefield conflicts definitive answers value of belief pointless debate atheism's benefit Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books atheism God existence relevance human perception theologians philosophers laypeople academic debate battlefield definitive answer belief value pointless debate atheism position Étienne Borne 1961 Atheism Hawthorn Books atheism God's existence relevance of God human perception divine interaction life's course theological debates philosophical arguments belief value academic conflict historical debates Étienne Borne atheism's relief pointless debate definitive proof existence impact atheism God existence relevance human perception universe theologians philosophers laypeople academic debates battlefield centuries definitive answer value of belief pointless debate atheism benefits Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books atheism God existence irrelevant human perception theologians philosophers laypeople academic debate battlefield definitive answer belief value pointless debate atheism position Étienne Borne Hawthorn Books 1961 atheism theism God existence relevance human perception universe theologians philosophers debate academia battlefield belief value pointless argument atheism position Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books atheism God existence relevance human perception theologians philosophers academic debate battlefield definitive answer value of belief pointless debate atheism position Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro01a	The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics free publication research intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny intellectual dishonesty degree devaluation Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans Harvard USSR immigration professional workers technical workers Yale Oxford ETH Zurich academic tradition Western universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates academic freedom intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny degree devaluation intellectual dishonesty Russian immigrants academics scientists professional workers USA USSR Harvard Yale Oxford ETH Zurich academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates academic freedom research intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich intellectual dishonesty degree Russian academics East European academics USA immigration USSR Harvard Russians and East Europeans in America academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics free exchange of ideas intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny devaluation qualifications intellectual dishonesty academic inquiry Harvard Yale Oxford ETH Zurich Russian immigrants USSR scientists professional workers Nebraskan Doug Anderson learning free exchange of ideas Russians East Europeans America academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics research freedom intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny degree devaluation intellectual honesty Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans Harvard USSR academics scientists professional workers Yale Oxford ETH Zurich academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas societal standard Marxist scholars critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics free publication research views immigrants USSR academics scientists professional workers intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich intellectual dishonesty degree academic inquiry academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics academic freedom research intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny intellectual dishonesty degree devaluation Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans USA USSR Harvard Yale Oxford ETH Zurich academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics academic freedom research publication intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny degree value intellectual honesty Russian academics East European academics USA immigration USSR Harvard Yale Oxford ETH Zurich academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics research freedom intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny qualification devaluation intellectual dishonesty Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich Russians East Europeans USA USSR immigrants academics scientists professional workers academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics research publication intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny degree devaluation intellectual dishonesty Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans Harvard USSR USA immigrants academics scientists technical workers Yale Oxford ETH Zurich
test-international-eiahwpamu-con03a	Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. debt cycles microfinance subprime lending financial instability poverty credit access repayment stress microcredit crisis regulation credit distribution default threats India microfinance suicides early mortality Debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access repayment pressure suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats Debt cycles microfinance subprime lending poverty credit access repayment stress suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats financial crises free market ideologies lending practices microcredit India microfinance industry crisis financial regulation borrower protection economic instability debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises intensified debt poorest borrowers credit access lending risk India microfinance repayment pressure suicide early mortality microcredit stress microfinance regulation credit distribution control default threats Debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access lending practices repayment pressure suicide early mortality microcredit crisis regulation credit distribution default threats financial regulation socioeconomic impact India financial stress microfinance industry debt cycles microfinance subprime lending financial instability poverty credit access repayment stress suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises debt intensification poverty credit access lending risks repayment pressures microcredit financial stress crisis regulation credit distribution default threats India suicide early mortality Debt cycles microfinance subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access lending regulation microcredit repayment suicide early mortality India microfinance industry crisis credit distribution default threats free market ideologies debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access repayment stress suicide early mortality microcredit regulation credit distribution default threats India Biswas 2010 Debt cycles microfinance subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access repayment pressures suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con01a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties failsafe systems sealing off leaks small countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance monitoring Yucca mountain nuclear safety public fears Europe nuclear waste storage problems underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties 300m underground failsafe systems smaller countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance Yucca mountain nuclear safety public fears Europe's nuclear waste storage billions of dollars halted project Underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties 300m underground failsafe systems leaks smaller countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance Yucca Mountain nuclear safety public fears billions of dollars halted project Europe's nuclear waste storage ISN Security Watch Oilprice.com underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties 300m depth failsafe systems small countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance monitoring leak detection Yucca Mountain nuclear safety public fears cost billions of dollars halted project Europe's nuclear waste storage problems Underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties failsafe systems 300m underground smaller countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance leak detection Yucca mountain billions of dollars public fears nuclear safety Europe’s nuclear waste storage problems underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties failsafe systems 300m underground structural integrity long-term maintenance leak detection public fears nuclear safety Yucca mountain waste repository billion-dollar costs Europe's nuclear waste storage Underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulty failsafe systems 300m underground smaller countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance Yucca Mountain nuclear safety public fears billions of dollars 1990s Europe nuclear waste storage problems Underground nuclear storage expensive deep geological repositories 300m underground failsafe systems small countries maintenance long-term investment structural integrity monitoring leak detection Yucca Mountain nuclear safety public fears billion dollars 1990s Europe nuclear waste storage problems Underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties 300m depth failsafe systems sealing off leaks smaller countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance monitoring Yucca mountain waste repository billions of dollars 1990s public fears nuclear safety Europe nuclear waste storage problems Underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties 300m underground failsafe systems sealed off leaks smaller countries long term investment structural integrity maintenance Yucca mountain waste repository billions of dollars 1990s public fears nuclear safety Europe nuclear waste storage problems
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro01a	The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, accountability transparency health distrust electorate lying presidential candidate John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu accountability head of state government transparency leader's health public trust electoral accountability political deceit John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye health secrecy political health scandals governance ethics public health disclosure presidential health political responsibility leadership integrity Ghana politics Modern Ghana 2012 election political misinformation accountability transparency leader's health electorate trust political deception presidential candidates health disclosure public deception political accountability Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu accountability transparency leader's health distrust electorate lying presidential candidates John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye political ethics public trust health secrecy governance democracy leadership integrity accountability transparency leader's health electorate trust political deceit presidential candidates public health disclosure governance ethics Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana head of state government accountability leader's health transparency distrust electorate secrecy lying presidential candidates health issues John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye election Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu political ethics public trust leadership integrity accountability transparency health leadership democracy distrust electorate presidential candidate statement secrecy lying administration retrospection untrue Modern Ghana John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye accountability transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility lying presidential candidates health secrecy government deceit public information democracy leadership integrity John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye political health claims Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu political accountability health issues presidential health political responsibility public accountability electorate distrust accountability transparency health leadership distrust electorate secrecy lying presidential candidates Mills Vanderpuye governance democracy public information wellness political responsibility ethics communication trust leadership integrity public health policy election campaigning statement truthfulness political accountability citizen rights government openness leaders health disclosure politics credibility public service ethics governance democracy transparency trust leadership accountability health policy public interest secrecy political ethics government responsibility citizens rights accountability transparency health leadership secrecy distrust electorate lying administration presidential candidates John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana political responsibility public health governance ethics electoral promises
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con01a	If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. BBC double standards Mohammed Christianity religious offense broadcasting regulations BBC Charter religious representation minority faiths Christian symbols religious profanity protest Birmingham Rep Bezthi community reflection established church monarch religious consideration Mohammed BBC double standards Sikhs Birmingham Bezthi Christianity Christian symbols profaned minority faiths UK BBC Charter Article Four established church monarch community representation broadcaster standards religious offense protest opera BBC double standards religious sensitivity Mohammed Christianity Sikhism Bezthi Birmingham Rep Article Four BBC Charter religious representation media bias profanity religious minorities established church monarch community reflection media scrutiny offensive content protest BBC double standards Mohammed Christianity religious offence Beahto protest Sikhs Birmingham religious tolerance BBC Charter Article Four established church monarch community representation broadcasting standards religious profanity media bias religious diversity faith representation BBC double standards Mohammed Christianity Sikhs Birmingham Rep Bezthi religious offense Christian symbols BBC Charter Article 4 established church monarch broadcasting religious communities religious imagery profanity media representation religious diversity protest cancellation UK faiths minority religions religious tolerance media censorship religious minority Christian community religious respect broadcasting standards editorial policy religious sensitivity media ethics religious discrimination public service broadcasting content regulation cultural representation religious offense in media religious imagery in media religious community representation media and religion religious imagery profanation BBC double standards religious censorship Christianity Mohammed Sikh protest Birmingham Rep Bezthi religious offense Christian symbols BBC Charter established church monarch religious representation media bias BBC double standards Mohammed Christianity religious offense Sikh protest Birmingham Rep Bezthi religious tolerance Christian symbolism BBC Charter Article Four established church monarch media bias religious communities UK broadcasting BBC double standards Mohammed Christianity religious discrimination broadcast regulations Sikh protest Birmingham Rep Bezthi religious offense Christian symbolism media representation religious communities UK broadcasting Article Four BBC Charter established church monarchy religious sensitivity media bias BBC double standards religion Mohammed Christianity Sikh protest Birmingham Bezthi religious symbolism profanity media bias Article Four BBC Charter community representation established church monarchy religious offense broadcasting regulations cultural sensitivity Islam Mohammed BBC double standards Sikh Birmingham Bezthi Christianity religious offense Article Four BBC Charter religious discrimination Christian symbols profanity minority faiths established church monarch community representation
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro04a	No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, privacy surveillance NSA intelligence services safety in numbers personnel communication tracking patterns alarm bells investigation Walt Stephen M. NSA surveillance programs Foreign Policy privacy NSA surveillance intelligence agencies communication monitoring personnel limitations pattern recognition security privacy concerns mass surveillance investigative priorities Walt Foreign Policy real threat 2013 privacy safety in numbers NSA intelligence services surveillance communication tracking personnel limitations pattern recognition investigation Walt Stephen M. Foreign Policy NSA surveillance programs real threat privacy safety in numbers NSA intelligence services surveillance personnel limitations pattern recognition investigations communication monitoring Walt Stephen M NSA surveillance programs Foreign Policy 2013 Privacy NSA intelligence services surveillance safety in numbers personnel communication tracking patterns alarm bells investigation Stephen M. Walt Foreign Policy threat surveillance programs privacy concerns safety in numbers NSA surveillance intelligence agencies communication tracking pattern recognition investigative thresholds personnel limitations public foibles surveillance programs foreign policy Stephen M. Walt real threats mass surveillance targeted investigations privacy safety in numbers NSA intelligence services tracking communication monitoring personnel limitations pattern recognition surveillance programs investigation Walt Stephen M Foreign Policy real threat NSA surveillance privacy intelligence services security data protection mass surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies communication monitoring pattern recognition investigative practices Walt Stephen M Foreign Policy 2013 privacy safety in numbers NSA intelligence services tracking foibles personnel communications patterns alarm bells investigation surveillance programs Stephen M. Walt Foreign Policy privacy surveillance NSA intelligence agencies communication tracking safety in numbers personnel limitations pattern recognition investigation Walt Stephen M Foreign Policy 2013
test-economy-thsptr-pro03a	The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. state promote efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources goods diminishing marginal utility money happiness wealth inefficient progressive taxation poorer people aggregate utility citizens economy ownership property moral claim products services public interest law economic institutional analysis efficient distribution maximize utility diminishing marginal utility wealth distribution aggregate utility progressive taxation reallocate wealth state intervention income redistribution economic resources market inefficiency collective good property rights moral ownership public interest law economic analysis institutional analysis financial philosophy wealth and happiness second car second house ownership claims state services economic policy social welfare utility maximization income inequality wealth concentration societal benefit government role economic justice equitable distribution tax policy redistributive policies economic resources allocation wealth and utility state's moral claim progressive tax justification economic efficiency state promote efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources diminishing marginal utility money happiness wealth inequality progressive taxation reallocation poorer people utility gain market inefficiency moral ownership property rights public interest economic analysis efficient distribution of income maximize utility societal economic resources diminishing marginal utility wealth reallocation progressive taxation aggregate utility income inequality state's role economic efficiency market distribution collective good property rights moral ownership public interest economic and institutional analysis state efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources diminishing marginal utility money happiness wealth inequality aggregate utility citizens progressive taxation reallocation poorer people moral ownership property rights public interest economic analysis institutional analysis progressive taxation efficient distribution of income aggregate utility diminishing marginal utility wealth reallocation economic resources state intervention income inequality collective good property rights public interest law economic efficiency moral ownership social welfare utility maximization market inefficiency financial philosopher economic analysis wealth distribution utility theory public economics taxation policy economic philosophy societal benefit economic justice wealth accumulation diminishing returns economic resources allocation state role in economy social utility economic welfare redistribution mechanisms economic equity societal wealth marginal utility of wealth economic policy income redistribution economic efficiency enhancement state efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources diminishing marginal utility wealth happiness progressive taxation poorer people aggregate utility economy moral ownership property rights public interest institutional analysis state efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources diminishing marginal utility wealth happiness goods progressive taxation poorer people aggregate utility economy collective good ownership rights property moral claim public interest economic analysis state promote efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources diminishing marginal utility money happiness wealth uneven distribution inefficient aim aggregate utility citizens progressive taxation poorer people wealthy economic damage moral ownership property rights state framework public interest economic analysis institutional Burton Weisbrod Kent Thune Financial Philosopher state efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources diminishing marginal utility money happiness wealth goods second car second house uneven distribution inefficient distribution aggregate utility progressive taxation reallocation poorer people wealthier people market collective good ownership rights property moral ownership state claim public interest economic analysis financial philosopher weisbrod thune
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con03a	Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. teachers supervision cyberspace social media children peer interaction unsupervised adult oversight development adolescents identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job prospects online safety digital literacy educational monitoring Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert Facebook developmental psychology online supervision digital supervision teacher involvement cyber safety youth online behavior online peer influence educational technology digital wellness adolescent development social networking online interaction educational psychology digital citizenship teacher role online supervision methods cyber hygiene online ethics student well-being internet teachers supervision cyberspace social media children peer interaction unsupervised adult impact development adolescents social networking peer opinion identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities online safety digital footprint educator role online monitoring youth protection virtual supervision digital citizenship online behavior internet safety school involvement cyber ethics Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert college students Facebook developmental psychology Teachers supervision cyberspace social media children peer interaction unsupervised adult oversight development identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job prospects online safety adolescent psychology digital footprint online behavior teacher intervention Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert Facebook college students social networking developmental psychology teachers supervising cyberspace social media children peer interaction unsupervised adult supervision impact on development adolescents social networking peer opinion identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities teacher supervision online safety digital footprint youth online behavior Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert Facebook applied developmental psychology cyberspace supervision social media interaction adult supervision child development peer opinion identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admission job prospects teacher supervision online safety adolescent social networking digital footprint educational intervention online behavior monitoring youth online activities cyber wellness digital citizenship education teachers cyberspace supervision social media peer interaction adult supervision child development identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities adolescent online behavior teacher involvement online safety digital citizenship Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert social networking experiences Facebook applied developmental psychology teachers supervising cyberspace social media peer interaction unsupervised adult supervision child development adolescents identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities teacher supervision online safety digital citizenship Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert Facebook social networking developmental psychology teachers supervision cyberspace social media children peer interaction unsupervised development adolescents identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities online safety digital footprint teacher involvement online monitoring student well-being cyber ethics digital citizenship online communication social networking Facebook applied developmental psychology Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert teachers cyberspace supervision social media children peers unsupervised adult development adolescents social networking peer opinion identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job prospects online interactions digital citizenship teacher involvement online safety youth protection online supervision educational technology digital footprint internet safety adolescent development online behavior social media impact teacher role student well-being online environment digital age cyber guidance adolescent psychology online monitoring educational psychology teacher responsibilities digital literacy online presence social media supervision cyber ethics technology in education teachers cyberspace social media peer interaction adult supervision child development identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities teacher supervision online safety adolescent development digital footprint social networking online behavior Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert Facebook developmental psychology
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro03a	People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. celebrity endorsement political information voter engagement manifesto understanding media coverage policy analysis democratic process informed voting depoliticisation younger generations political development party tactics electoral processes celebrity influence politicians' policies informed choice political debate media space celebrity activities candidate representation celebrity endorsement political debate voter information media coverage electoral processes political policies democratic process depoliticisation younger generations political development informed voting Manifestos political ideas newspapers blogs online media limited space celebrity distracts candidate policies political impact celebrity platform airtime policy formulation articulation prohibition obscuring effect party tactics fundamental issues country politics voter disengagement celebrity endorsement political debate manifesto policy analysis voter information democratic process depoliticisation electoral engagement media coverage political development younger generations informed voting candidate platforms airtime political policies celebrity interference party tactics celebrity endorsement political manifestos voter information media coverage political policies democratic process informed voting depoliticisation youth engagement party tactics political development Celebrity endorsement election policies voter information media coverage political debate democratic process informed voting depoliticisation youth engagement political development celebrity endorsement information scarcity manifesto coverage media prioritization voter distraction political engagement policy discussion democratic process informed voting younger generations political development depoliticisation celebrity endorsement voter information political debate media coverage policy analysis democratic process informed voting depoliticisation youth engagement political development celebrity endorsement voter information political manifestos media coverage policy analysis democratic process informed voting depoliticisation youth engagement political development electoral processes candidate platform airtime distribution celebrity influence political debate prohibition celebrity endorsement political debate voter information manifestos policies media coverage democratic process celebrity influence electoral processes political development younger generations disengagement in-depth analysis prohibition depoliticisation airtime party tactics fundamental issues informed choice political participation celebrity endorsement voter information media coverage political policies democratic process informed voting political development younger generations depoliticisation electoral processes celebrity activities in-depth analysis politician formulation policy articulation party tactics fundamental issues public interest media space political distraction voter engagement
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con02a	Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Services Agriculture Foreign Direct Investment Tourism Demand Cointegration Error Correction Models Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Foreign Direct Investment Services Agriculture Cointegration Error Correction Models Global Arab Network Modelling Tourism Demand Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Foreign Direct Investment Services Agriculture Cointegration Error Correction Models Global Arab Network Modelling Tourism Demand Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income External Visitors Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Major Sectors Services Agriculture Foreign Direct Investment Tourism Receipts Cointegration Error Correction Models Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Services Agriculture Foreign Direct Investment Tourism Receipts Cointegration Error Correction Models foreign investment economic growth tourism industry foreign currency income European visitors disposable incomes overnight stays Tunisia major sectors services agriculture foreign direct investment cointegration error correction models Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income European Visitors Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Foreign Direct Investment Services Agriculture Global Arab Network Cointegration Error Correction Models Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Major Sectors Services Agriculture Foreign Direct Investment Tourism Receipts Cointegration Error Correction Models Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Services Agriculture Foreign Direct Investment Cointegration Error Correction Models foreign investment economic growth tourism revenue foreign currency income European tourists disposable incomes overnight stays Tunisia service sector agriculture foreign direct investment tourism receipts cointegration error correction models
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro03a	There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. journalists actual journalists name publishers Assange Leveson Inquiry professional ethic phone hacking Nick Davies Amelia Hill blogs opinion specialist news daily media ethics aims advertising entertainment revealing information power anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalist study anonymous sources usage Alex Massie Spectator journalists Assange Leveson Inquiry ethics professional ethic phone hacking Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill blogs daily media advertising entertainment revealing information power anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalism Julian Assange Spectator Alex Massie journalists actual journalists name publishing newspapers Assange Leveson Inquiry professional ethic phone hacking Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill blogs opinion specialist news daily media professional ethic advertising entertainment revealing information power publicising information anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalism Julian Assange Spectator Alex Massie journalism ethical standards Julian Assange professional ethic phone hacking Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill Leveson Inquiry news media anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalism definition power structures information dissemination blogger ethics opinion blogs entertainment media journalism integrity investigative reporting journalists actual journalists named published newspapers Assange Leveson Inquiry professional ethic phone hacking Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill blogs opinion specialist news daily media professional ethic advertising entertainment revealing information power publicizing information anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde Julia Assange journalist Spectator Alex Massie actual journalists name publishers Assange Leveson Inquiry professional ethic phone hacking Nick Davies Amelia Hill Millie Dowler opinion blogs daily media advertising media entertainment media information dissemination power dynamics anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalist definition commitment to truth ethical journalism news integrity journalists actual journalists name publishers Assange Leveson Inquiry professional ethic phone hacking murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill popular blogs opinion specialist news daily media professional ethic advertising entertainment revealing information power anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde anonymous sources journalism Steve Myers Poynter.org Alex Massie Spectator journalism ethics Assange Leveson Inquiry Nick Davies Amelia Hill phone hacking Millie Dowler Watergate anonymous sources New York Times Guardian Le Monde professional ethic information dissemination power dynamics journalism definition opinion blogs specialist news advertising media entertainment media journalistic commitment sources access public information story publication journalism standards media roles news integrity Assange qualification editorial stance journalistic recognition media scrutiny investigative reporting ethical journalism journalism ethics professional definition Assange Leveson Inquiry Nick Davies Amelia Hill phone hacking Millie Dowler blogs opinion news media advertising entertainment revealing information power anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde Spectator Alex Massie journalism ethics professional ethic phone hacking murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill Leveson Inquiry Julian Assange anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalist definition power dissemination information access public interest media standards opinion blogs daily media role entertainment focus advertising publications journalistic integrity commitment to truth professional journalism Assange qualification media ethics debate press freedom journalistic standards professional journalism practices
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro01a	Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . collisions baseball entertainment bang-bang plays plate catcher runner excitement violence American football ice hockey rugby prohibition rule change safety drama sports comparison fan engagement game dynamics traditional gameplay bang-bang plays dramatic plays catcher blocks plate runner slides violent hits American football ice hockey rugby baseball rule change exciting collisions baseball entertainment sports entertainment baseball criticism slow sports vivid plays sports violence sports safety sports excitement baseball plays close calls baseball drama sports safety regulations sports entertainment value Collisions baseball entertainment bang-bang plays catcher runner plate excitement safety sports American football ice hockey rugby violent hits rule change drama vivid play critics boredom speed prohibition baseball collisions entertainment bang-bang plays home plate catcher runner excitement sports American football ice hockey rugby violent hits safety rule changes criticism pace excitement in sports dramatic plays vivid moments prohibitions entertainment value baseball collisions entertainment bang-bang plays plate catcher runner excitement danger American football ice hockey rugby violent hits sports rule change boredom drama vivid play prohibition violence baseball collisions bang-bang plays excitement entertainment slow pace dramatic plays catcher runner plate safety violence American football ice hockey rugby sports comparison rule changes prohibition Nick Cafardo William Deresiewicz collisions exciting fun baseball entertainment bang-bang plays close call runner thrown out sport slow boring no clock dramatic vivid play catcher blocks plate slides holds ball dangerous American football ice hockey rugby violent hits rule change prohibition safety sport comparison excitement factor baseball collisions bang-bang plays plate catcher runner slides excitement entertainment drama vivid criticism slow boring no clock prohibition rule change American football ice hockey rugby violent hits safety sports comparison baseball collisions entertainment bang-bang plays catcher runner plate dramatic vivid sport excitement safety American football ice hockey rugby violent hits rule change prohibition baseball collisions entertainment bang-bang plays catcher runner excitement safety American football ice hockey rugby violent hits sports prohibition rule change
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro01a	The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d'Estaung national parliaments France Netherlands popular vote legitimacy EU Treaty citizens decision-making democratic process political representation public opinion ratification European Union referendums political legitimacy treaty adoption direct democracy parliamentary democracy European Constitution 2007 referendums 2004 Treaty rejection political fear public will democratic principles European governance EU decision-making democratic accountability popular sovereignty institutional reform European integration constitutional change democratic consent referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments popular vote legitimacy public opinion democratic process treaty ratification political legitimacy citizen rights European Union democratic deficit referendum rejection legislative process public consent European governance referendum Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d'Estaund EU democracy national parliaments popular vote legitimacy citizen decision 2007 2004 Treaty France Netherlands public wishes undemocratic decision text similarity political fear referendum rejection referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments France Netherlands popular vote legitimacy citizen decision democratic process public opinion treaty ratification political decision-making European Union democratic principles voter trust Euro-skepticism referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments France Netherlands legitimacy public opinion popular vote citizen decision political fear treaty ratification democratic process public rejection European Union EU governance democratic deficit referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d'Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments popular vote legitimacy citizens France Netherlands 2004 Treaty 2007 referendums public statements text similarity political decisions democratic process rejection fear of failure referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments France Netherlands popular vote legitimacy European Union democracy public opinion treaty ratification political decision-making citizen rights governance legislative process public participation referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments France Netherlands popular vote legitimacy public opinion democratic process treaty ratification citizen rights political decision-making European Union constitutional reform public referendum democratic legitimacy political transparency citizen participation European governance referendum rejection parliamentary ratification democratic principles people's will referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments popular vote legitimacy citizens decision disregard wishes people ratify fear rejected 2007 2004 Europe democracy political process public opinion treaty ratification parliamentary approval direct democracy representative democracy European Union popular sovereignty political legitimacy government accountability democratic principles EU governance constitutional reform European integration referendum rights political representatives public trust decision-making European politics international treaties referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments France Netherlands 2004 Treaty legitimacy public opinion political decision-making European Union citizen participation democratic process treaty ratification popular vote referendums in EU EU governance
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro02a	Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. suicide selfish act suffering pain loved ones cowardly problems strength responsibility family affairs punishment failed attempt mental health depression empathy consequences support therapy prevention awareness compassion stigma intervention resilience coping strategies community resources help recovery hope suicide selfish act suffering loved ones pain cowardly problems strength responsibility family affairs punishment failed attempt mental health compassion support prevention stigma therapy intervention crisis awareness empathy treatment consequences impact survivors grief coping resilience hope suicide prevention mental illness emotional distress crisis intervention community support suicidal thoughts life value moral judgment ethical considerations psychological impact social responsibility legal implications psychological counseling emotional support coping mechanisms mental wellness self-harm compassionate response proactive measures mental suicide selfish act suffering others immensely pain loved ones left behind cowardly facing problems strong easy way kill yourself responsibility family affairs punishing try fail perpetrate instil strong sense cowardice mental health awareness stigma support prevention intervention empathy understanding consequences impact survivors grief trauma counseling therapy crisis hotline resources help education awareness compassion resilience coping strategies emotional well-being community outreach programs suicide selfish act causes suffering loved ones immense pain cowardly behavior facing problems strong easy way out kill instill responsibility family affairs punish failed attempt selfish cowardly act suicide selfish act suffering loved ones pain cowardly problems responsibility family affairs punishment failed attempt mental health stigma support prevention empathy understanding consequences emotional impact societal views ethical considerations suicide selfish act causes suffering loved ones immense pain cowardly facing problems strong sense responsibility family affairs punishing attempt fail perpetrate act suicide selfish suffering loved ones pain cowardly problems strength responsibility family affairs punishment failed attempts morality mental health societal views emotional impact legal consequences suicide selfish suffering loved ones pain cowardly problems strength responsibility family affairs punishment failed perpetrate act mental health societal pressure ethical considerations emotional impact suicide selfish act suffering loved ones left behind cowardly facing problems strong responsibility family affairs punishing failed attempt mental health awareness compassion understanding support prevention stigma societal impact emotional trauma grief coping strategies intervention help resources suicide prevention hotlines counseling therapy depression anxiety stress life challenges resilience strength character personal growth morality ethics societal norms legal implications compassionate response empathy community care awareness suicide selfish act suffering loved ones pain cowardly problems strength responsibility family affairs punishment failed attempt moral responsibility mental health societal views ethical considerations emotional impact prevention strategies support systems psychological distress crisis intervention recovery resilience stigma compassion understanding coping mechanisms therapeutic approaches community support suicide prevention awareness education intervention mental illness treatment care empathy life value human dignity interpersonal relationships support networks crisis management emotional resilience mental well-being self-care help-seeking behaviors suicide risk
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con03a	A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. hip hop marginalized communities young members impoverished areas diversity musical genre cultural expression free speech stereotypes discrimination appraisal respect recognition respect social exclusion critical perspective violence nihilism linguistic observation affordable expression mainstream penetration custodial mindset protection prejudice rap lyrics social norms values intelligence reflectiveness conventional forms speech rights community problems dialogue creative outlet stigmatization cultural nuance art appreciation youth empowerment social commentary community voice cultural identity artistic freedom social critique cultural respect urban culture societal issues cultural barriers ban marginalise young members impoverished communities hip hop diverse musical genre minimal musical principles rhyming verses beat simplicity economically marginalised pen paper disc breaks looped drum bass lines social aspect accessible creative expression free speech flourish respect believers beliefs Free Speech Debate principle light religious belief expression relevant appraisal individual background culture values willingness accept dismiss positive condemnation stereotype majority communities critics marginalisation impoverished communities hip hop diversity musical principles simplicity creative expression social aspect free speech respect beliefs religious expression stereotypes discrimination nuance word-play critical engagement recognition respect appraisal respect violence nihilism social exclusion critical perspective censorship custodial mindset affordable expression mainstream penetration prejudices infantilisation hip hop marginalised communities free speech cultural expression social nuance appraising respect stereotypes violence discrimination critical engagement ghetto social exclusion custodial mindset affordable expression mainstream penetration prejudices rappers fans protection intelligence reflectiveness ban marginalise young impoverished communities hip hop diverse musical genre minimal musical principles rhyming verses beat economically marginalised pen paper disc breaks drum bass lines social aspect accessible creative expression free speech respect believers beliefs religious belief religious expression background culture values banning condemning negative stereotypes majority communities stigmatised violent uncivilised predatory brutal misogynist persona stereotype entrenches discrimination black men adolescents material success nuance meaning hip hop musical genre impoverished communities young members marginalisation free speech respect beliefs stereotypes discrimination critical thinking social expression violence misogyny cultural recognition appraisal respect custodial mindset mainstream penetration social norms musical principles rhyming verses rap lyrics word-play nuance social exclusion ghetto academic interpretation intelligent listeners affordable expression conventional forms deep prejudices material success violent rejection mainstream society social problems complexity diversity rhyming beats pens paper breaks looped drum bass lines social aspect hip hop impoverished communities free speech cultural expression social stereotypes marginalisation verbal creativity appraisal respect recognition respect critical engagement musical diversity societal impact youth empowerment stigmatisation nuance mainstream acceptance social critique artistic interpretation paternalism cultural dialogue community representation violence discrimination social inclusion youth voice censorship cultural sensitivity media influence artistic agency economic barriers personal dignity ethical debate social justice rhetorical analysis cultural heritage lyrical content community values social commentary artistic freedom critical thinking listener autonomy expressive rights urban culture ban marginalise young impoverished communities hip-hop diverse musical genre minimal musical principles rhyming verses beat simplicity economically marginalised pen paper disc breaks drum bass lines time rap verses social accessible creative expression free speech believers beliefs respect background culture values positive case condemning stereotypes majority stigmatised violent uncivilised predatory brutal misogynist popularity stereotype discrimination black men adolescents violent rejection hip hop impoverished communities cultural expression free speech stereotypes discrimination social exclusion critical perspective marginalised youth creative expression appraisal respect recognition respect violence nihilism social norms custodial mindset expression mainstream penetration prejudice rap lyrics nuance word-play equality dignity debate contributors young listeners protection intelligence reflectiveness affordable speech unconventional forms problems discussion deep hate numberbook takers thugs pimps pushers big money makers ghetto second rate social values violent rejection material success stigmatisation purpose Ban marginalise young impoverished communities Hip hop diverse musical genre minimal principles rhyming verses beat simplicity economically marginalised pen paper disc breaks looped drum bass lines social accessible creative expression Point free speech respect believers beliefs religious Free Speech Debate background culture values positive condemnation negative stereotypes propagated majority stigmatised violent uncivilised predatory brutal misogynist persona popularity stereotype ent
test-international-amehbuaisji-con02a	"Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. lawfare Israel Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements West Bank peace process international courts UN Human Rights Council Muammar Gadaffi country-specific resolutions political ends legal process negotiations beration Risk lawfare Israel legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements West Bank peace process international courts UN bodies UN Human Rights Council resolutions Muammar Gadaffi lawfare Israel Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements West Bank peace process international courts UN Human Rights Council country-specific resolutions Muammar Gadaffi political ends legal process negotiation beration lawfare Israel risk international law legal process Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements policy West Bank peace process UN Human Rights Council country-specific resolutions Muammar Gadaffi political ends international courts negotiation beration lawfare Israel Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements West Bank peace process international courts UN Human Rights Council resolutions Muammar Gadaffi political ends legal process negotiation derailing beration fractious good faith specific position unique risk states tools attacks policy singled out praising international law geopolitical judicial activism human rights conflict resolution diplomatic pressure international community Middle East legal warfare political leverage international relations legal standards peace negotiations UN bodies state accountability international justice geopolitical lawfare Israel Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements West Bank peace process international courts UN Human Rights Council resolutions Muammar Gadaffi political ends legal process UN bodies beration lawfare Israel legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements policy West Bank peace process international courts UN bodies UN Human Rights Council resolutions Muammar Gadaffi human rights international law political pressure judicial activism diplomatic negotiations Middle East conflict Risk ""lawfare"" Israel Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements West Bank peace process international courts UN bodies Human Rights Council resolutions Muammar Gadaffi lawfare Israel legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements policy West Bank peace process international courts UN bodies UN Human Rights Council country-specific resolutions Muammar Gadaffi lawfare Israel Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements policy West Bank peace process international courts UN Human Rights Council resolutions Muammar Gadaffi political ends legal process states negotiation beration fractious singled out international law human rights"
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con01a	Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer taboo areas death religion sexuality banned branch of art engage unnecessary taboos shock integral Sarah Lucas taboos surrounding sexuality gender stereotyping disgusting critically engage emotional first response contemplation reasons for disgust context insight ideas central to pieces of art conceptual art social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer taboo areas death religion sexuality banned art forms engagement unnecessary taboos shock integral Sarah Lucas taboos sexuality gender stereotyping critical engagement emotional response contemplation reasons for disgust context ideas conceptual art social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists emotions viewer taboos death religion sexuality banned forms of art engagement unnecessary taboos shock Sarah Lucas sexuality gender stereotyping critical engagement emotional response contemplation ideas conceptual art social disgust artwork strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer taboo areas death religion sexuality banned lose art branch unnecessary taboos shock integral Sarah Lucas sexuality gender stereotyping disgust critical engagement emotional response contemplation reasons for disgust context insight ideas central conceptual art Social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer attention important taboo areas death religion sexuality banned lose branch of art engage unnecessary taboos shock integral Sarah Lucas taboos sexuality gender stereotyping critical engagement disgust emotional response contemplation reasons context insight ideas conceptual art social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer attention important taboo areas death religion sexuality banned lose branch of art forms of art engage areas unnecessary taboos shock integral Sarah Lucas taboos sexuality gender stereotyping critically engage disgust emotional response contemplation insight ideas central pieces of art social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer attention important taboo death religion sexuality banned lose branch of art engage taboos shock integral Sarah Lucas taboos surrounding sexuality gender stereotyping disgusting critically engage disgust context contemplation work insight ideas pieces of art conceptual artists Social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer attention taboo areas death religion sexuality banned branch of art engage taboos shock integral Sarah Lucas taboos surrounding sexuality gender stereotyping critically engage disgust emotional first response contemplation work insight ideas central pieces of art conceptual artists social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer attention taboo areas death religion sexuality banned art forms engagement unnecessary taboos shock Sarah Lucas sexuality gender stereotyping critical engagement emotional response contemplation insight ideas central pieces of art conceptual art provocation strong emotions viewer reaction taboo death religion sexuality shock art Sarah Lucas gender stereotyping critical engagement emotional response contemplation insight ideas in art
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro01a	Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving globalized world maintaining friendships long-distance communication shared interests expanding social circles chat conversations shared photos status updates social engagement happiness positive self-views online social networks consumer research experimental investigation Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving social networks teenagers globalized world physical distance shared interests friend circles chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness positive self-views close friends self-control experimental investigation Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence peer interaction globalized world long-distance friendships social networks shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates positive self-views experimental investigation consumer research self-control Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell Facebook socialisation child development trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving friend circles globalized world physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness close friends self-control social networking websites positive self-views experimental investigation Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence globalized world friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates positive self-views online social networks self-control experimental investigation Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem confidence global communication friend circle expansion shared interests peer interaction online social networks self-appreciation happiness social media impact youth social behavior Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem confidence globalized world social networks friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving globalized world friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Journal of Consumer Research Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell positive self-views social network effects online interaction youth socialization digital communication social media benefits psychological well-being socialization child development self-esteem confidence peer interaction global friendships shared interests online communication social networks 青少年 自我价值 心理健康 社交媒体影响 实验研究 消费者行为 自我控制 积极自我认知 网络社交 心理研究 社交圈扩展 Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem confidence globalized world friend circles shared interests chat conversations social networks online friends self-control positive self-views experimental investigation Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro03a	Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 rural development urban-rural migration economic zones urban privilege rural workforce investment in rural areas urban infrastructure rural investment workforce balance social divisions urban-rural divide China Sub-Saharan Africa urban food security political economy rural modernization urban economic growth decision maker priorities national economic balance rural community improvement rural development urban-rural migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment workforce retention rural investment social division urban-rural divide China Sub-Saharan Africa political economy urban food security social change restrictions rural areas urban-urban migration economic growth resource limits national policy urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment urban modernization rural neglect cultural divisions workforce retention rural investment balanced workforce urban-rural divide political economy food security sub-saharan africa china social change 21st century rural-urban migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment workforce distribution social divisions rural development investment attraction political economy urban food security social change urban-rural divide China Sub-Saharan Africa rural development urban-rural migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment workforce retention rural investment social divisions urbanites rural areas balanced workforce political economy urban food security social change China Sub-Saharan Africa rural-urban migration urban economic growth rural economic investment urban privilege special economic zones urban-rural divide workforce preservation rural community development urban food security social change China rural-urban dynamics rural areas urban-urban migration economic growth resource allocation national decision making urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment cultural divisions workforce retention rural investment balanced workforce urban food security social change China Sub-Saharan Africa political economy urban-rural divide rural development urban overpopulation economic imbalance urban-rural divide resource allocation migration control rural investment urban privilege special economic zones rural workforce urban modernization cultural divide urban food security political economy social change China policy Sub-Saharan Africa rural communities balanced workforce urban-rural divide economic growth rural areas urban areas resource allocation national policy investment workforce China special economic zones infrastructure modernization social divisions urban privilege rural investment balanced workforce urbanization rural development political economy Sub-Saharan Africa social change urban food security Martin King Whyte Daniel Maxwell rural-urban migration economic growth urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment workforce distribution rural investment urban-rural divide social change political economy urban food security sub-saharan africa china 21st century balanced workforce investor attraction resource preservation national development rural community development urban prioritization
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro01a	These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage skin problems mental health issues banned products harmful cosmetics World Health Organization mercury in cosmetics skin lightening products consumer safety health risks cosmetic regulations dangerous products toxic ingredients public health safety standards chemical hazards skin care products regulatory measures harmful effects mercury poisoning cosmetic bans international health guidelines skincare dangers toxin exposure health warnings cosmetic ingredients product safety hazardous substances skin damage systemic toxicity endocrine disruptors carcinogens allergens irritants immune dangerous products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage skin problems mental health issues banned consumer products harmful cosmetics World Health Organization mercury in cosmetics skin lightening products consumer safety health risks cosmetic regulation product bans global health concerns dangerous skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage skin problems mental health issues banned products harmful consumer products cosmetics World Health Organization mercury in skin lightening products prevention of health harm dangerous products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury content health risks renal damage skin problems mental health issues product bans global regulations cosmetic safety WHO guidelines mercury toxicity lightening products consumer health protection dangerous skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage skin problems mental health issues consumer products ban harmful cosmetics prevention World Health Organization mercury in skin lightening products dangerous products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage skin problems mental health issues banned consumer products harmful cosmetics World Health Organization mercury in skin lightening products dangerous skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage skin problems mental health issues consumer products ban harmful cosmetics prevention health World Health Organization mercury in skin lightening products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage skin problems mental health issues consumer product bans cosmetics regulation WHO World Health Organization mercury in cosmetics skin lightening products harmful cosmetics health risks product safety government bans cosmetic safety regulations skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage skin problems mental health issues banned products consumer safety cosmetics regulation WHO mercury in cosmetics dangerous skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage major skin problems mental health issues ban consumer products harmful cosmetics World Health Organization Mercury in skin lightening products 2011
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con03a	Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, smoking ban economic impact bars clubs employment closures UK United States smoking inside public places legislation health policy regional economy hospitality industry tobacco control MP campaign smoking restrictions indoor smoking economic harm research evidence regional economist Michael R. Pakko bars employment smoking ban effects pub trade leisure industry smoke-free laws public health economic consequences smoking legislation hospitality sector business impact policy analysis economic research health economics tobacco industry anti-smoking laws smoker behavior bars and clubs industry economic decline smoke-free policies smoking ban economic impact bars clubs closures UK employment drops United States pubs smoking restrictions MP campaign Pakko study Regional Economist Clearing the Haze economic consequences hospitality industry non-smokers smokers behavior indoor smoking public health policy smoking ban economy bars clubs smokers closures employment drops pubs United States United Kingdom research evidence economic impact Regional Economist Michael R. Pakko BBC News MPs relax smoking ban ban harm wider economy bars clubs smokers stay away closures UK employment drops United States smoking bans economic impact research MPs relax pubs Pakko evidence Regional Economist smoking ban economic impact bars clubs closures employment United States United Kingdom MPs relaxation public health indoor smoking regional economy Pakko BBC News smoking restrictions hospitality industry legislative effects economic decline public policy smoking ban economic impact bars and clubs unemployment pub closures UK smoking ban United States research smoking restrictions indoor smoking bar employment smoking ban economy bars clubs employment closures UK United States smokers indoor smoking economic impact regional economist Pakko MPs campaign relax smoking restrictions public health legislation hospitality industry revenue customer behavior policy debate health regulations secondhand smoke tobacco control economic downturn business owners public venues non-smokers regulation effects health benefits environmental tobacco smoke economic consequences legislative impact smoking areas designated smoking public opinion enforcement compliance health awareness alcohol sales entertainment industry urban areas rural areas demographic effects smoking ban economy impact bars clubs closures employment drops UK United States research Pakko MPs relaxing smoking ban public health economic downturn smoker behavior indoor smoking prohibition regional economist evidence economic consequences hospitality industry smoking ban economic impact bars clubs closures employment drops UK United States research Pakko BBC News MPs relax smoking ban pubs smokers stay away economic harm wider economy smoking ban economic impact bars clubs closures employment drops UK United States MPs smoking ban relaxation Clearing the Haze Michael R. Pakko Regional Economist 2008 2011
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro03a	There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, safeguards democracies oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law safeguards misuse democracies oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law William Hague Prism statement politics.co.uk 2013 safeguards democracy oversight abuse prevention UK democratic accountability agencies authorization Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner law compliance Prism William Hague politics.co.uk safeguards prevent misuse democracies levels of oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliant with law William Hague Prism statement politics.co.uk 10 June 2013 democracies safeguards oversight abuse UK framework democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner law compliance Prism statement William Hague politics.co.uk safeguards democracies abuse prevention UK democratic accountability oversight agencies authorization Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner law compliance safeguards misuse democracies oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner law compliance Prism William Hague politics.co.uk safeguards democracies oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law safeguards democracies oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner law compliance safeguards democracies oversight abuse UK framework democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con03a	There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 policy options less distortive advantageous economy discriminatory quotas anti-constitutional policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs gender gaps OECD countries productivity female to male start-up ratios access to credit red tape non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs OECD gender gaps productivity female to male start-up ratios access to credit red tape women-owned ventures business creation job creation non-legislative instruments labels awards charter signing rankings gender equality flexible quotas voluntary quotas economic distortions constitutional complications EU national efforts policy options less distortive more advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional France policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women OECD entrepreneurs self-employed firm-owners gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity entrepreneurship growth United States Canada credit red tape women-owned ventures business creation job creation non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexibility voluntary quotas obligatory quotas national efforts EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive more advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional France policy instruments easier to implement access to capital regulatory obstacles women OECD entrepreneurs self-employed firm-owners gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity entrepreneurship growth female to male start-up ratios United States Canada access to credit red tape women-owned ventures business creation job creation non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas national efforts EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs gender gaps OECD enterprise self-employed firm-owners productivity entrepreneurship female to male start-up ratios access to credit red tape non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings voluntary quotas binding quota scheme national economies EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs gender gaps OECD enterprise self-employed firm-owners Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity entrepreneurship growth female to male start-up ratios United States Canada credit red tape women-owned ventures business creation job creation non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas binding quota scheme national economies constitutional complications EU gender equality efforts policy options less distortive economically advantageous anti-constitutional capital access regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs gender gaps productivity business competitiveness non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charters rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas EU gender equality efforts constitutional complications OECD gender and sustainable development female to male start-up ratios entrepreneurship growth women-owned ventures job creation economic distortions national economies structural changes company commitment policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional capital access regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs gender gaps OECD productivity female to male start-up ratios access to credit red tape non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive more advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional France policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs OECD gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden entrepreneurship productivity female to male start-up ratios United States Canada access to credit red tape non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas national efforts EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional France policy instruments implement access to capital less regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs OECD gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity entrepreneurship growth female to male start-up ratios United States Canada access to credit red tape women-owned ventures business creation job creation non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas national efforts EU economic distortions constitutional complications
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro06a	entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: natural theories belief in God development of religions existent God superfluous natural processes psychology human brain architecture evolution by-product cognitive processes survival capability hostile organisms causal narratives natural occurrences independent agents minds desires intentions supernatural purposefulness unexplained phenomena no gods required explain religious belief no reason to believe religion as cradle childhood adolescence grow up species accept no gods natural theories belief in God development of religions cognitive processes evolutionary psychology survival mechanisms causal narratives supernatural purposefulness human brain architecture evolution cognitive mechanisms independent agents desires intentions no gods religion as by-product human survival communal development explain religious belief existence of gods no reason to believe religion as cradle grow up as species accept no gods Darwin's God Steven Pinker Robin Henig evolutionary psychology of religion naturalistic explanations psychological mechanisms religious phenomena human cognitive architecture belief formation evolutionary advantages anthropomorphism agency detection natural processes psychology brain architecture evolution cognitive processes survival causal narratives natural occurrences independent agents desires intentions supernatural purposefulness unexplained phenomena gods religious belief childhood adolescence species development acceptance no gods Darwin New York Times Steven Pinker Freedom from Religion Foundation natural theories religious belief evolution cognitive processes psychology supernatural purposefulness human survival communal development gods existence religion childhood adolescence species growth evolutionary psychology natural theories belief in God development of religions cognitive processes evolution brain architecture survival capability causal narratives independent agents supernatural purposefulness no gods religion human development evolutionary psychology Freeman Dyson Robin Henig Steven Pinker natural theories belief in God development of religions existent God superfluous human psychology brain architecture evolution cognitive processes survival capability infer presence hostile organisms causal narratives natural occurrences recognize minds desires intentions supernatural purposefulness unexplained phenomena no gods religious belief reason childhood adolescence grow up species no gods Robin Henig Darwin’s God Steven Pinker Evolutionary Psychology Freedom from Religion Foundation natural theories belief in God development of religions existent God superfluous natural processes psychology human brain architecture evolution cognitive processes survival capability hostile organisms causal narratives natural occurrences independent agents minds desires intentions supernatural purposefulness no gods religious belief mankind’s childhood adolescence grow up species no gods Darwin’s God Robin Henig The New York Times evolutionary psychology Steven Pinker Freedom from Religion Foundation natural theories belief in God development of religions superfluous existence understanding phenomenon natural processes psychology brain architecture evolution cognitive processes survival capability hostile organisms causal narratives natural occurrences independent agents minds desires intentions supernatural purposefulness unexplained phenomena no gods religious belief mans childhood species growth accept no gods Darwin's God Robin Henig Steven Pinker evolutionary psychology Freedom from Religion Foundation natural processes psychology brain architecture evolution cognitive processes survival causal narratives independent agents supernatural purposefulness no gods belief religion human development evolutionary psychology supernatural beings Darwin Pinker Freedom from Religion Foundation New York Times natural theories belief in God development of religions cognitive processes survival capability causal narratives human brain architecture evolutionary by-product supernatural purposefulness religious belief existence of gods species evolution human development psychological mechanisms evolutionary psychology cognitive mechanisms communal development unexplained natural phenomena independence of agents mental intentions religious formation natural explanations godless understanding human growth species maturity evolutionary context natural phenomena causality
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro04a	Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia strong leadership historical context tsars Peter the Great Alexander II imperial times 1917 Lenin Stalin centralised leadership progress representative democracy cultural temperament decisive leadership fragmentation local strongmen religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation Russia strong leadership centralised leadership progress tsars Peter the Great Alexander II serfs Lenin Stalin European power St Petersburg representative democracy cultural temperament strong ruler unity challenges fragmentation local strongmen regional power religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation strong leadership Russia centralised leadership progress imperial times tsars Peter the Great St Petersburg Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin big diverse thinly-populated western systems representative democracy cultural temperament decisive lead strong ruler challenges fragment local strongmen regions religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation strong leadership centralized leadership Russian history tsars Peter the Great Alexander II serfs post-1917 Russia Lenin Stalin Russian geography Russian population representative democracy cultural temperament strong ruler national challenges regional fragmentation local strongmen religious fundamentalism economic stagnation Russia strong leadership centralised power progress tsars Peter the Great Alexander II serfs post-1917 Lenin Stalin size diversity population density representative democracy cultural temperament decisive ruler challenges fragmentation local strongmen religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation strong leadership Russia centralised leadership progress imperial times Peter the Great Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin western democracy representative democracy cultural temperament decisive lead strong ruler unite challenges fragment local strongmen power religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation Russia state nation strong leadership historical context imperial times tsars Peter the Great St Petersburg Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin centralised leadership progress size diversity population density representative democracy cultural temperament strong ruler unity great challenges fragmentation local strongmen religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation Russia state nation strong leadership historical context centralised governance progress imperial times tsars Peter the Great Alexander II serfs post-1917 Lenin Stalin size diversity population western democracy representative systems cultural temperament decisive leadership unity challenges fragmentation local strongmen religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation strong leadership centralized authority Russian history imperial Russia Soviet Union Peter the Great Alexander II Lenin Stalin Russian culture representative democracy regional strongmen religious fundamentalism economic stagnation national unity Russian temperament geopolitical challenges Caucasus Central Asia Russia strong leadership centralised leadership progress imperial times tsars Peter the Great St Petersburg Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin western systems representative democracy culturally people temperament decisive strong ruler unite challenges fragment local strongmen power regions religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation
test-law-phwmfri-con01a	A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. flat rate fines proportional fines income-based fines criminal justice equality economic disparity in sentencing fairness in legal penalties crime severity offender income justice system anomalies public perception of fairness legal system trust equitable punishment financial penalties societal harm crime consequences legal equity judicial consistency penalty proportionality socioeconomic status in sentencing fine fairness debate justice equality fines proportionality crime income harm flat rate anomalies fairness system rich poor relationship society offences speeding littering punish treatment legal financial impact trust enforcement penal economic social ethics philosophy policy legislation reform critique debate discussion opinion argument reasoning logic evidence practice comparison example case study research analysis evaluation outcome consequence benefit drawback advantage disadvantage solution proposal recommendation improvement effectiveness efficiency equity impartial flat rate fines proportional fines justice equity income-based fines crime severity offender income equal treatment rich offenders poor offenders fine fairness societal harm legal anomalies public trust justice system relationship flat rate fines justice system equality income-based fines crime severity offender income proportional punishment rich vs poor fines crime harm fine anomalies littering fines speeding fines public trust in justice legal fairness flat rate fine proportionality crime severity income inequality justice system equal treatment offender harm caused social harm rich offenders poor offenders fine anomalies littering speeding public perception justice fairness legal system credibility flat rate fine proportionality crime severity income equality justice system equal treatment offender equity harm equivalence social fairness fine anomalies public perception justice credibility legal fairness economic disparity punitive measures crime impact societal harm fine system justice trust offender wealth crime punishment flat rate fine proportionality crime severity income equality justice system offender equality financial harm social impact fine anomalies public perception justice fairness legal equity flat rate fine proportionality crime severity income neutrality justice equality offender treatment harm equivalence rich-poor disparity fine anomalies small offences serious offences public perception justice system fairness flat rate fines proportional fines crime severity offender income justice equality rich offenders poor offenders crime harm social impact fine anomalies littering fines speeding fines public perception justice system fairness flat rate justice system income-based fines proportional fines crime severity offender equality social harm legal fairness public perception fine anomalies economic disparity legal equity
test-economy-thsptr-pro02a	Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: wealth state taxation property rights rule of law markets public services wealth distribution social contract public infrastructure progressive taxes economic inequality fiscal policy public utilities corporate responsibility individual responsibility Buffett rule economic benefits state benefits wealth accumulation state of nature social order fiscal contributions public goods economic justice tax policy wealth disparity economic systems state maintenance public services usage economic obligations wealth distribution social contract progressive taxation public goods state benefits economic inequality property rights market formation state utilities tax fairness public services wealth accumulation rule of law state protection fiscal contribution economic mobility social welfare entrepreneurial success corporate responsibility civic duty Wealth taxation state benefits property rights market maintenance public utilities progressive taxes social contract wealth accumulation rule of law economic inequality public services state institutions fiscal responsibility corporate responsibility social obligation wealth distribution public infrastructure economic security state of nature civil society legal framework economic prosperity public funding fiscal policy economic benefits social justice financial contributions institutional support social investment state support civic duty wealth distribution progressive taxation social contract property rights state of nature market formation public utilities taxation obligation wealth accumulation economic inequality rule of law state benefits public services business infrastructure moral obligation fiscal responsibility economic privilege social welfare tax fairness Buffet argument state necessity economic stability public goods financial security societal contribution wealth protection state dependence economic order state institutions tax policy social justice economic opportunity state services fiscal policy public infrastructure economic growth state support tax equity economic systems state functionality public investment economic benefits wealth distribution progressive taxation state benefits property rights market formation public utilities fiscal responsibility wealth accumulation rule of law economic inequality social contract public services institutional support tax obligations economic benefits state dependence wealth protection public infrastructure corporate responsibility societal contribution wealth tax state rule of law property rights wealthy poor markets public services Warren Buffett taxation social contract economic benefits state institutions public roads order economic security progressive taxes contributions upkeep Wealth state rule of law property rights taxation wealthy poor public services markets Warren Buffett Institute for America’s Future Amanda Terkel Huffington Post progressive taxes obligation contribution upkeep society benefits institutions mobility infrastructure public roads economic stability social contract fiscal responsibility equity justice civic duty governance order protection wealth accumulation state of nature reversion mob social order vital services business operations corporation utilities personal car fleets trucks market formation function profit maintenance financial responsibility public rule of law property rights state of nature wealthy taxation state institutions market formation public services Warren Buffett progressive taxes social contract economic benefits public utilities corporate responsibility fiscal contribution societal obligations wealth accumulation economic order state maintenance fair taxation Wealth distribution progressive taxation social contract public goods market facilitation property rights economic benefits state institutions rule of law fiscal responsibility societal contribution wealth accumulation public infrastructure corporate usage individual vs. corporate tax burden state services economic inequality fiscal policy public interest governmental role economic order market maintenance societal obligations tax equity social welfare economic stability public investment economic growth state support economic privilege tax fairness societal benefits wealth distribution tax equity social contract property rights market stability public goods progressive taxation fiscal responsibility economic benefits state dependency wealth accumulation societal contribution public infrastructure economic justice Warren Buffett George Lakoff Amanda Terkel Institute for America’s Future Huffington Post tax obligations state functions social welfare economic theory public services rule of law financial responsibility civic duty economic inequality tax policy state institutions social benefits wealth inequality fiscal policy economic growth state maintenance public roads market formation corporate usage individual usage state utilities business operations
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con02a	Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. licence fee payers stakeholders BBC British population protest objection resignation public institution duty of care compulsory licence fee national broadcaster media brand sensitivity to audience institutional response arrogance audience relation public service broadcasting funding source charter obligations public reaction management response editorial standards corporate responsibility viewer rights stakeholder engagement public trust media governance licence fee BBC stakeholders British population protest objection public institution duty of care compulsory licence fee senior managers resignation strategy rethinking institutional arrogance licence fee BBC stakeholders British population public service broadcasting user protest institutional arrogance duty of care compulsory licence fee public broadcaster media brand reputation stakeholder sensitivity protest response media ethics public funding charter obligations licence fee payers BBC stakeholders public service broadcaster British population user protests institutional response public institution responsibilities duty of care compulsory licence fee national broadcaster licence fee payers BBC stakeholders protest media brand British population user feedback management response public institution duty of care compulsory licence fee public broadcasting stakeholder sensitivity corporate accountability viewer objections institutional arrogance editorial responsibility public service media national broadcaster viewer rights licence fee payers BBC stakeholders BBC funding British population public service broadcaster protest response institutional duty public institution compulsory licence fee media brand user objections senior managers editor resignation public service charter duty of care national broadcaster viewer concerns institutional arrogance compulsory funding stakeholder sensitivity media accountability licence fee payers BBC stakeholders British population public funding national broadcaster compulsory licence fee public institution duty of care user protest senior managers institutional arrogance editorial resignation media brand public service viewer rights institutional response media accountability public trust protest response media strategy stakeholder sensitivity licence fee BBC stakeholders British population public funding charter obligations user protest institutional response public broadcaster duty of care compulsory payment media brand viewer rights stakeholder sensitivity management accountability organizational arrogance public service broadcasting audience feedback institutional charter funding model media ethics user dissatisfaction corporate governance public trust broadcast regulation content oversight viewer representation media responsibility BBC licence fee stakeholders public service British population protest objection media brand institutional duty public funding charter sensitivity resignation strategic rethink arrogance duty of care compulsory payment national broadcaster BBC licence fee stakeholders British population protest media brand duty of care public institution objection arrogance national broadcaster compulsory licence fee resignation strategy sensitivity public service media ethics governance user feedback
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro04a	Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. social networks signalling device expansion violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting echo escalation violence social unrest catalyst mayhem government flashpoints prevent expand manage break up social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting echo expanded lens escalation danger society social unrest catalyst mayhem blocking Twitter governments flashpoints prevent expand violence locations riot situations escalate break up social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting social unrest escalation mayhem blocking Twitter governments flashpoints violence expansion riot situations escalate break up social networks signalling device expansion violent behaviour Twitter riots mob formation acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting echo effect mob groups escalation social unrest catalyst mayhem government intervention flashpoints prevent violence riot management break up social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting echo behaviour ripple escalation violence social unrest catalyst mayhem government intervention flashpoints violence expansion riot management law enforcement public safety social media regulation digital communication crowd psychology collective action online influence real-world impact digital policing information control civic unrest community behaviour digital disruption network effects social amplification mob dynamics crowd control digital vigilantism societal disruption online-offline connection igital governance Social networks signalling device expansion of violent behaviour Twitter start of riots join the mob acceptable behaviour boundaries crossed indiscriminate vandalism looting echo elsewhere lens of acceptable behaviour escalation of violence catalyst for mayhem danger to society social unrest rioting block Twitter manage flashpoints prevent violence expansion break up riots social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries looting social unrest escalation violence government intervention blocking Twitter flashpoints mayhem catalyst social control public safety digital communication crowd behaviour online influence community response legal measures digital media impact societal impact prevention strategies law enforcement digital activism misinformation real-time reporting civil disorder emergency management technology regulation social dynamics group psychology digital ethics online platforms public order cyber security risk management social media moderation crisis communication information dissemination crowd social networks Twitter signalling device expansion violent behaviour riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting echo escalation social unrest catalyst mayhem government flashpoints prevent violence locations riot situations escalate break up Twitter riots social unrest violent behavior signaling mob behavior looting vandalism social networks government intervention catalyst escalation flashpoints social media unrest management public safety community behavior online influence civic engagement digital communication social networks violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour vandalism looting social unrest government intervention blocking Twitter flashpoints escalation mayhem public safety crowd control digital communication violent escalation local violence social media influence public order riot management community safety online signalling behaviour contagion social disturbances law enforcement online-offline interaction digital activism civic unrest media impact violence propagation societal impact technology regulation
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con04a	The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. law enforcement student-teacher contact internet communication privacy violation surveillance legal intrusion relationship concealment digital monitoring privacy rights educational ethics enforce difficult student teacher contact internet relationship conceal authorities state find behaviour access private facebook accounts personal computers internet service provider records intrusion privacy violation law enforcement student-teacher contact internet communication privacy violation surveillance digital monitoring legal intrusion privacy rights online relationship regulatory challenges data access ISP records social media privacy constitutional rights electronic communication laws law enforcement student-teacher contact internet communication relationship concealment state surveillance privacy violation facebook accounts personal computers ISP records intrusion privacy rights law enforcement student-teacher communication internet surveillance privacy rights legal intrusion digital privacy consent statutory compliance online interactions regulatory challenges law enforcement student-teacher contact internet monitoring privacy violation legal intrusion relationship concealment digital surveillance privacy rights legal compliance communication oversight law enforcement online contact student-teacher relationship privacy violation internet monitoring data access facebook accounts personal computers ISP records surveillance constitutional rights digital privacy legal oversight undercover investigation whistleblower reporting ethical concerns digital footprint communication interception legal boundaries investigative methods technological challenges public policy privacy laws data protection online safety digital ethics statutory compliance regulatory measures cyber law electronic communication privacy invasion legal enforcement mechanisms digital security online behavior tracking information privacy digital rights law enforcement challenges student-teacher communication privacy rights digital surveillance investigative techniques law enforcement student-teacher contact internet monitoring relationship concealment state surveillance privacy violation Facebook accounts personal computers ISP records legal intrusion privacy rights digital communication oversight law enforcement student-teacher relationship internet contact privacy violation surveillance facebook account access ISP records privacy rights legal intrusion communication monitoring law enforcement online contact teacher-student relationship concealment state surveillance privacy violation Facebook accounts personal computers ISP records intrusion privacy rights
test-society-epsihbdns-con04a	Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions loss of potential functioning developed nation young people choose profession beneficial individual best suited person urban professions rural jobs prevent people moving freely deprive cities talented people skills urban professions rural jobs policy farmers potential lawyers politicians doctors teachers models of migration surplus labour cities new workers Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. Human Capital Migration Rural Population Change Handbook of Agricultural Economics restrictions potential loss developed nation young people profession choice individual benefit talent allocation urban professions rural jobs talent deprivation migration models surplus labor city workers rural to urban migration human capital agricultural economics J. Edward Taylor Philip L. Martin Restrictions potential loss developed nation young people profession choice individual benefit best suited person urban professions rural jobs policy impact talent deprivation cities migration models surplus labour urban workforce rural to urban migration human capital rural population change agricultural economics Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession individual benefit best suited person urban professions rural jobs deprive cities talented people surplus labour cities need workers migration models rural population change human capital agricultural economics restrictions loss potential developed nation young people profession individual benefit talent matching career choice migration urban professions rural jobs policy impact human capital rural population change agricultural economics labor surplus city workers professional mismatch talent deprivation urban-rural migration economic models Taylor Edward Martin Philip Restrictions loss of potential functioning developed nation young people choose profession beneficial individual best suited person trade prevent moving freely deprive cities talented people talents skills urban professions rural jobs policy farmers potential lawyers politicians doctors teachers models of migration people leave rural areas surplus labour cities need workers Human Capital Migration Rural Population Change Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. restrictions loss potential developed nation young people choose profession beneficial individual best suited pursue prevent moving freely deprive cities talented skills urban professions rural jobs policy farmers lawyers politicians doctors teachers models migration surplus labour needs workers Taylor Edward Martin Philip Human Capital Handbook Agricultural Economics Restrictions loss potential developed nation young people profession individual benefits best suited person trade talent skills urban professions rural jobs policy farmers lawyers politicians doctors teachers migration models surplus labour urban workers human capital rural population change Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession individual benefits best suited person urban professions rural jobs policy impact migration rural population change surplus labour cities workforce needs Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession beneficial for individual best suited person trade prevent free movement deprive cities talented people urban professions rural jobs policy farmers potential lawyers politicians doctors teachers basis of migration models rural areas surplus labour cities new workers human capital rural population change migration agricultural economics
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro03a	"Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. riots spreading police copycat media exposure social media control prevention localised violence London Manchester 2011 Peter Fahy riots spreading police stop copycat rioting media exposure control social media prevent localised problem Pilkington London 2011 Greater Manchester Peter Fahy riots spreading police stop copycat media exposure social media control localised violence prevention Manchester London 2011 Peter Fahy rioting group people getting away behaviour sparked Independent Pilkington stop riots copycat rioting media exposure social media control localised problem police intervention riot prevention Greater Manchester Police Peter Fahy London riots 2011 riots copycat violence media influence social media impact rioting spread control of information riot management public order community safety riots spreading police stop copycat media exposure social media control localised violence London Manchester 2011 Peter Fahy The Independent Pilkington D. stop riots prevent riot spread copycat rioting media exposure social media control localised problem police intervention Manchester riots London riots 2011 riots Peter Fahy control of London oxygen of riots riot prevention strategies riots police copycat media social media control localised prevention Manchester London 2011 Peter Fahy The Independent Pilkington riots spreading police stop copycat media exposure social media control localized violence oxygen information prevention communication tactics public order intervention Manchester London 2011 rioting group behavior chief Peter Fahy Independent Pilkington riots spreading police stop copycat media exposure social media control localised violence prevention oxygen group London Manchester 2011 behaviour Pilkington Independent Peter Fahy Greater Manchester Police riots spreading police stop copycat rioting media exposure social media control localised problem Peter Fahy Greater Manchester Police London 2011 behaviour spark independent D Pilkington 14 November"
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro01a	Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Internet regulation government surveillance online tracking data mining deep packet inspection Facebook Twitter email interception privacy violations reasonable suspicion false positives probable cause secrecy of correspondence democratic control intelligence agencies transparency Reporters Without Borders Electronic Frontier Foundation NSA Spying internet regulation government surveillance citizen tracking online privacy data mining deep packet inspection false positives warrantless investigation secrecy of correspondence democratic control intelligence agencies transparency privacy violations Enemies of the Internet NSA spying electronic surveillance online freedoms digital privacy laws surveillance state internet regulation government surveillance online tracking data mining deep packet inspection privacy violation false positives secrecy of correspondence intelligence agencies democratic control Reporters Without Borders NSA spying Electronic Frontier Foundation Internet regulation government surveillance citizen tracking online activities data mining deep packet inspection electronic messages email interception Facebook Twitter privacy violations warrantless investigation false positives probable cause secrecy of correspondence democratic control intelligence agencies Reporters Without Borders Enemies of the Internet NSA Spying Electronic Frontier Foundation Internet regulation government surveillance citizen tracking online activities data-mining Facebook Twitter deep packet inspection electronic messages email interception privacy violations unreasonable search false positives probable cause secrecy of correspondence intelligence agencies democratic control secrecy transparency Reporters Without Borders Enemies of the Internet UK surveillance US research NSA spying Electronic Frontier Foundation Internet regulation government surveillance citizen tracking online activities data mining Facebook Twitter deep packet inspection electronic messages email interception privacy violations reasonable suspicion false positives unauthorized investigation secrecy of correspondence privacy rights democratic control intelligence agencies secrecy transparency Enemies of the Internet Reporters Without Borders NSA spying Electronic Frontier Foundation Regulating the Internet government surveillance citizen monitoring online tracking data-mining Facebook Twitter deep packet inspection email interception privacy violations warrantless investigation false positives secrecy of correspondence democratic control intelligence agencies Reporters Without Borders NSA Spying Electronic Frontier Foundation Regulating the Internet government surveillance citizens' online activities automated data-mining deep packet inspection Facebook Twitter email interception privacy violations warrantless investigations false positives probable cause secrecy of correspondence intelligence agencies democratic control transparency Enemies of the Internet Reporters Without Borders NSA Spying Electronic Frontier Foundation Internet regulation government surveillance online tracking data-mining deep packet inspection privacy violations warrantless investigation false positives probable cause secrecy of correspondence democratic control intelligence agencies transparency Reporters Without Borders NSA Spying Electronic Frontier Foundation government surveillance internet regulation data mining deep packet inspection privacy violation democratic control intelligence agencies Enemies of the Internet NSA Spying secrecy of correspondence false positives reasonable suspicion electronic communication Reporters Without Borders Electronic Frontier Foundation
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con03a	Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Tunisia agriculture industrial sector economic reliability sector performance employment investment economic recession low value production tourism economic alternatives food importation economic appraisal innovation empirical analysis Tunisia agriculture industrial sectors economic reliability tourism economic recession investment sector performance low returns importation domestic demand innovation empirical analysis employment value of goods profits economic appraisal Agriculture Industrial sectors Tunisia Economic performance Investment Employment Low returns Food imports Economic recession Innovation Low value goods Tourism Viability Economic sectors Economic reliability Empirical analysis Tunisia agriculture industrial sectors unreliable investment poor performance economic recession low value profits tourism Aoun Elj economic appraisal empirical analysis agriculture industrial sectors Tunisia investment poor performance economic recession low value goods tourism alternatives employment food importation economic appraisal empirical analysis innovation profitability sector reliability economic impact domestic demand sector flaws viable options Tunisia agriculture industrial sector economic performance employment investment low returns importation food demand economic recession innovation value of goods tourism economic appraisal empirical analysis agriculture industrial sectors unreliable Tunisia largest employer investment 1980s poor performance 1985-2000 costly low returns food importation 2008 recession low value goods unviable tourism alternative agriculture industrial sector Tunisia economic performance investment 1980s sector performance 1985-2000 economic impact food imports industrial vulnerability 2008 recession low value goods tourism economic alternatives innovation empirical analysis agriculture industrial sectors unreliable Tunisia economy investment poor performance food importation economic recession low value goods tourism economic appraisal empirical analysis agriculture industrial sectors unreliable Tunisia largest employer investment poor performance economic impact low returns food importation 2008 recession low value goods limited profits sector flaws tourism alternative
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro02a	This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, unelected power celebrity influence political endorsements democratic system informed voting celebrity qualifications public accountability political journalism democratic principles voter manipulation celebrity politics democratic outcomes informed electorate political pressure democratic justice unjust unelected power politicians endorsements votes Oprah Obama 2008 Democratic Primary celebrity influence political sphere knowledge qualifications unaccountable pressure democratic system power misleading political journalists news channels one person one vote informed votes hindrance famous more votes unjust unelected power endorsements votes Oprah Obama 2008 Democratic Primary influence political sphere knowledge qualifications democratic system unaccountable pressure misleading public political journalists news channels information one person one vote informed celebrity involvement hindrance famous more votes unjust use of power celebrity endorsements political influence democratic system unelected power unaccountable influence voter misinformation political endorsements celebrity impact on elections democratic principles informed voting celebrity political involvement power without accountability Garthwaite and Moore study 2008 Democratic Primary Oprah Winfrey endorsement Barack Obama votes unjust unelected power politicians endorsements votes Oprah Obama 2008 Democratic Primary celebrity influence political sphere knowledge qualifications unaccountable pressure democratic system power public political journalists news channels one person one vote informed votes celebrity involvement politics hindrance famous more votes unjust use of power celebrity influence political endorsements democratic system informed voting unelected power celebrity pressure unaccountable influence misleading public optimal democracy one person one vote celebrity involvement political outcomes 2008 US Democratic Primary Oprah endorsement additional votes political knowledge qualifications power checking political journalists news channels information sources hindrance to democracy unjust use unelected power celebrity endorsements political influence democratic system informed voting one person one vote Garthwaite Timothy J. Moore 2008 US Democratic Primary Oprah Barack Obama additional votes unaccountable pressure political journalists news channels misinformation democratic principles celebrity involvement hindrance to democracy unelected power, celebrity influence, political endorsements, voter impact, democratic principles, informed voting, accountability, media responsibility, public误导, 舆论压力, 名人参与, 政治权力, 选举公正性, 选民误导, 民主制度, 权力制约 Note: The last four keywords are in Chinese. If you want all keywords in English, please let me know. celebrity influence political endorsements democratic system voter manipulation unaccountable power informed voting media responsibility celebrity qualifications public misinformation Garthwaite and Moore study 2008 US Democratic Primary Oprah endorsement Obama votes unelected influence political ethics democratic principles voter education media accountability celebrity power political participation unelected power celebrity influence political endorsements democratic system voter manipulation informed voting public accountability celebrity qualifications political knowledge democratic principles one person one vote celebrity involvement political outcomes voter impact Garthwaite Timothy J. Moore 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro01a	Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, suicide waste life immoral act sacrosanct human religion criminalize violation sanctity society irreligious rights obligations moral worth wonderful interfere euthanasia ethics buddhism preservation self-harm dignity responsibility mental health suicide prevention ethical considerations legal perspectives societal values cultural norms psychological impact life value humanism existentialism bioethics medical ethics compassionate care end-of-life decision-making autonomy consent dignity in death quality of life suffering intervention suicide waste of life immoral act sanctity of human life religious views human rights human obligations preservation of life euthanasia ethics moral philosophy Roy Wo. Perrett Journal of Medical Ethics suicide waste of life immoral act sanctity of human life religions criminalization society human rights human obligations moral worth preservation of life euthanasia buddhism journal of medical ethics suicide waste of life immoral act sacrosanct nature human life religious perspective criminalization societal morals human rights human obligations moral worth interference self-harm life preservation euthanasia sanctity of life ethics Buddhism medical ethics suicide waste of life immoral act sanctity of human life religions criminalization society irreligious immoral human rights human obligations moral worth interference preservation of life euthanasia Roy Wo. Perrett Journal of Medical Ethics suicide morality human life sanctity religion ethics human rights obligations euthanasia preservation of life criminalization immorality society interference Buddhismo suicide life morality human rights sanctity of life religion ethics euthanasia Buddhism criminalization society obligations interference preservation of life moral worth human dignity self-harm philosophical ethics medical ethics suicide waste of life immoral act sacrosanct nature human life religions criminalization sanctity society irreligious immoral human rights human obligations moral worth wonderful thing non-interference self-interference denigrate preserve euthanasia Buddhism ethics medical ethics suicide waste life immoral act sacrosanct human religions criminalize violation sanctity society irreligious immoral human rights obligations moral worth wonderful interfere others ourselves denigrate obligation preserve buddhism euthanasia journal medical ethics suicide morality human life sanctity of life religion ethics human rights human obligations euthanasia buddhism criminalization society moral worth preservation of life
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro02a	Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook information point opportunities life improvement stay connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities social media Youtube views Facebook posts Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion event price online cheap efficient info point Facebook information point life improvement opportunities connectivity social events job openings event planning customer engagement community updates Google hiring Toyota discounts music festivals football tournaments social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda YouTube social media campaigns advertising costs TV ads radio commercials billboards online promotion cheap marketing efficient communication Facebook social networks information point opportunity life improvement connectivity community job opportunities sporting competitions social events companies event planners customers Google Toyota hiring policy discount music festival football tournament Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities social media campaign YouTube TV commercials radio commercials billboards promotion price online cheap efficient info point Facebook information point opportunity life improvement staying connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform user interaction companies event planners customers Google Toyota music festival football tournament community social networks TV commercials cost-effective Kony 2012 social media campaign Uganda Youtube views Facebook posts Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion costs online cheap efficient info point Facebook information point life improvement opportunities stay connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament amateurs informing community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda Youtube views Facebook posts March 6th March 7th Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion price population online cheap efficient info point social media Facebook information point improve life take advantage opportunities stay connected world job opportunities sporting competitions social events area efficient widely visited platform users get in touch useful tool companies event planners direct customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament amateur players informing community serving purpose conventional means TV commercials free Kony 2012 campaign atrocities Uganda social media YouTube video views Facebook posts March 6th March 7th Apple new iPad TV releases Facebook information point life improvement opportunities staying connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events communication platform user engagement companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament community connection social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 campaign Uganda atrocities YouTube social media TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion costs online info point efficient information dissemination free promotion social media impact Facebook information point opportunities social events job opportunities sporting competitions stay connected efficient platform users companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 campaign Uganda YouTube video Facebook posts TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion inform population social media info point online cheap efficient Facebook information point opportunities life improvement staying connected world awareness job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform user interaction companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discounts music festivals football tournaments community connection social networks efficiency conventional media TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities social media impact Youtube online promotion cheap advertising TV ads radio commercials billboards event promotion population inform social media case study Facebook information point opportunities life improvement staying connected world job opportunities sporting competitions social events community social networks efficiency conventional means TV commercials free Kony 2012 awareness Uganda YouTube views Facebook posts Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion price online cheap info point social media
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con03a	CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU affordable prices agriculture policies food diversity imported goods developing countries quality standards hygiene additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments farmers partnership Europe CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU European Union affordable prices agriculture food diversity imported goods developing countries quality standards hygiene additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments farmers European Commission 2012 CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU affordable prices agriculture policies food diversity imported goods developing countries production scrutiny EU quality standards hygiene additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments European Commission partnership farmers CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU affordable prices agriculture policies food diversity quality standards production scrutiny hygiene additives EU control healthy food subsidies farmer payments European Commission partnership Europe farmers CAP quality food EU affordable agriculture policies control diversity imported developing countries scrutiny standards production hygiene additives European Commission Common Agricultural Policy subsidies payments healthy high quality farmers CAP quality of food EU affordable prices agriculture policies food diversity imported goods developing countries production scrutiny EU quality standards hygiene additives healthy food subsidies payments European Commission Common Agricultural Policy partnership farmers CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU affordable prices agriculture Europe food diversity import standards developing countries production scrutiny quality standards hygiene additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments European Commission farmers partnership CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU affordable prices agriculture policies food diversity food production standards hygiene additives quality control European citizens healthy food subsidies payments European Commission farmers partnership food safety agricultural support European food standards import quality developing countries food production CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU affordable prices agriculture policies food diversity imported goods developing countries production scrutiny quality standards hygiene additives European Commission partnership farmers subsidies payments CAP quality food EU affordable prices agriculture policies control diversity imported goods developing countries scrutiny quality standards production hygiene additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments Common Agricultural Policy partnership farmers European Commission
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro04a	Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labour begging prostitution migrant workers hukou social exclusion market urban-rural relations food production human trafficking UNIAP Vietnam rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media influence education impact myths propagation successful migrants unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labor exploitation social exclusion hukou system urban-rural relations food production city life challenges trapped populations rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media inefficiency education inadequacy myths propagation successful migrants unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labor begging prostitution social exclusion hukou system urban-rural relations food production city life challenges exploitation trapped migrants rural-urban migration developing nations uninformed decisions lack of education media inefficiency misconception myths successful migrants unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labor begging prostitution trapped migrants social exclusion hukou system urban-rural relations food production human trafficking UNIAP Vietnam rural-urban migration developing nations uninformed decisions media inefficiency educational deficiency migration myths successful migrant influence unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labor begging prostitution social exclusion market dynamics urban-rural relations food production human trafficking UNIAP Vietnam life chances migrant workers contemporary China FAO rural poverty urban poverty trafficking victims economic desperation social traps mobility constraints rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations trafficking forced labour prostitution exploitation trapped migrant workers life chances hukou social exclusion urban-rural relations food production processing issues UNIAP Vietnam human trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations uneducated people informed decisions media education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations desperation trafficking forced labour prostitution trapped Zhan Shaohua Hukou social exclusion market Waibel Hermann Schmidt Erich urban-rural relations FAO UNIAP Vietnam human trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions efficient media adequate education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations forced labour exploitation prostitution trapped Hukou social exclusion market urban-rural relations food production FAO UNIAP Vietnam human trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions inefficient media lack of education myths successful migrants unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labor begging prostitution trapped migrants social exclusion hukou system urban-rural relations food production human trafficking UNIAP Vietnam FAO reports life chances migrant workers contemporary China rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labour prostitution social exclusion market UNIAP Vietnam Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt Shaohua Zhan FAO life chances migrant workers hukou urban-rural relations food production processing issues Feeding Asian Cities
test-international-amehbuaisji-con03a	The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. US ICC international security military intervention crime of aggression US interests American ratification responsibility to protect global stability international law foreign policy human rights international relations US presidents Gulf War Afghanistan overseas missions legal constraints prosecution fear state sovereignty intervention necessity world peace diplomatic relations UN Security Council international justice global governance humanitarian intervention national security diplomatic immunity international community war crimes aggression definition historical precedents geopolitical strategy US military international norms legal jurisdiction global order political implications security council authorization state sovereignty international cooperation US international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention ICC prosecution crime of aggression US interests US presidents Kennedy overseas missions American ratification responsibility to protect state intervention global stability humanitarian intervention legal constraints international law US foreign policy war crimes international humanitarian law global security US military international peace legal ramifications US presence global leadership international community US actions international relations US involvement international justice US military operations international jurisdiction US commitment global governance US role international courts US participation international treaties US engagement global conflict US ICC international security military intervention crime of aggression US interests American ratification responsibility to protect US presidents Gulf War Afghanistan overseas missions ICC prosecution constraints uncertain world save lives state intervention global stability legal implications war crimes humanitarian intervention jurisdiction US actions international law political consequences global peace military operations international crimes legal protections global leadership unilateral action security council international community peacekeeping geopolitical interests foreign policy national security sovereignty international relations global governance legal framework international courts human rights diplomatic relations US out of ICC international security military intervention ICC prosecution crime of aggression US interests US presidents Gulf War Afghanistan responsibility to protect American ratification ICC jurisdiction constraining US actions save lives uncertain world US overseas missions unintended consequences US international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression US interests Gulf War Afghanistan responsibility to protect US presidents Kennedy American ratification constraint overseas missions interventions save lives US international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression US interests US overseas missions US presidents Kennedy American ratification ICC US actions responsibility to protect global stability humanitarian intervention legal constraints international relations US foreign policy global leadership international law prosecution geopolitical strategy humanitarian missions international community state sovereignty US military international peace diplomatic relations global governance US commitments international treaties war crimes conflict resolution US involvement international justice US presence global security architecture interventionism US capabilities international norms US role global order US ICC international security military intervention crime of aggression US interests Gulf War Afghanistan US presidents Kennedy responsibility to protect ratification constraints humanitarian intervention global stability legal jurisdiction prosecution overseas missions US actions international law state sovereignty global order peacekeeping war crimes human rights diplomatic relations global governance United Nations international court legal constraints national interests military operations international community geopolitical strategy defense policy security council international relations global security interventionism foreign policy humanitarian aid military strategy political science international conflicts US ICC international security military intervention crime of aggression US interests American ratification responsibility to protect constraining US actions Gulf War Afghanistan overseas missions US presidents Kennedy uncertain world save lives ICC jurisdiction prosecution beneficial expansion search efficacy US ICC international security military intervention crime of aggression US interests US presidents Kennedy responsibility to protect overseas missions Gulf War Afghanistan American ratification constraints lives saved state intervention global stability humanitarian intervention legal prosecution political influence diplomatic relations security council veto power international law sovereignty national security UN charter armed conflict peacekeeping defense policy geopolitical strategy international court jurisdiction war crimes human rights global governance US foreign policy international community military operations defense capabilities strategic interests legal constraints military deterrence security US ICC international security military intervention crime of aggression US interests US presidents Gulf War Afghanistan responsibility to protect American ratification ICC jurisdiction overseas missions US actions lives saving state intervention legal constraints global stability humanitarian intervention international law geopolitical strategy diplomatic relations national sovereignty prosecution fear war crimes international court US foreign policy global peacekeeping security council international community legal jurisdiction military operations conflict zones peace enforcement geopolitical influence international cooperation US military global security international norms legal definitions US involvement global conflicts
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro03a	"Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. evolution Creationism design complexity human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum gradualism selective pressure blind chance Darwin's Black Box Michael Behe complexity evolution creationism design human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species creative agency irreducibly complex gradualist argument bacterial flagellum selective pressure blind chance evolutionary biologists Michael Behe Darwin’s Black Box Creationism Evolution Design Complexity Human Body Ecosystems Bacteria Interdependent Species Irreducible Complexity Bacterial Flagellum Gradualism Selective Pressure Blind Chance Darwin's Black Box Michael Behe Evolutionary Biology Natural World Origin Complex Design creationism intelligent design irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum evolution natural selection gradualism biological complexity ecosystems human body interdependent species selective pressure blind chance Darwin's Black Box Michael Behe creationism evolution complexity design human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum gradualism selective pressure blind chance Darwin's Black Box Michael Behe creationism evolution complexity design interdependent species irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum gradualist argument selective pressure blind chance natural world biological mysteries Darwin's Black Box Michael Behe creationism evolution complexity design human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species irreducibly complex bacterial flagellum gradualist argument selective pressure blind chance biological mysteries natural world complex design Darwin’s Black Box Michael Behe complexity evolution Creationism design human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species irreducibly complex gradualist argument bacterial flagellum selective pressure blind chance Michael Behe Darwin’s Black Box biological mysteries natural world complex design evolution creationism complexity design human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species irreducibly complex bacterial flagellum gradualist argument selective pressure blind chance Darwin's Black Box Michael Behe Creationism Evolution Complexity Design Human Body Ecosystems Bacteria Interdependent Species Irreducible Complexity Bacterial Flagellum Selective Pressure Blind Chance Darwin's Black Box Michael Behe Natural World Biological Mysteries"
test-international-epglghbni-con03a	Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic economic drain Republican parties Unionists marginalized violence Belfast protestant communities low job prospects young protestants majority Catholic unrest united Ireland Unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic of Ireland economic drain Republican parties Unionists political power marginalized groups Belfast violence Protestant communities job prospects young Protestants majority Catholic Ireland unrest united Ireland unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic economic drain Republican parties Unionists marginalized violence Belfast protestant communities job prospects young protestants majority Catholic unrest united Ireland Unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic of Ireland economic drain Republican parties Unionists political entities marginalized violence in Belfast protestant communities job prospects young protestants majority Catholic Ireland unrest breakout united Ireland unification civil disorder violent factionalism Northern Irish Republic economic drain Republican parties Unionists power concession marginalized Belfast violence protestant communities job prospects young protestants majority Catholic Ireland unrest breakout unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic economic strain Republican parties Unionists marginalized Belfast violence protestant communities job prospects young protestants majority Catholic Ireland unrest united Ireland unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic of Ireland economic drain Republican parties Unionists marginalized Belfast violence protestant communities low job prospects young protestants majority Catholic Ireland unrest breakout unification civil disorder violent factionalism Northern Irish Republic economic drain Republican parties Unionists marginalized Belfast violence protestant communities job prospects young protestants majority Catholic unrest breakout united Ireland unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic of Ireland economic drain resentment Republican parties Unionists power concession marginalized violence Belfast protestant communities job prospects young protestants majority Catholic Ireland unrest breakout Unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic economic drain Republican parties Unionists political entities marginalized violence Belfast protestant communities job prospects majority Catholic Ireland unrest breakout
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro03a	Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. transparency citizens healthy leader proper functioning health fitness vital issue choosing leader electorate serve term hidden health conditions mistaken election unable serve not in control voting choice clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition election democracy accountability vital information transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue choose leader electorate deserves health conditions hidden information mistaken election unable to serve not in control voting choice leader accountability democracy clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition election vital information transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electorate knowledge serving term hidden health conditions electing leader full term service control of country voting decision leader accountability democracy vital information electorate judgment fitness of leader preconditions for election up-to-date information accurate information clear information transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electorate knowledge serve term hidden health conditions unable to serve not in control voter choice democracy accountability vital information election judgment leader fitness clear information accurate information up-to-date information Transparency citizen healthy leader proper functioning health fitness vital issue leadership selection electorate serve term hidden conditions leadership accountability democracy voter information clear information accurate information up-to-date information leader fitness election precondition voter choice leadership responsibility public health political accountability informed electorate electoral process democratic values leadership integrity health disclosure political transparency voter empowerment leadership capability leadership effectiveness public trust political leadership health transparency voter rights leadership assessment electoral transparency leadership accountability democratic governance public interest leadership fitness electoral justice leadership credibility Transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electorate serve term hidden health conditions elect leader full term in control voting informed choice clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition election accountability democracy vital information leader accountability transparency citizen healthy leader proper functioning health fitness vital issue electorate serve term hidden health conditions elect unable serve control country voting informed choice clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition election democracy accountability vital information transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electorate deserves serve full term hidden health conditions elect leader in control of country voters choice transparency information clear information accurate information up-to-date information electorate judge fitness of leader democracy leader accountability vital information transparency health fitness leader electorate accountability democracy vital information term election control preconditions up-to-date accurate hidden conditions mistakes voting choice serve transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness leader vital issue electorate serving full term hidden health conditions democracy accountability accurate information fitness for election voter knowledge
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con02a	"Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification jury nullification legal accountability public checks on government unjust laws non-violent drug crimes democratic processes legislative change community input mandatory capital punishment Supreme Court Doug Linder Andrew Leipold jury nullification accountable law public check government oversight unjust laws non-violent crimes legislative change community input mandatory capital punishment constitutional reform democratic processes segregation discrimination free elections fair outcomes activist juries drug crimes disproportionate punishment Supreme Court Doug Linder Andrew Leipold jury nullification law accountability public check on government unjust laws non-violent drug crimes democratic outcomes legislative change capital punishment community input NodeType:Query Expansion jury nullification accountability public check government unjust laws non-violent drug crimes democratic countries segregation discrimination free elections legislative processes individual protection legislative change capital punishment community input jurisprudence Doug Linder Andrew Leipold jury nullification law accountability public check on government unjust laws non-violent drug crimes democratic processes electoral outcomes legislative change community input capital punishment Supreme Court Doug Linder Andrew Leipold jury nullification juries law accountability public check on government unjust laws non-violent drug crimes democratic outcomes mandatory capital punishment community input legislative change free and fair elections segregation discrimination defendant acquittal death penalty US Supreme Court constitutional declaration Doug Linder Andrew Leipold Rethinking Jury Nullification What Is Jury Nullification jury nullification accountable law public check government oversight unjust laws non-violent crimes drug offenses disproportionate punishment democratic checks legislative change community input mandatory capital punishment unconstitutional schemes public justice citizen empowerment jury power legal accountability judicial activism civic duty moral judgment jury nullification accountable law public check government oversight unjust laws non-violent crimes drug offenses legislative change mandatory capital punishment Supreme Court decision community input democratic processes segregation discrimination free elections fair outcomes individual protection societal values legal reform democratic accountability jury nullification legal accountability public oversight unjust laws non-violent drug crimes democratic checks government power legislative change capital punishment community input judicial process civic engagement legal reform judicial activism public justice moral judgment legal ethics jury power legal systems democratic values jury nullification accountability public check government oversight unjust laws legislative change community input democratic process mandatory capital punishment non-violent drug crimes activists jury acquittal Doug Linder Andrew Leipold"
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro04a	The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction culturally constructed assumptions war dynamics conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms complete defences acquittal sentence mitigation vulnerable communities duress lenient sentencing state policy developing nations recognised governments local law-making bodies international oversight United Nations troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained western peacekeepers rules of engagement civilian protection neo-colonialism international community cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction assumptions war aggressors defenders chains of command civilians conflict zones Africa central Asia cultural relativism child soldiers systematic pernicious deliberate uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms ICC prosecutors defence acquittal sentences vulnerable communities duress better-resourced state policy developing nations recognized governments local law-making bodies armed struggle international community combat United Nations troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained peacekeepers western nations rules of engagement neo-colonialism cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers legal defenses ICC prosecutions systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms lenient sentencing resource constraints vulnerable communities duress armed children international oversight developing nations local law-making UN peacekeepers underfunded unmotivated poorly trained western peacekeepers neo-colonialism war-time conduct international standards assistance expertise survival strategy terrorizing populations army cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction culturally constructed assumptions war dynamics conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts flawed assumptions cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms lenient sentencing vulnerable communities duress better-resourced states policy enforcement developing nations recognized governments local law-making bodies international oversight combat supervision United Nations troops underfunded peacekeepers unmotivated peacekeepers poorly trained peacekeepers western peacekeepers rules of engagement neo-colonialism cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction war assumptions aggressors defenders chains of command civilians conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism defence child soldiers systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms ICC prosecutors mitigate sentences lenient sentences resource constraints vulnerable communities recognised governments local law-making bodies international oversight United Nations troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained peacekeepers western nations rules of engagement civilian protection neo-colonialism international standards war-time cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction aggressors and defenders organised armies civilian evacuation conflict assumptions African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms lenient sentencing vulnerable communities duress recognised governments local law-making combat oversight UN troops underfunded peacekeepers unmotivated peacekeepers poorly trained peacekeepers western peacekeepers neo-colonialism war-time conduct survival strategy ICC expertise military participation terrorise populations reinforce armies specialist cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones civilian protection cultural relativism child soldiers legal defenses ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious conduct deliberate actions legal norms duress vulnerable communities lenient sentencing resource constraints conflict policy developing nations recognized governments local law-making international oversight UN troops funding motivation training peacekeepers western nations rules of engagement civilian protection neo-colonialism war-time conduct international standards assistance expertise survival strategy military participation terror reinforcement ICC cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms ICC prosecutors defences mitigating sentences vulnerable communities duress lenient sentencing state policy developing nations government influence local law-making international oversight combat supervision UN troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained peacekeepers western nations rules of engagement civilian protection neo-colonialism international standards war cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers legal formulations ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms complete defences mitigation leniency vulnerable communities duress recognised governments local law-making international oversight UN troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained western peacekeepers rules of engagement neo-colonialism enforcement standards survival strategy legal expertise military participation terrorise populations cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction culturally constructed assumptions war assumptions conflict zones Africa central Asia cultural relativism child soldiers legal norms ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms defences acquittal sentence mitigation vulnerable communities duress lenient sentence state policy developing nations recognized governments local law-making bodies international oversight United Nations troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained peacekeepers western nations neo-colonialism war-time conduct international assistance expertise
test-environment-assgbatj-pro02a	Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. animal welfare animal ethics animal testing animal rights laboratory animals harm to animals animal suffering animal death animal release animal research regulation alternative research methods research ethics humane research animal protection animal conservation laboratory animal alternatives non-animal testing animal experimentation animal cruelty animal liberation animal testing animal cruelty animal rights animal experimentation animal welfare ethical concerns laboratory animals research ethics animal suffering animal liberation alternative methods humane research ethical treatment animal protection scientific research vivisection animal use statistics animal death animal replacement ethical alternatives animal welfare animal rights ethical research alternative research methods animal testing regulations humane treatment animal suffering laboratory animals animal death research ethics animal liberation scientific alternatives animal conservation animal experimentation cruelty-free research animal protection laws vivisection moral status of animals non-animal models animal exploitation Animal welfare ethical concerns animal testing cruelty-free research alternatives to animal testing laboratory animals animal rights humane research methods harm to animals animal experimentation animal mortality research ethics non-animal models scientific alternatives animal protection regulatory changes end animal testing animal research severe harm animal suffering animal killing medical research animals wild release animal experimentation animal testing ethical concerns animal welfare research ethics animal rights animal ban scientific research non-animal alternatives laboratory animals humane methods animal death animal harm animal protection research prohibition animal welfare animal rights cruelty-free research ethical alternatives animal testing laboratory animals animal suffering humane science animal liberation end animal experimentation non-animal testing methods animal ethics animal conservation pain-free research animal protection laws research ethics animal experimentation alternatives animal-free research harm reduction animal advocacy animal research harm animal welfare animal rights medical testing laboratory animals animal experimentation animal death animal suffering ethical concerns alternative methods non-animal research wildlife pet adoption moral obligations humane treatment research ethics scientific testing animal protection cruelty-free research animal research animal harm experiment ethics animal testing animal death medical research animal welfare research alternatives animal rights animal experimentation animal cruelty research subjects humane methods non-animal models ethical research animal liberation laboratory animals animal survival scientific testing moral consideration animal research severe harm animal testing ethical concerns animal rights laboratory animals medical research animal experimentation animal welfare animal death animal suffering alternative methods research ethics animal liberation humane treatment animal cruelty scientific testing animal protection bans on animal testing laboratory animal welfare animal welfare ethical concerns laboratory animals animal testing alternatives animal rights animal conservation scientific research ethics humane methods animal experimentation non-invasive research animal protection laws veterinary practices ethical treatment of animals animal sanctuaries wildlife rehabilitation cruelty-free testing animal-use reduction animal research policies humane science animal advocacy
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro02a	Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regulation censorship government control online freedom access restrictions France Germany Google Nazism Great Firewall China censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Zittrain Edelman Free Speech Debate Declaration of Principles internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions Google censorship Nazism suppression Great Firewall of China censors freedom of speech uninhibited information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society localized search exclusions China internet censorship free speech debate article 19 declaration of principles internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions France Germany Google Nazism search results Great Firewall of China Chinese government censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society human rights free speech information society article 19 Declaration of Principles Zittrain Edelman Localized Google search result exclusions Internet censorship in China Free Speech Debate internet regulation euphemism for censorship government control online speech access restrictions France Germany Google censorship Nazism search results Great Firewall of China internet control censors freedom of speech uninhibited access to information Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Zittrain and Edelman Internet censorship in China Free Speech Debate article 19 Declaration of Principles 2003 Internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions France Germany Google Nazism search results Great Firewall of China Chinese government censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Zittrain Edelman localized exclusions Free Speech Debate article 19 Declaration of Principles internet regulation censorship government control online speech information access freedom of speech Universal Declaration of Human Rights information society Google censorship Great Firewall of China human rights free speech debate World Summit on the Information Society digital rights online freedom internet freedom content control speech suppression internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions France Germany Google Nazism search results Great Firewall of China Chinese government censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Article 19 Declaration of Principles human rights digital rights online freedom information control international law digital censorship internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions France Germany Google Nazism search results Great Firewall of China Chinese government censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society free speech debate article 19 declaration of principles article 4 2003 2005 2010 2012 internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions France Germany Google Nazism suppression Great Firewall China internet censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Zittrain Edelman Free Speech Debate article 19 Declaration of Principles internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions France Germany Google Nazism Great Firewall China censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Zittrain Edelman Free Speech Debate article 19 Declaration of Principles
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro03a	Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians direct vote citizens Lisbon Treaty constitutional issue member states Brussels constitutional changes devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland elected mayors referenda Blair Labour Government reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians citizen direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issue member states Brussels relationship Blair Labour Government constitutional changes devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland elected mayors cities reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issue citizen ratification Blair Labour Government constitutional changes devolution referenda directly elected mayors reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issue member states Brussels Blair Labour Government constitutional changes devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland elected mayors citizens ratification political responsibility democratic process Referendum Constitutional Changes Sovereignty Direct Democracy Lisbon Treaty Member States Brussels Blair Labour Government Devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland Elected Mayors Political Reform Treaty Ratification Citizens' Vote Elected Politicians Temporal Power National Importance Democratic Decision-making treaty reform national sovereignty citizen direct vote constitutional issue Lisbon Treaty Blair Labour Government constitutional changes devolution referenda elected politicians limited power member states Brussels relationship direct elected mayors reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians limited power citizens direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issue member states Brussels relationship constitutional changes referenda Blair Labour Government devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland cities directly elected mayors reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians direct vote citizens Lisbon Treaty member states constitutional issue ratification Blair Labour Government referenda constitutional changes devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland directly elected mayors reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians direct vote constitutional issue Lisbon Treaty member states Brussels constitutional changes referenda devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland elected mayors constitutional reform national sovereignty citizen referendum direct democracy Lisbon Treaty member states Brussels constitutional changes devolution referendum elected politicians limited power Blair Labour Government cities elected mayors
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro03a	Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, DRC DR Congo war ravaged Grand Inga electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti South Africa M23 stability hydro power price DRC DR Congo war-ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti power export South Africa electricity prices M23 rebel group stability nation-building hydro power East Africa Eskom power prices investment ameliorate problems energy sector African hydroelectric projects renewable energy infrastructure development peacebuilding economic development international aid sustainable development DRC DR Congo war-ravaged Grand Inga project cheap electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti hydroelectric power South Africa M23 rebel group stability nation-building power prices East Africa Eskom S. Africa power export investment ameliorate problems hydro power economic development electricity export national unity post-conflict reconstruction DRC DR Congo war-ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost large export earnings Ethiopia power export Djibouti South Africa electricity prices investment stability M23 rebel group surrender nation-building hydroelectric project East Africa Eskom power price annual increase DRC DR Congo war ravaged Grand Inga electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti energy prices South Africa stability M23 rebel group hydro power East Africa Eskom power prices investment nation building infrastructure renewable energy African development peacekeeping economic development power generation international trade energy policy conflict resolution humanitarian aid regional cooperation sustainable development DRC DR Congo war ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia power export Djibouti South Africa Congo M23 rebel group stability hydro power East Africa Eskom S. Africa Power Price DRC DR Congo war-torn Grand Inga hydroelectricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti electricity exports South Africa power prices M23 rebel surrender national stability infrastructure development energy investment African development hydro power economic development peace building regional cooperation energy trade economic growth .power projects Congo stability hydroelectric potential energy exports economic opportunities post-conflict reconstruction renewable energy power generation African electricity market energy policy sustainable development infrastructure projects economic revitalization hydro resources energy sector post DRC DR Congo war-ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti South Africa power export stability M23 surrender nation-building hydroelectric power East Africa Eskom power price DRC DR Congo war ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti power export South Africa M23 rebel group stability nation rebuilding hydro power East Africa investment ameliorate problems DRC DR Congo war-ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti power export Congo investment stability M23 rebel group hydro power East Africa South Africa Eskom power price
test-religion-yercfrggms-con02a	"The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. atheism universe complexity life design natural properties chance human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency higher power interdependent species irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum motor functionality components teleological arguments god's existence pandas and people biological origins blind chance nonsense atheism complexity universe life natural properties design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency interdependent species higher power irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution bacterial flagellum teleological arguments God's existence blind chance nonsense atheism universe life complexity design creation higher power interdependent species irreducible complexity gradualist evolution bacterial flagellum teleological arguments God's existence blind chance biological origins natural properties selective pressure functionality nonsense atheism complexity universe life design natural properties human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency higher power interdependent species irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum teleological arguments God's existence blind chance nonsense Ratzsch Del 2009 Davis Percival Dean Kenyon 1989 Pandas and People Biological Origins Foundation for Thought and Ethics complexity universe life atheism chance natural properties design creative agency human body planets stars galaxies bacteria interdependent species higher power irreducibly complex gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum motor functionality components teleological arguments God's existence Pandas and People biological origins blind chance sensible collapses nonsense atheism universe complexity life design natural properties chance human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency higher power interdependent species irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum teleological arguments God's existence blind chance nonsense Del Ratzsch Teleological Arguments for God's Existence Percival Davis Dean Kenyon Of Pandas and People Biological Origins atheism complexity universe life natural properties design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency higher power interdependent species irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum blind chance teleological arguments God's existence biological origins Pandas and People atheism universe complexity life natural properties design creative agency human body planets stars galaxies bacteria interdependent species higher power irreducibly complex gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum functionless blind chance teleological arguments God's existence biological origins Del Ratzsch Percival Davis Dean Kenyon universe complexity life atheism chance natural properties design creative agency human body planets stars galaxies bacteria interdependent species higher power irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum motor functionality blind chance teleological arguments God's existence biological origins Foundation for Thought and Ethics complexity universe life atheism chance natural properties design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency interdependent species higher power irreducibly complex gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum motor functionality blind chance teleological arguments God existence Pandas and People biological origins"
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro01a	Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. circumcision child abuse foreskin medical ethics informed consent adult circumcision cultural practices health benefits HIV prevention religious beliefs human rights mutilation non-therapeutic surgery pediatric surgery public health WHO recommendations genital integrity autonomy compulsory surgery legal implications circumcision child abuse foreskin medical ethics non-therapeutic surgery informed consent genital integrity cultural practices health benefits HIV prevention human rights legal issues parental rights religious beliefs WHO guidelines adult circumcision public health policy sexual health reproductive health hygiene gender relations risk reduction AIDS prevention ethical dilemmas pediatric surgery medical procedures bodily autonomy consent age cultural relativism international health 耐用性 风险评估 医学必要性 社会规范 未成年人保护 医疗伦理学 人权 circumcision child abuse foreskin removal non-consensual medical procedures parental decision-making HIV prevention adult male circumcision cultural practices informed consent medical ethics pediatric surgery human rights bodily autonomy genital integrity World Health Organization sub-Saharan Africa sexual and reproductive health combination prevention strategies health education gender relations hygienic practices medical safety accessibility of health services public health policies ethical considerations legal implications societal norms cultural sensitivity individual choice moral arguments health benefits potential risks long-term effects psychological impact social acceptance medical necessity surgical interventions child abuse circumcision foreskin removal non-consensual medical procedures infant genital mutilation ethical medical practices parental rights religious practices health benefits AIDS prevention adult male circumcision consent in medical procedures bodily autonomy human rights medical ethics cultural practices sexual and reproductive health education child abuse circumcision foreskin medical ethics informed consent cultural practices male genital mutilation health benefits HIV prevention adult circumcision pediatric surgery human rights bioethics religious customs surgical procedures medical necessity patient autonomy sexual health pediatric care anatomical modifications child abuse circumcision foreskin removal non-consensual medical procedures pediatric surgery ethics male genital mutilation cultural practices health benefits WHO research HIV prevention adult male circumcision parental consent infant rights medical ethics surgical consent genital integrity body modification pediatric medical ethics informed consent voluntary medical procedures circumcision child abuse foreskin non-consensual procedures infant genital mutilation informed consent medical ethics WHO HIV adult male circumcision sexual and reproductive health cultural practices human rights bodily integrity pediatric surgery unnecessary medical procedures parental rights child welfare bioethics public health policy child abuse circumcision foreskin informed consent medical ethics non-therapeutic circumcision parental rights pediatric surgery religious practices World Health Organization HIV prevention adult male circumcision sexual and reproductive health cultural practices human rights bodily integrity harm principle pediatric ethics unnecessary medical procedures child welfare circumcision child abuse informed consent medical ethics foreskin genital mutilation AIDS prevention parental responsibility human rights religious practices cultural traditions health education sexual health minor surgery pediatric care moral philosophy bioethics autonomy beneficence non-maleficence justice legal implications psychological impact long-term effects international health policies public health initiatives prevention strategies reproductive health HIV transmission hygiene sexuality gender relations combination prevention adult male circumcision sub-Saharan Africa global trends safe practices acceptability determinants World Health Organization circumcision child abuse informed consent cultural practices medical ethics bodily autonomy foreskin minor surgery health benefits HIV prevention parental rights human rights minor's rights genital mutilation informed decision-making religious freedom pediatric surgery public health policy ethical considerations legal implications
test-international-bldimehbn-con03a	Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful moral obligation marginalized impact Pulitzers recognition professional awards prestige sex scandal Penn State feature writing brutal attack survivor partner Journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful public interest marginalized moral obligation news impact disadvantage Pulitzer Prizes awards recognition investigative reporting social issues human interest underreported stories media responsibility ethical journalism community awareness social justice Journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful moral obligation marginalized impact disadvantage Pulitzers awards recognition misdeeds comfortable mundane safe sex scandal Penn State Feature Writing woman brutal attack partner news impact public interest Reporting ethics social responsibility investigative journalism underrepresented voices societal issues media representation journalistic integrity human interest storytelling community awareness journalism report experiences vulnerable oppressed elite powerful moral obligation marginalized news impacts disadvantaged professional awards prestige Pulitzers local reporting sex scandal Penn State feature writing woman brutal attack partner journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful moral obligation marginalized news impact disadvantaged professional awards Pulitzers sex scandal Penn State feature writing brutal attack survivor partner journalism report vulnerable oppressed elite powerful moral obligation marginalized news impact disadvantaged recognition professional awards prestige Pulitzer sex scandal Penn State feature writing woman brutal attack partner survival 2012 winners finalists Journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful moral obligation marginalized news impact disadvantage misdeeds recognition professional awards Pulitzer sex scandal Penn State feature writing brutal attack partner reporting comfortable mundane safe journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful public interest moral obligation marginalized impact disadvantage recognition professional awards Pulitzers local reporting feature writing scandal sex scandal Penn State survivor brutal attack partner 2012 Pulitzer Prizes journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful moral obligation marginalized news impact Pulitzers recognition peer awards professional prestige sex scandal Penn State feature writing brutal attack survivor partner 2012 Pulitzer local reporting Journalism Vulnerable Oppressed Elite Powerful Moral Obligation News Impact Marginalized Professional Awards Pulitzer Prizes Sex Scandal Penn State Feature Writing Brutal Attack Survivor Partner
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro02a	Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion changes over time evolution scientific community theories facts Earth flat two kinds blood science infallibility prevailing theory new evidence better explanations dogmatic adherence Creationism contrary evidence scientific establishment confrontational position paradigm shift scientific understanding careers research acceptance conservative impulses progress teaching science prevailing theories branches of sciences scientific opinion evolution scientific community change over time Earth flat two kinds blood science infallibility prevailing theory scientific paradigm evolutionists creationism contrary evidence scientific establishment careers research acceptance paradigm shift conservative impulses science education prevailing theories branches of science scientific opinion evolution scientific community facts theories change over time earth flat two kinds blood science infallibility prevailing theory scientific opinion in vogue evolutionists dogmatic adherence creationists contrary evidence scientific establishment confrontational position paradigm shift career built scientific understanding progressive science conservative impulses teaching science prevailing theories creationism scientific opinion changes over time evolution scientific community theories facts Earth flat two kinds blood science not infallible prevailing theory new evidence better explanations evolutionists dogmatic adherence contrary evidence Creationists scientific establishment confrontational position eminent scientists careers paradigm shift research acceptance conservative impulses progress in science teaching science prevailing theories Creationism Scientific opinion evolution scientific community change over time Earth flat two kinds of blood scientific fallibility prevailing theory scientific paradigm creationism evidence career research paradigm shift conservative impulses progress teaching science prevailing theories scientific understanding University of California Berkeley Scientific opinion evolution scientific community change over time Earth flat two kinds blood science infallibility prevailing theory scientific evidence theories change evolutionists dogmatic adherence Creationism contrary evidence scientists careers paradigm shift research acceptance confrontational position conservative impulses science progress teach prevailing theories Creationism inclusion scientific understanding University of California Berkeley scientific opinion evolution scientific community theory rejection Earth flatness two kinds blood scientific infallibility prevailing theory scientific paradigm evolutionists creationists contrary evidence scientific establishment career dependency paradigm shift scientific progress conservative impulses teaching science prevailing theories creationism Scientific opinion changes over time evolution scientific community theory rejection historical scientific beliefs Earth's shape blood circulation scientific infallibility prevailing theories new evidence paradigm shifts evolutionists dogmatic adherence Creationism contrary evidence scientific careers research dependence paradigm shift conservative impulses scientific teaching prevailing theories branches of science scientific opinion evolution scientific community theories facts change over time Earth was flat two kinds of blood science infallibility prevailing theory new evidence better explanations evolutionists dogmatic adherence contrary evidence Creationists scientific establishment confrontational position eminent scientists careers paradigm of evolution research acceptance paradigm-shift scientific understanding conservative impulses science progress teaching science prevailing theories Creationism scientific opinion evolution scientific community theories facts change over time Earth flat two kinds blood science infallibility prevailing theory opinion in vogue new evidence better explanations evolutionists dogmatic adherence contrary evidence Creationists scientific establishment confrontational position eminent scientists careers paradigm-shift exalted position conservative impulses science progress teach all theories Creationism
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con01a	There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 gender quota economic growth Pande Ford Western advanced economies efficiency EU economies competitiveness domestic policies sovereign debt crisis International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers gender equality high-income countries gender quota economic growth Pande Ford report changing attitudes women Western advanced economies efficiency correlation gender equality EU economies competitiveness domestic policies sovereign debt crisis spillover effects sceptic views International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers proactive policies desired result high-income countries policy mix lessons gender quota economic growth advanced economies efficiency competitiveness EU economies sovereign debt crisis International Labour Organisation glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers gender equality policy mix high-income countries gender quota economic growth Pande and Ford Western advanced economies efficiency competitiveness EU economies sovereign debt crisis International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers gender equality high-income countries gender quota economic growth Pande Ford report changing attitudes women Western advanced economies efficiency correlations gender equality competitiveness EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis negative impact expected spillover effects sceptic views International Labour Organisation ILO breaking the glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers proactive policies desired result gender equality economic advantages gender quota economic growth Pande Ford report Western advanced economies efficiency correlation competitiveness EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis spillover effects sceptic views International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers proactive policies gender equality economic advantages high-income countries policy mix lessons gender quota economic growth Pande Ford Western advanced economies efficiency correlation gender equality EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis spillover effects International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers proactive policies gender equality economic advantages gender quotas economic growth Pande Ford Western advanced economies efficiency competitiveness EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers gender equality high-income countries gender quota economic growth Pande Ford report changing attitudes women Western advanced economies efficiency correlation gender equality measures competitiveness EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis negative impact sceptic views International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers proactive policies desired result gender equality economic advantages gender quota economic growth Pande Ford Western advanced economies efficiency competitiveness EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers gender equality proactive policies high-income countries policy mix Rohini Pande Deanna Ford World Development Report Megan Gerecke
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro02a	The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, health leader state media interest administration Kissinger Nixon Beijing secrecy rumors John Atta Mills Ghana hospital presidential staff communication lies death reports jog airport media show Committee for Social Advocacy Modern Ghana health leader state media interest administration Kissinger Beijing Nixon secrecy rumors John Atta Mills Ghana presidential staff communication hospital US airport jogging media attention death reports Committee for Social Advocacy Modern Ghana health leader state public interest media administration secrecy rumors John Atta Mills Ghana presidential staff communication hospital US media manipulation jogging airport health reports death rumors Committee for Social Advocacy Modern Ghana leader's health public interest media attention administration strategy Kissinger illness Nixon visit Beijing press secrecy rumor generation John Atta Mills health concealment presidential staff lies media deception hospital stay public appearance health rumors political transparency public right to know presidential health issues media manipulation political secrecy health leader state media interest administration secrecy rumors John Atta Mills presidential staff communication lies hospital Ghana airport jog media attention Committee for Social Advocacy death reports health of leader media interest administration strategy John Atta Mills health secrecy public rumors political communication presidential health Ghana politics Mills health controversy media manipulation political health issues Kissinger illness Nixon visit to China health and politics government transparency public right to know health and leadership political secrecy health reports presidential staff communication tactics health concerns public scrutiny political illness health misinformation political health cover-up health and governance health and public trust health and public interest Mills jogging incident hospital visit health speculation political health management health and leadership stability leader health public interest media attention political secrecy rumor management John Atta Mills Ghana presidential health press manipulation Kissinger Nixon Beijing visit health concealment public deception hospitalization health reports presidential staff communication strategy Modern Ghana Committee for Social Advocacy leader health public interest media attention political transparency rumor control John Atta Mills health secrecy presidential health Ghana politics media manipulation public health concerns political administration Kissinger illness Nixon visit Beijing trip health rumors presidential staff communication strategy health reports public deception hospital stay US medical treatment Ghana airport health demonstration political ethics social advocacy Modern Ghana public right to know health privacy political leadership leader health public interest media attention administration strategy political secrecy rumor control John Atta Mills presidential illness Ghana politics public deception media manipulation political health scandals Kissinger illness Nixon visit Beijing negotiations health privacy state leader health public right to know political transparency health rumors leader health state leader media interest administration strategy press attention John Atta Mills Ghana politics health secrecy presidential health public rumors political communication Mills health controversy Ghana leadership health and politics political transparency
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con03a	"Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” jury trial fundamental right governmental oppression non-state actors guilt determination corrupt judges prosecutors prejudice corruption community input justice system innocent individuals Chairman Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC principles of justice trial by peers petty offence exception Clive Coleman non-jury criminal trial trial by jury fundamental right governmental oppression check on abuse court system corrupt judges prosecutors prejudice community input justice system innocent individuals fair treatment Chairman Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC principles of justice peer trial Clive Coleman non-jury criminal trial petty offence exception jury trial fundamental right governmental oppression corrupt judges community input justice system trial by peers non-jury trials criminal justice fair treatment innocent individuals abuse prevention unanimous decisions jury selection judicial accountability legal principles citizen participation prejudice corruption negligence defendant rights court system checks legal reforms democratic participation legal ethics judicial integrity jury role legal philosophy criminal bar association legal commentary trial exceptions petty offenses Trial by jury fundamental right governmental oppression non-state actors corrupt judges prosecutors prejudice corruption community input justice system innocent individuals Chairman Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC principles of justice Robert P. Connolly Clive Coleman Debating non-jury criminal trial Petty Offence Exception right to a jury trial unanimous decisions representative group defendants state actors essential check abuse in the court system human weaknesses biased jurors fair treatment beyond price trial by peers trial by jury fundamental right governmental oppression corrupt judges prosecutors community input justice system unanimous decisions innocent individuals peers Robert P. Connolly Clive Coleman Petty Offence Exception Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC trial by jury fundamental right governmental oppression non-state actors guilt determination corrupt judges prosecutors prejudice corruption community input justice system innocent individuals fair treatment Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Robert P. Connolly Clive Coleman petty offence exception non-jury criminal trial trial by jury fundamental right governmental oppression non-state actors corrupt judges prosecutors prejudice corruption representative group jurors unanimous decisions community input justice system innocent individuals Chairman Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC principles of justice trial by peers petty offence exception Clive Coleman non-jury criminal trial jury trial fundamental right governmental oppression corrupt judges community input justice system non-state actors prejudice unanimous decision Paul Mendelle QC Clive Coleman petty offence exception trial by peers defendant fairness representative jurors abuse prevention essential check human weaknesses impartiality non-jury trial jury trial fundamental right governmental oppression corrupt judges prosecutors community input justice system unanimous decision innocent individuals peers principles of justice petty offence non-jury trial criminal law fair treatment prejudiced jurors unbiased verdict legal checks abuse prevention defendant rights trial integrity judicial weaknesses preventative measure legal accountability peer jury non-state actors legal safeguards trial fairness judicial corruption legal reform democratic process legal principles criminal justice jury approval prosecutorial misconduct judicial bias legal representation justice accountability legal ethics trial by peers jury duty trial by jury fundamental right governmental oppression corrupt judges prosecutors community input justice system innocent individuals peers principles of justice Robert P. Connolly Clive Coleman Petty Offence Exception non-jury criminal trial"
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro03a	Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR Post-conflict reconstruction Medical care Psychological care Chronic war Habituation Normal life Child soldiers Treatment centres Sierra Leone War criminals Stigma Sentencing guidelines ICC International Criminal Court Rehabilitation Officers Recruits Villages Communities Conflict Crime Status quo Stigmatization Colombia Child combatants Violent Threatening Families Youth homes Youth protection facilities Institutional care Fear Prosecutions Humanitarian law Democratic states Non-liberal regimes Authoritarian regimes Child Soldiers Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR Post-conflict reconstruction Medical care Psychological care Chronic war Habituation Normal life Treatment centres Sierra Leone Child soldiers War criminals Stigma Suffering War-time Peace-time Sentencing guidelines ICC International Criminal Court Rehabilitation Social exclusion Colombia Stigmatization Special protection Institutional care Fear Prosecution Humanitarian law Democratic states Authoritarian regimes Compassion Justice Child Soldiers 2008 Global Report Prosecutions Recruitment Thomas Lubanga Union of Cong disarmament demobilisation reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care habituation normal life treatment centres war criminals stigma sentencing guidelines ICC rehabilitation child soldiers participation crime social exclusion reprisal attacks fostering family-based care institutional care fear prosecution international criticism compassion justice child recruitment child abuse Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L human rights global report child protection international law peacebuilding conflict resolution war crimes legal stigmatization combatants Removing barriers demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) medical care psychological care chronic war habituation normal life child soldiers treatment centres war criminals stigma international criminal court (ICC) sentencing guidelines rehabilitation officers recruitment villages communities conflict stigma social exclusion reprisal attacks Colombia Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers institutional care fear disclosure participation international criticism universal justice compassion child recruitment child use wider abuses Thomas Lubanga Union Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care child soldiers treatment centres war criminals stigma sentencing guidelines International Criminal Court ICC life imprisonment rehabilitation recruitment conflict social exclusion stigmatization fostering Colombia institutional care fear prosecutions Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L humanitarian law universal justice compassion non-liberal regimes authoritarian regimes child recruitment wider abuses conflict situations global report child protection reintegration programs international community war crimes peace disarmament demobilisation reintegration DDR child soldiers post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care war criminals stigma sentencing guidelines ICC rehabilitation recruitment conflict social exclusion prosecution war crimes humanitarian law compassion justice crimes against children Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers war crimes rehabilitation stigma sentencing guidelines International Criminal Court ICC life imprisonment recruitment social exclusion reintegration programs Sierra Leone Colombia stigmatization institutional care fear disclosure authority criticism universal justice compassion prosecution Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L serious crimes humanitarian law child-soldier focus wider abuses conflict situations demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers treatment centres stigma war criminals sentencing guidelines ICC rehabilitation social exclusion stigmatization institutional care fear prosecution international criticism child recruitment wider abuses universal justice compassion Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots serious crimes child-soldier focus post-conflict reconstruction DDR Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration child soldiers treatment centres stigma war crimes ICC rehabilitation social exclusion prosecution humanitarian law Compassion justice child recruitment conflict situations child-soldier focus global report international community medical care psychological care habituation normal life sentencing guidelines life imprisonment participation in conflict crime uninjured casualty reprisal attacks Colombia youth homes youth protection facilities institutional care fear disclosure participation criticism democratic states non-liberal regimes authoritarian regimes prosecutions Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR Child soldiers Post-conflict reconstruction Psychological care Medical care War crimes Stigma Rehabilitation ICC International Criminal Court Sentencing guidelines War criminals Conflict Colombia Stigmatization Youth homes Youth protection facilities Institutional care Fear Prosecutions Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L Humanitarian law Authoritarian regimes Compassion Justice Universal concepts Human rights Child recruitment Child use Crimes against children Liberia Sierra Leone Lost generation Agony End Global
test-environment-assgbatj-pro01a	Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] animal rights pain perception behavioral similarity speciesism ethical treatment moral consideration physiological resemblance sentient beings cruelty prevention human-animal relation empathy compassion justice equality non-human cognition animal psychology anti-vivisection bioethics philosophical ethics animal welfare laws animal rights animal welfare speciesism moral philosophy ethical treatment non-human animals pain perception emotional capacity cognitive similarities human-animal relationship ethical obligations anti-cruelty sentient beings legal protections moral status animal testing humane alternatives ethical veganism compassionate living anti-speciesism equality in suffering moral circle expansion ethical consistency animal consciousness empathy towards animals animal rights ethical treatment speciesism pain perception emotional intelligence behavioral similarity physiological resemblance moral consideration human-animal comparison anti-cruelty legislation sentient beings ethical philosophy rights advocacy scientific ethics inter-species justice animal rights speciesism ethical treatment pain perception animal cognition moral consideration physiological similarity behavioral similarity compassion anti-cruelty species equality sentient beings ethical experimentation non-human rights humanitarianism interspecies empathy animal welfare ethical philosophy moral status empathy suffering justice equality anti-discrimination respectful treatment humane practices ethical standards moral obligations respect for life sentient creatures humane society ethical living non-violence animal protection bioethics moral reasoning ethical eating moral philosophy animal advocacy conservation ethics moral psychology ethical animal rights harm prevention species similarity human-animal comparison pain perception fear expression pleasure indication pet behavior anatomical resemblance physiological traits behavioural characteristics feeling sharing moral rights speciesism ethical treatment testing objection racism analogy sexism analogy animal rights animal testing human-animal similarity pain and suffering ethical treatment speciesism moral consideration compassionate behavior sentient beings physiological resemblance behavioral indicators emotional experience ethical boundaries moral philosophy non-human rights empathy cruelty prevention ethical consumption animal welfare laws humane practices rights-based ethics animals harm difference degree type bodies resemblance conveying meaning pain fear tormentor pleasure activities pet dog walk people feelings appearance behaviour anatomical physiological characteristics right not harmed species racism sexism testing animal rights speciesism animal testing ethical treatment animal cognition pain perception animal emotions moral status non-human animals human-animal similarity anti-cruelty species equality animal welfare compassion ethical philosophy moral consideration sentient beings harm principle bioethics animal advocacy legal rights for animals animal rights ethical treatment speciesism moral consideration physiological similarities behavioral resemblance pain perception emotional capacity sentient beings non-human animals ethics of harm animal testing racism sexism species equality moral rights humane treatment cognitive similarities emotional well-being animal consciousness animal rights speciesism moral consideration pain perception non-human cognition ethical treatment animal testing sentience behavioral similarity physiological similarity empathy moral philosophy anthropomorphism species equality anti-speciesism ethical veganism animal welfare human-animal relationship legal personhood cognitive ethology
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro03a	Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation big interest groups regulatory capture Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringement consumer protection telecommunications industry government policies internet governance ALEC telecom utilities Internet regulation big interest groups regulatory capture SOPA Stop Online Piracy Act copyright enforcement international websites consumer protection telecommunications industry lobbying government policy internet governance ALEC telecom wars telecom utilities Internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA U.S. music and movie companies copyright infringements regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection ALEC telecom utilities internet governance lobbying corporate influence government policy interest-driven regulation internet policing cross-border websites legislative capture internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringement U.S. music and movie companies regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection government involvement ALEC telecom utilities internet governance Internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA U.S. music and movie companies copyright infringement international websites regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection government involvement 112th Congress H.R.3261 internet governance ALEC telecom utilities Internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringements U.S. music and movie companies regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection government involvement ALEC Telecom Wars Internet governance Internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringements international websites regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection erosion of consumer rights ALEC telecom utilities government involvement incentive for regulatory capture Internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringements regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection government involvement internet governance ALEC telecom utilities Internet regulation big interest groups large companies shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringements regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection government policies incentive ALEC telecom wars tech lobby Internet regulation big interest groups corporate influence Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringement regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection lobby effort government policy internet governance ALEC telecom utilities
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro04a	A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. dam Congo navigable usable internally rapids canalisation locks international goods transport interior integrate central Africa global economy investment Congo dam navigable rapids canalisation locks international transportation investment economic integration global economy central Africa dam Congo navigable rapids canalisation locks international transportation economic integration global economy investment central Africa dam construction Congo navigation river usability internal transport rapids obstruction sea access canalization lock systems international trade economic integration global economy investment attraction central Africa development dam Congo navigable rapids canalisation locks international transportation central Africa global economy investment Congo River navigability dam construction economic integration international trade investment attraction canalization locks transportation infrastructure central Africa development dam Congo navigable rapids canalisation locks international transportation economy investment central Africa global economy infrastructure waterway development commerce trade economic integration Congo dam navigation rapids canalisation locks international trade economic integration investment central Africa global economy transport infrastructure development usability waterway commerce regional growth financial attractiveness logistical improvement Congo dam navigability rapids canalisation locks transportation economic integration global economy investment central Africa international trade infrastructure development water management regional connectivity dam Congo navigable rapids canalisation locks international transportation economic integration global economy investment central Africa
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro02a	Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Lisbon Treaty EU member states popular vote European Commission European Court majority voting international agreements legal personality centralized European superstate criminal law national justice systems political reform public debate citizen rights ambiguous policies voter inclusion democratic legitimacy political transparency european integration treaty criticisms Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizen rights centralized European superstate political transparency public debate voter inclusion reform clarity political responsibility Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizens' rights centralized European superstate political clarity public explanation voter inclusion key issues democratic legitimacy reform transparency policy debate Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries criminal law national justice systems Commission power European Court power centralized superstate popular vote citizen legitimisation political reform ambiguity public explanation voter debate key issues democratic process EU governance institutional change policy impact public trust national sovereignty European integration treaty implications democratic legitimacy political transparency citizen rights European politics constitutional reform treaty ratification EU decision-making citizen engagement legal framework political accountability public discourse democratic participation European law treaty criticism public Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizens' rights centralized European superstate political transparency public debate voter inclusion key issues political accountability reform clarity policy impact member states Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting criminal law national justice systems Commission European Court popular vote citizens' rights centralized European superstate political reform public debate key issues voter inclusion policy transparency political responsibility Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizens EU member state centralized European superstate political reform ambiguity complexity public explanation voter inclusion debate key issues democratization transparency accountability Lisbon Treaty EU member states popular vote legal personality international agreements majority voting European Union criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court centralized European superstate reform ambiguity public debate voter inclusion key issues politician responsibility citizen rights treaty impact majority rule EU governance international policies citizen trust referendum legislative transparency policy clarification democratic legitimacy European integration national sovereignty public opinion political accountability EU reforms citizen engagement treaty provisions European superstate policy-making democratic principles European governance legal reforms treaty criticisms EU institutions Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizens' rights centralized European superstate reform ambiguity political responsibility public explanation voter inclusion debate key issues Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizen rights centralized European superstate transparency political clarity public debate voter inclusion key issues democratic legitimacy referendum reform ambiguity political responsibility
test-religion-yercfrggms-con03a	Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Kalam cosmological argument William Lane Craig existence causality universe finite beings infinite regress uncaused cause creator atheism logical absurdity origin of the universe uncaused origin cosmological argument existence causality finite contingent infinite regression universe creation atheist explanation logical absurdity MACMILLAN WILLIAM LANE CRAIG KALAM 1979 origins creation cosmology causality infinite regression universe origin Big Bang William Lane Craig Kalam Cosmological Argument atheism philosophy of religion metaphysics uncaused cause intelligent design divine creation scientific explanation logical absurdity causal principles naturalism uncaused cause infinite regression cosmological argument Kalam argument William Lane Craig causality finite beings contingent existence logical impossibility atheism alternative explanations universe origin creator logical absurdity cosmological argument Kalam William Lane Craig causality finite beings infinite causal chain uncaused cause creator atheism logical absurdity universe origin 4.3 billion years MacMillan 1979 universe origin finite beings infinite causality uncaused cause logical absurdity kalam cosmological argument creation vs atheism william lane craig cause universe existence finite contingent causal chain infinite uncaused cause creator logical impossibility atheism William Lane Craig Kalam Cosmological Argument Big Bang origin time space causality metaphysics philosophy of religion universe cause existence cosmological argument William Lane Craig Kalam creation atheism logical absurdity infinite causality uncaused cause finite beings contingent beings causal chain origin Big Bang philosophy theology metaphysics Kalam Cosmological Argument William Lane Craig Universe origin causality principle infinite regression uncaused cause Big Bang cosmology philosophy of religion atheism critique logical absurdity existence justification cause causality universe existence finite contingent infinite causal chain uncaused cause creator atheism logical absurdity Kalam Cosmological Argument William Lane Craig
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro01a	Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa struggling population GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication drug pricing average citizen patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment South Africa India increased access treatment levels preventable diseases death rates Afrobarometer Hofmeyr affordable drugs generic cheaper production Africa population GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition poor medication price average citizen patented Glivec cancer treatment South Africa India equivalent cost access levels treatment death rates preventable diseases Afrobarometer Hofmeyr decade management dissatisfaction affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication average citizen patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment drug cost comparison increased access treatment levels preventable diseases death rates Afrobarometer Hofmeyr Op Cit Easily affordable drugs greater access generic drugs cheaper production Africa struggling population GDP growth wealth distribution poor economic condition high cost drugs generic medication affordable price average citizen patented drug Glivec cancer treatment cost comparison South Africa India increased access higher treatment levels reduced death rates preventable diseases affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication Glivec cancer treatment drug pricing increased access treatment levels death rates preventable diseases healthcare accessibility economic inequality population health Easily affordable drugs greater access generic drugs cheaper production Africa's population GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication patented drug Glivec cancer treatment drug cost India production increased access treatment levels death rates preventable diseases Africa health improvement affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication drug pricing average citizen patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment cost difference increased access treatment levels death rates preventable diseases healthcare access economic management Afrobarometer Hofmeyr South Africa India affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa's population GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment drug pricing access to medication treatment levels preventable diseases death rates healthcare access African healthcare economic inequality health economics affordable drugs greater access generic drugs cheaper production Africa GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment drug prices affordable healthcare treatment levels death rates preventable diseases healthcare access economic inequality healthcare affordability drug affordability treatment affordability affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment cost reduction average citizen increased access treatment levels preventable diseases death rates Africa's population economic management healthcare affordability
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro01a	Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. religious belief irrationality evidence God existence miracles healings proof psychological differences human beings objective reality wish-fulfillment loving all-powerful divine supernatural atheism agnosticism rationality philosophy theology science spirituality personal experience faith skepticism empirical evidence religious studies cognitive science human psychology atheism agnosticism evidence-based reasoning critical thinking scientific method skepticism psychological projection human cognition wishful thinking divine intervention religious psychology faith versus reason empirical evidence philosophical arguments existence of God miracles religious experiences subjective reality psychological differences objective truth anthropomorphic deities irrationality evidence God miracles healings proof psychological differences wish-fulfillment objectively divine reality all-powerful loving being existence faith skepticism atheism belief religion human mind spirituality empirical science philosophy cognition theology spirituality consciousness superstition logic reasoning rational supernatural natural phenomenon perception cognition consciousness skepticism faith-based evidence-based argument debate philosophy-of-religion epistemology metaphysics ethics morality worldview cosmology universe religious belief irrationality evidence of God miracles healings psychological differences human experiences wish-fulfillment loving God all-powerful being divine reality atheism skepticism religious skepticism empirical evidence spiritual experiences subjective beliefs objective truth faith vs reason Religious belief irrationality evidence God existence miracles healings proof reliability religious experiences psychology human beings objective reality wish-fulfillment loving all-powerful divine supernatural skepticism faith secular atheism spirituality personal experience scientific scrutiny empirical evidence philosophical argument theology doubt belief systems cultural influence emotional comfort cognitive biases religious belief irrational evidence God miracles healings reliable proof religious experiences psychological differences human beings objective divine reality belief in God wish-fulfillment loving all-powerful being watching over us religious belief irrational evidence God miracles healings proof religious experiences psychological differences wish-fulfilment loving all-powerful being divine reality human psychology faith skepticism atheism theistic arguments secular perspective religious belief irrational evidence God miracles healings reliability proof religious experiences psychological differences human beings objective divine reality wish-fulfillment loving all-powerful being oversight atheism skepticism faith spirituality philosophical arguments metaphysics empirical evidence scientific method personal conviction cognitive bias psychological need existential comfort moral support cosmic purpose afterlife soul consciousness transcendent experiences mystical encounters religious symbolism myth cultural influence personal growth community tradition spiritual practices meditation prayer religious texts sacred scriptures historical context Religious belief irrationality evidence God's existence miracles healings proof psychological differences human beings objective divine reality wish-fulfilment loving all-powerful being oversight irrationality atheism agnosticism evidence divine miracles healings psychological human belief God wish-fulfilment loving powerful being objective reality religious experiences differences spirituality faith skepticism philosophy metaphysics theology science proof religion existence supernatural empirical consciousness worldview cognition beliefs culture traditions sacred myths symbols rituals moral ethics values existential purpose meaning universe cosmos creation evolution natural supernatural paradox mystery uncertainty understanding
test-culture-mthbah-pro01a	There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. advertisements advertising society television bus street city research ads survey out of control redundant profiteering peace New York Times advertisements advertising society television bus street sell inform city research people daily surveyed out of control minds saturated redundant profiteering peace forced watch listen view New York Times visual pollution commercial messages marketing saturation consumerism urban environment digital ads billboard media consumer rights privacy advertisements advertising society volume television bus street research city daily survey out of control minds saturated redundant profiteering peace forced New York Times advertising saturation urban life daily exposure consumerism intrusive marketing commercial overload psychological impact public space media consumption advertisement frequency societal impact consumer fatigue visual pollution marketing ethics information overload urban environments ad proliferation consumer rights mental peace commercial messaging advertisements advertising volume society television bus street sell inform city 5000 advertisements day survey out of control saturated redundant profiteering peace forced watch listen view New York Times too many advertisements advertising volume daily life ads city advertisements advertisement saturation out of control advertising redundant information profiteering ads daily life peace forced advertisements New York Times ads advertisements advertising society television bus street city daily life research saturation redundant profiteering peace New York Times survey out of control volume information forced watch listen view advertisements advertising society television bus street city propaganda marketing consumerism saturation information overload survey control peace daily life exposure profiteering redundant New York Times visual pollution commercialization advertisements everyday life volume society television bus street sell inform city 5000 advertisements research out of control saturated redundant profiteering peace forced watch listen view advertisements advertising volume societal impact city life exposure consumer behavior media consumption public opinion intrusive marketing visual pollution mental saturation daily life New York Times research survey out of control redundant information profiteering peace of mind
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro01a	There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. evolution creationism intelligent design scientific consensus academic freedom Dr. Michael Behe irreducible complexity court cases educational policy teaching evolution controversy in science scientific debate alternative theories biological origins natural selection genetic mutation scientific method peer review scientific community indisputable proof educational reform balanced education critical thinking Darwinism anti-evolution science education philosophical implications moral implications religious beliefs secularism public education curriculum development scientific literacy scientific controversy legal challenges First Amendment Establishment Clause separation of church and state pedagogical evolution controversy origin of life development of life children education scientific disagreement evolution critics Dr. Michael Behe flaws in evolution scientific community court cases books televised debates global controversy teaching evolution consensus in science alternative theories evolution education intelligent design creationism academic freedom evolution controversy origin of life development of life scientific community consensus education teaching evolution creationism intelligent design Dr. Michael Behe court cases debates books UMKC School of Law Doug Linder scientific theories alternative explanations educational curriculum indoctrination critical thinking evolution creationism intelligent design controversy in science teaching evolution Michael Behe scientific consensus court cases debates educational curriculum origin of life development of life scientific community indoctrination alternative theories evidence for evolution evidence against evolution student education critical thinking academic freedom evolution controversy origin of life development of life scientific disagreement Dr. Michael Behe flaws in evolution court cases scientific community consensus teaching evolution indoctrination academic freedom intelligent design creationism natural selection genetic mutation fossil record molecular biology education policy scientific method peer review scientific theories alternative explanations public debate scientific evidence scientific consensus educational curriculum critical thinking student learning evolution creationism intelligent design Michael Behe scientific consensus controversy education teaching court cases debates books Doug Linder University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law origin of life development of life Darwinism scientific community alternative theories academic freedom evolution controversy origin of life development of life scientific disagreement Dr. Michael Behe flaws in evolution court cases books televised debates teaching both sides scientific consensus evolution education alternative theories intelligent design natural selection evolutionary biology creationism academic freedom scientific community undisputable proof educational curriculum student perspective multiple viewpoints scientific debate scientific evidence Darwinism non-evolutionary explanations biological complexity irreducible complexity molecular biology paleontology fossil record genetic drift natural selection mutation genetic variation scientific integrity academic diversity scientific methodology evolution controversy origin of life development of life scientific community Dr. Michael Behe flaws in evolution disagreement court cases books televised debates children education teaching both sides consensus indisputable proof scientific theories education policy academic freedom evolution controversy origin of life development of life children education teaching both sides scientific community Dr. Michael Behe flaws in evolution scientific disagreement court cases books televised debates global perspective consensus indisputable proof school curriculum evolution debate scientific theories educational fairness evolution controversy origin of life development of life scientific disagreement Dr. Michael Behe flaws in evolution court cases books televised debates teaching both sides scientific consensus evolution in schools indoctrination alternative theories Intelligent Design creationism academic freedom pedagogical approaches scientific debate public education scientific method evidence-based learning critical thinking skills competing hypotheses natural selection mutation genetic drift fossil record molecular biology philosophical implications religious beliefs secular education scientific community diversity scientific literacy policy debates legal challenges educational reform scientific revolutions paradigm
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro02a	Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid salary premium government employees private sector workers union negotiations political credibility cost effectiveness public opinion worker drain innovation risk-taking Andrew G. Biggs Wisconsin Scott Walker collective bargaining public sector pay crises overpaid workers salary premium government negotiation union demands political credibility cost effectiveness private sector comparison worker drain innovation risk taking public opinion Scott Walker Andrew Biggs US News 2011 collective bargaining public sector pay crises overpaid salary premium resource waste government negotiations union demands political credibility cost effectiveness private sector comparison worker drain innovation public opinion risk taking Andrew G. Biggs Scott Walker Wisconsin collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid workers salary premium government waste union negotiations political credibility cost effectiveness public opinion private sector worker drain innovation risk-taking Andrew G. Biggs Scott Walker Wisconsin collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid salary premium government workers private sector comparison resource waste union demands political credibility cost effectiveness public opinion negotiation vulnerability worker migration innovation gap risk aversion Scott Walker public sector inefficiency private sector dynamism collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid public sector salaries private sector comparison salary premium resource waste worker demands government negotiations political credibility cost effectiveness union power public opinion private enterprise skill comparison labor drain innovation public sector risks Andrew G. Biggs Wisconsin Scott Walker collective bargaining reform collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid salary premium resource waste government negotiation union demands political credibility cost effectiveness private sector public opinion worker drain innovation risk-taking government services private enterprise public sector workers private sector workers skilled labor Andrew G. Biggs Scott Walker Wisconsin collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid salary premium resource waste government negotiations union demands political credibility cost effectiveness private sector worker drain innovation public opinion risk-taking Wisconsin Scott Walker US News Andrew G. Biggs 2011 collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid salary premium resource waste government negotiations political credibility cost effectiveness private sector public opinion union demands worker drain innovation risk-taking public services private enterprise Scott Walker Andrew G. Biggs US News collective bargaining public sector pay crises salary premium overpaid worker demands government negotiations union influence public opinion private sector labor market innovation resource allocation political credibility cost effectiveness worker migration risk taking private enterprise economic efficiency public versus private Andrew G. Biggs US News Scott Walker Wisconsin politics
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro02a	The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. theodicy divine providence free will moral evil natural evil omnipotence omnibenevolence existence of God religious skepticism problem of evil human suffering divine justice theological paradox belief in God spiritual crisis atheism agnosticism faith and reason religious philosophy moral theology philosophical theology problem of evil divine omnipotence divine goodness theological paradox moral theodicy religious skepticism existence of God human suffering free will defense philosophical theology argument from evil atheist perspective religious belief divine intervention cosmic justice spiritual paradox faith and doubt existential questioning religious philosophy moral objections to God theodicy divine justice free will moral evil natural evil atheism agnosticism omnipotence omniscience benevolence philosophical theology religious beliefs existential questions human condition compassion empathy divine interventions spiritual suffering ethical implications theological arguments skepticism faith doubt divine attributes humanitarianism moral responsibility suffering causes philosophical critiques religious texts divine love sin redemption forgiveness meaning of life cosmic justice providence afterlife salvation human dignity existentialism pessimism optimism suffering solutions coping mechanisms psychological problem of evil theodicy philosophical theology divine omnipotence divine goodness free will defense moral evil natural evil atheism agnosticism religious skepticism human suffering divine intervention omnibenevolence omnipotence paradox suffering and belief ethical theism argument from evil religious philosophy Existence of God debates theodicy divine omnipotence free will moral evil natural evil existential questioning divine indifference religious doubt philosophical theology ethical dilemma human misery spiritual crisis faith versus reason divine justice suffering paradox benevolence of God existence of evil theological critique compassionate deity inexplicable suffering God's nature Free will Theodicy Moral evil Natural evil Human suffering Divine omnipotence Divine benevolence Religious belief Atheism Agnosticism Existentialism Philosophical theology Problem of evil Suffering in theology Justification of evil Religious skepticism Spiritual doubt Faith and reason theodicy divine omnipotence divine benevolence free will moral evil natural evil human suffering Gods existence philosophical theology religious philosophy argument from evil atheism belief in God divine indifference justice of God cosmic justice existentialism meaning of suffering compassion faith and doubt religion philosophy theodicy ethics morality free will divine providence human suffering divine omnipotence divine benevolence atheism agnosticism existentialism skepticism religious doubt pain injustice compassion evil goodness faith doubt spiritual crisis theological debate rationality belief disbelief religious beliefs suffering and religion problem of evil the nature of God moral arguments religious explanations human existence theological questions critical thinking existential questions religious philosophy theological challenges moral philosophy philosophical theology moral theologians religious texts sacred theodicy divine omnipotence moral evil natural evil free will defense divine hiddenness religious skepticism ethical theology philosophical theology suffering paradox god's benevolence human free will divine intervention critiques of religion existential angst faith and doubt religious pluralism divine justice the argument from evil the problem of evil the nature of god the existence of god moral implications of suffering theodicy theories religious experience atheism agnosticism divine attributes rebuttals to the problem of evil the meaning of life spiritual suffering theological responses God existence omnipotence benevolence evil moral argument theodicy free will human nature divine silence religious belief skepticism atheism philosophical theology suffering pain innocence empathy compassion moral responsibility
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con04a	"Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" trial by jury limiting jury trials unjustified cases human fallibility absolute rules illegal evidence corrupt government precedent rule consequentialism legal measures court convictions government authority legal precedents moral legitimacy trial by jury rule consequentialism legal measures government authority unjustified cases fallible humans absolute rules corrupt governments evidence admissibility judicial precedent individual circumstances legitimate decision perfect world power misuse trial by jury legal precedents government power fallibility absolute rules unjustified removal corrupt governments rule consequentialism illegal evidence court procedures civic rights judicial system moral philosophy legal ethics trial by jury limiting jury trials unjustified cases human fallibility absolute rules illegal evidence court proceedings government misuse corrupt governments precedent setting rule consequentialism Brad Hooker trial by jury rule consequentialism legal precedents government power corruption fallibility of humans absolute rules illegal evidence court decisions unjustified removal legitimate condemnation specific circumstances perfect world moral philosophy legal philosophy judicial system citizen rights legal ethics Brad Hooker trial by jury limiting trial by jury fallible humans absolute rules illegal evidence court proceedings corrupt government rule consequentialism Brad Hooker judicial integrity legal precedents unjustified removal constitutional rights legal reform judicial authority citizen rights law enforcement judicial misconduct legal principles democratic values limiting trial by jury unjustified cases human fallibility absolute rules illegal evidence court convictions corrupt government misuse of authority precedent rule consequentialism Brad Hooker trial by jury legal limitations rule consequentialism government power corrupt governments illegal evidence absolute rules moral philosophy legal philosophy judicial integrity jury system legal precedents fallible humans legal safeguards constitutional rights judicial reform legal ethics judicial authority democratic principles legal accountability trial by jury unjustified cases human fallibility absolute rules illegal evidence court convictions government authority corrupt governments precedent setting rule consequentialism Brad Hooker trial by jury legal limits rule consequentialism governmental power fallibility of humans judicial integrity evidence admissibility legal precedents corrupt governance unjustified legal restrictions"
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro04a	Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering illegal finance criminal activities hacking phishing extortion identity fraud sports corruption bribery international crime law enforcement challenges cybercrime financial crimes bet fixing Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering criminal cash international laws hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption sport betting bribery sportsmen Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering illegal cash international laws criminal cash tracking hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption sports betting bribery threatening sportsmen Online gambling crime facilitation money laundering Mafia human trafficking forced prostitution drug trafficking illegal finance criminal cash flow international gambling law evasion cybercrime hacking phishing extortion identity theft sports corruption bribery athlete threats illegal betting Online gambling crime facilitation money laundering Mafia illegal activities human trafficking forced prostitution drug trade criminal finances circulation of illicit funds international gambling law evasion cybercrime hacking phishing extortion identity theft large-scale crime sports corruption bribery athlete threats Online gambling crime facilitation human trafficking forced prostitution drug trafficking Mafia money laundering criminal finance international crime legal circumvention hacking phishing extortion identity fraud cybercrime sports corruption bribery athlete intimidation illegal betting Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering illegal funds circulation criminal cash tracking hacking phishing extortion identity fraud international gambling cybercrime sports corruption bribery threat sports betting illegal betting Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering criminal cash tracking hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption sport bribery threats international laws dirty money clean money large scale physical proximity Online gambling crime Mafia money laundering human trafficking forced prostitution drugs illegal activities hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption sport betting bribery threatening international laws criminal cash tracking large scale crime physical proximity constraints Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering international legal tracking hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption sport bribery threats sportsmen criminal activities financial circulation
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro01a	The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, Africa electricity Sub-Saharan Africa power Grand Inga renewable energy human rights economy production investment hospital services food refrigeration businesses education World Bank energy access hydro projects electricity access gap sustainable development infrastructure poverty reduction Africa electricity access Sub-Saharan Africa economic impact social consequences World Bank Grand Inga renewable energy power generation electrification human rights healthcare education business climate control food preservation investment production sustainable development energy poverty hydroelectric power DRC South Africa international cooperation infrastructure environmental impact energy distribution rural electrification urban development technology transfer policy governance funding community development poverty reduction energy security climate change green energy power supply energy access gap energy policy energy projects energy solutions development challenges regional Africa electricity access Sub-Saharan Africa power generation renewable energy Grand Inga Dam economic development social impact human rights healthcare education infrastructure energy poverty World Bank hydroelectric projects sustainable development investment production constraints environmental impact policy technology poverty reduction public services climate change resource management regional cooperation energy security electrification water management project financing community benefits Africa’s energy gap renewable resources power distribution electricity reliability energy efficiency rural electrification urban development infrastructure investment energy access solutions sustainable infrastructure energy policy economic dam power Africa Sub-Saharan Africa electricity access economic constraints social impacts human rights hospital services refrigeration business functionality education Grand Inga renewable energy low price electricity gap SA-DRC pact hydro projects environmental impact power distribution Grand Inga renewable energy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity access economic development human rights World Bank hydroelectric power energy gap infrastructure sustainable development Africa's population modern hospital services refrigeration education business functionality poverty reduction environmental impact international cooperation energy policy Africa electricity access Sub-Saharan Africa World Bank human rights hospital services refrigeration education economy production investment renewable energy Grand Inga hydro projects energy gap half a billion people low price power supply development infrastructure Africa electricity access Sub-Saharan Africa power generation economy investment society human rights hospital services refrigeration businesses education Grand Inga renewable energy electricity gap World Bank energy policy hydro projects infrastructure development sustainable development Africa electricity Sub-Saharan Africa access economy society human rights hospitals heat food businesses schools Grand Inga renewable energy low price half a billion electricity gap World Bank SA-DRC pact hydro projects power people Yale Environment 360 Fred Pearce SAinfo reporter Energy The Facts Addressing the Electricity Access Gap hydropower renewable energy electricity access Sub-Saharan Africa Grand Inga economic development social impact human rights infrastructure energy poverty investment production hospital services education business climate control food preservation World Bank sustainable development Africa's energy future power generation regional cooperation poverty reduction Grand Inga renewable energy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity access economic development human rights hospital services refrigeration business operations education energy poverty hydroelectric power World Bank Africa's population environmental impact sustainable development energy infrastructure investment constraints production limitations electricity gap power generation social consequences thermal power renewable resources energy security climate change poverty reduction international cooperation technological innovation policy support infrastructure development regional integration rural electrification urban development power supply energy efficiency energy access solutions sustainable energy energy policy energy consumption energy demand
test-international-miasimyhw-con02a	Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth unemployment youth unemployment migrants informal employment formal jobs urban economics livelihoods precarious employment sexual politics employment security minimum wages urban phenomena unsafe jobs secure jobs economic activity sombre picture new migrants opportunities Zuehlke Potts Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena youth unemployment migrants informal employment precarious living unsafe jobs sexual politics employment security minimum wages Urbanisation Industrialisation Migrants Sub-Saharan Africa Economic Growth Youth Unemployment Informal Employment Sexual Politics Precarious Livelihoods Minimum Wages Employment Security Urbanisation without industrialisation dangerous livelihoods migrants Africa urban phenomena economic growth youth unemployment informal employment unsafe jobs sexual politics precarious methods employment security minimum wages Sub-Saharan Africa Potts 2012 Zuehlke 2009 Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena migrants livelihoods unemployment youth informal employment formal jobs urban economics unhealthy sexual politics precarious methods minimum wages employment security Zuehlke Potts Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban economics migrants unemployment youth unemployment informal employment job scarcity unsafe jobs sexual politics precarious living minimum wages employment security Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena migrants unemployment youth unemployment informal employment secure jobs sexual politics precarious living minimum wages employment security Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena youth unemployment migrant livelihoods informal employment secure jobs sexual politics precarious living employment security minimum wages Zuehlke 2009 Potts 2012 Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena migrant livelihoods unemployment youth unemployment informal employment sexual politics precarious work minimum wages employment security Urbanisation industrialisation Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena migrant employment informal sector youth unemployment secure jobs sexual politics precarious living minimum wage employment security
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro03a	The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. profiling airport security Israeli methods El Al terrorist threats privacy concerns security effectiveness passenger screening hijackings bombings US security UK security threat prevention security measures hostile intent detection security protocols aviation security counterterrorism strategies targeted security national security policies security screening techniques Israel profiling airports security El Al terrorism privacy hijackings bombings US UK terrorist atrocities security measures hostile intent threat management passenger screening Israel profiling airports security El Al hijackings bombings terrorist atrocities US UK privacy effective security measures passenger screening threat prevention hostile intent Israel profiling airports security El Al hijackings bombings terrorist atrocities US UK privacy threats safety measures 旅客筛选 安检效率 反恐策略 国家安全 预防措施 安全检查 飞行安全 以色列模式 安检经验 个人隐私 恐怖主义威胁 安全政策 机场安全 客运安全 飞行安保 恐怖威胁应对 旅客安全 以色列安全措施 安检筛选 Israel profiling airport security El Al hijackings bombings terrorist atrocities US UK security measures privacy invasion threat prevention hostile intent security solutions profiling airport security Israel El Al terrorist threats passenger screening privacy concerns US UK security measures anti-terrorism hijackings bombings hostile intent security solutions Israel profiling airports security El Al terrorist threats privacy hijackings bombings US UK hostile intent passenger screening security measures terrorist atrocities national security airport security practices effective profiling targeted security checks Israel profiling airport security El Al hijackings bombings privacy terrorist atrocities US UK security measures hostile intent Israel profiling airport security threat detection privacy passenger screening El Al terrorism US UK security measures hostile intent SecuritySolutions.com Israel profiling airports security El Al hijackings bombings privacy terrorism US UK threats hostile intent security solutions
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro03a	Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 collective bargaining democratic process public sector unions private enterprise taxpayer representation political influence union negotiations public sector stakeholders elected officials union voting power government oversight union rights taxpayer control fiscal responsibility political mandate union power democratic accountability public interest union impact on democracy collective bargaining democratic process public sector unions private enterprise stakeholders taxpayers politicians negotiations mandate electorate public unions block of voters government office-holders union rights taxpayer control spending Oregon Herald union bargaining government workers collective bargaining public sector unions democracy taxpayer representation political influence union power public sector stakeholders elected officials union negotiations private enterprise voter influence government accountability union bargaining rights democratic process public unions taxpayer money political mandates union block voting privatization labor relations civic engagement public trust governance fiscal responsibility public policy electoral impact union membership bargaining table stakeholder involvement union impact on democracy government oversight public interest democratic governance union activities negotiation transparency collective agreements public sector unions union influence on politics union representation democratic collective bargaining public sector unions democratic process taxpayer representation union power stakeholder involvement political influence union negotiations elected officials public union bargaining taxpayer control union block voting private sector unions government accountability democratic mandate union rights collective bargaining democratic process public sector unions private enterprise taxpayer representation politician accountability voter influence government negotiation union power public stakeholder involvement democratic mandate elected officials union bargaining rights government workers Oregon Herald collective bargaining public sector unions democratic process taxpayer representation union negotiations public stakeholders political influence union voting power government mandates elected officials private enterprise unions union bargaining rights public funds union influence on elections government accountability union membership union power democratic mandate taxpayer control union-democracy conflict collective bargaining democratic process public sector unions private enterprise taxpayer representation political influence union power stakeholder involvement electoral mandate public union negotiations government oversight voter leverage union bargaining rights taxpayer control public spending collective bargaining public sector private enterprise union negotiations taxpayer representation democratic process political mandate public unions voter influence government accountability union power electorate rights fiscal responsibility union democracy stakeholder involvement political influence union threats elected officials bargaining rights government spending collective bargaining democratic process public sector unions private enterprise union negotiations taxpayer representation political mandate public sector stakeholders union power electoral influence government accountability taxpayer control union bargaining rights public unions private unions government workers Oregon Herald collective bargaining public sector unions democratic process taxpayer representation union power political influence union negotiations government oversight voter bloc private sector unions elected officials public money union bargaining rights democratic mandate union influence on politics taxpayer rights union representation government accountability union bargaining in public sector union impact on democracy
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro03a	The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 God hypothesis science comprehensive view Universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin modern day scientists natural mechanisms creation evolution universe gaps natural order natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Bube Richard H Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis unnecessary science natural order natural laws brain science soul life after death religious belief God-of-the-gaps Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view Universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin natural mechanisms creation evolution universe gaps natural laws closed natural order brain science mental states brain activity soul life after death religious belief Bube Richard H Man Come of Age God-of-the-gaps Bonhoeffer Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view Universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin modern day scientists natural mechanisms creation evolution universe gaps God act closed natural order natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Richard H Bube Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps God hypothesis scientific explanation comprehensive view Universe natural mechanisms creation evolution Galileo Darwin modern science supernatural being natural laws closed natural order brain science soul mental states life after death religious belief Bube Evangelical Theological Society God-of-the-gaps God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view universe natural laws Galileo Darwin modern day creation evolution natural mechanisms supernatural brain science mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Richard H Bube God-of-the-gaps Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer's Response God hypothesis unnecessary science natural laws universe Galileo Darwin creation evolution supernatural being brain science mental states soul life after death religious belief God-of-the-gaps natural mechanisms comprehensive view closed natural order God hypothesis unnecessary scientific tools comprehensive view Universe natural laws no gaps supernatural being Galileo Darwin modern scientists natural mechanisms creation evolution brain science mental states brain activity no soul life after death religious belief Bube Richard H God-of-the-gaps Bonhoeffer Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis science comprehensive view Universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin modern day scientists natural mechanisms creation evolution universe gaps God natural order natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Richard H. Bube God-of-the-gaps Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer's Response God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view Universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin natural mechanisms creation evolution universe gaps natural order natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Richard H. Bube God-of-the-gaps Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer's Response
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro04a	A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, transparency leader survival accident heart attack treatment underlying conditions Mills death president hospital doctors outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival rate Daily Guide My Joy Online transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions transparency in healthcare presidential health medical emergencies emergency procedures advance notice survival rates healthcare communication political health transparency medical response time emergency ward protocols patient identity verification healthcare system efficiency medical transparency public health awareness emergency medical services political figure health issues transparency leader survival accident heart attack prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death transparency president hospital doctors prior warning outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival Daily Guide My Joy Online lack of transparency endanger leader prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death prior warning president hospital doctors called outriders unavailable ambulance indecision emergency ward advance notice survival chances Daily Guide My Joy Online transparency leader survival accident heart attack underlying conditions prompt treatment Mills death hospital prior warning doctors outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival rate My Joy Online Daily Guide transparency leader prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death prior warning hospital doctors outriders ambulance emergency ward survival procedures advance notice transparency leadership health conditions prompt treatment underlying conditions presidential health medical transparency emergency procedures advance notice survival chances medical care presidential security hospital procedures patient identification medical ethics public health political transparency transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills presidential health emergency procedures advance notice medical transparency patient identity healthcare delays political health secrecy transparency leader survival accident heart attack prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills presidential health medical transparency emergency procedures hospital access presidential security advance notice medical response Ghana politics health policy transparency leadership medical treatment prompt care underlying conditions Mills presidential health emergency procedures hospital readiness survival chances political transparency healthcare transparency medical transparency presidential medical privacy emergency response medical ethics public health patient confidentiality crisis management healthcare policy
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro03a	Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. addiction risk reward dopamine impulse control online gambling social isolation financial ruin binge gambling psychological dependence compulsive behavior withdrawal symptoms problem gambling betting frequency tolerance gambling disorders casino race track peer influence responsible gambling time management alcohol influence savings depletion impulsive decisions virtual environment accessibility 24-7 availability gambling culture betting psychology self-exclusion stake limits harm reduction gambling treatment cognitive distortions betting traps 套装营销 impulse purchases instant gratification addiction risk-taking dopamine reward-system escapism internet-gambling social-isolation financial-harm impulsivity compulsive-behavior psychological-dependency gambling-disorder harmful-consequences betting-psychology online-casinos virtual-gambling behavioral-addiction self-control gambling-prevention addiction-awareness addiction risk hope luck drug betting hooked destructive internet gambling social casino race track restraint websites continuous isolation savings alcohol impulsive gambling addiction risk-taking behavior hope for luck drug addiction comparison betting escalation life destruction internet gambling social isolation 24/7 availability lack of social restraint impulsive betting financial destruction gambling while intoxicated Gambling addiction risk-taking psychological reward betting cycle compulsive gambling life impact internet gambling social aspect accessibility online betting gambling websites continuous availability lack of intervention financial harm alcohol influence impulsive behavior gambling addiction risk-taking behavior hope for luck drug addiction comparison increased betting tendency life destruction internet gambling social isolation constant access lack of intervention financial ruin alcohol influence addiction risk-taking hope luck drug addiction betting gambling internet gambling social activity casino race track websites risky bets savings drunk impulse control financial impact mental health isolation compulsive behavior Gambling addiction risk-taking psychological reward compulsive behavior financial ruin internet gambling isolation lack of social control 24/7 availability impaired decision-making substance abuse analogy gambling disorders social gambling responsible gambling 赌瘾 网络赌博 风险感知 心理依赖 决策障碍 社交约束 赌博危害 持续可得性 储蓄损失 酗酒影响 gambling addiction risk-taking hope luck drug addiction betting internet gambling social activity casino race track websites risky bets savings drunk gambling addiction risk-taking hope luck betting gambling internet social casino race track websites savings drunk wrecks lives similar to drug addiction non-stop availability lack of social restraint financial loss impulse control
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con01a	The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer exercise NATO Soviet Union Oleg Gordievsky nuclear abyss nuclear-armed states nuclear proliferation United States Russia nuclear stockpiles non-proliferation nuclear conflict reduction of nuclear weapons self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO KGB Oleg Gordievsky Soviet Union nuclear proliferation United States Russia nuclear stockpiles non-proliferation nuclear conflict reduction of nuclear weapons global security disarmament nuclear deterrence international relations arms control strategic stability conflict prevention peacekeeping nuclear ethics humanitarian impact weapons of mass destruction nuclear policy diplomatic relations security studies military strategy nuclear disarmament international security global politics self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO KGB Oleg Gordievsky Soviet Union nuclear proliferation United States Russia strategic reduction non-proliferation nuclear conflict nuclear destruction arms pact self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO KGB Oleg Gordievsky nuclear abyss Soviet Union nuclear proliferation nuclear stockpiles non-proliferation nuclear conflict nuclear reduction United States Russia global security arms control nuclear risk international relations disarmament self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union Oleg Gordievsky nuclear abyss nuclear-armed states nuclear proliferation nuclear conflict nuclear destruction United States Russia nuclear stockpiles nuclear reduction non-proliferation global security nuclear weapons increase international security nuclear deterrence disarmament geopolitical tensions strategic stability arms control prevention of nuclear war nuclear policy international relations nuclear ethics humanitarian impact nuclear deterrence theory nuclear strategy nuclear self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO KGB Oleg Gordievsky nuclear proliferation nuclear stockpiles non-proliferation nuclear conflict reduction of nuclear weapons United States Russia strategic reduction global security nuclear disarmament nuclear-armed states nuclear first-strike nuclear apocalypse international relations arms control nuclear policy defense strategy military doctrine nuclear deterrence nuclear threat world peace nuclear ethics humanitarian impact nuclear governance nuclear risk reduction self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union Oleg Gordievsky nuclear abyss nuclear-armed states nuclear conflict nuclear proliferation United States Russia nuclear stockpiles non-proliferation reduction of nuclear weapons self-defence international law destructive weapons humanity Cold War nuclear weapons ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union KGB Oleg Gordievsky nuclear abyss nuclear-armed states nuclear conflict United States Russia nuclear proliferation nuclear stockpiles non-proliferation nuclear reduction global security disarmament peace self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO KGB Oleg Gordievsky Soviet Union nuclear proliferation non-proliferation United States Russia nuclear stockpiles reduction warheads conflict destruction global security arms control disarmament strategic stability international relations peace safety nuclear policy geopolitical tensions crisis management military strategy deterrence nuclear ethics humanitarian impact arms race treaty compliance verification enforcement international cooperation diplomacy Cold War self-defence international law nuclear weapons Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union Oleg Gordievsky nuclear proliferation United States Russia non-proliferation nuclear reduction global security nuclear conflict nuclear disarmament international relations military strategy nuclear deterrence ethical warfare arms control historical conflicts nuclear war nuclear arsenal geopolitical tensions crisis management international cooperation strategic stability peacekeeping disarmament policies nuclear ethics humanitarian impact weapons of mass destruction global governance diplomatic tensions nuclear deterrence theory nuclear strategy international
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro02a	An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment construction cost workers local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electricity Inga III Kinshasa hydropower project DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment construction cost employment local suppliers electricity industry competitiveness Inga III Kinshasa households hydropower project DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment construction cost employment local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness electricity access Inga III Kinshasa households DRC economy Grand Inga dam foreign investment job creation local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electrification Inga III Kinshasa households Grand Inga dam DRC economy investment construction cost employment local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electricity Inga III Kinshasa hydropower project DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment construction cost employment local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electricity Inga III Kinshasa ujuh hydropower project DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment construction cost employment local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electricity Kinshasa Inga III hydropower project DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment construction cost workers local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electrification Inga III Kinshasa households Grand Inga dam DRC economy investment construction cost employment local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electricity Inga III Kinshasa hydropower project DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment construction cost employment local suppliers electricity industry Kinshasa Inga III households hydropower project
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro03a	Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 internet access freedom of information freedom of expression fundamental freedom article 19 universal declaration of human rights government duties respect protect fulfil block access interfere provide information third generation activism empowerment UNESCO Agnes Callamard internet access freedom of information freedom of expression fundamental freedom article 19 universal declaration of human rights government duties duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfil government-held information non-interference lawful communications internet freedom activism empowerment of people UNESCO Agnes Callamard third generation of activism right to freedom of information access to mediums self-expression internet access freedom of information freedom of expression human rights article 19 universal declaration of human rights government duties respect protect fulfil non-interference lawful communications government information internet freedom self-expression third generation activism empowerment UNESCO internet access freedom of information freedom of expression universal declaration of human rights government duties respect protect fulfil blocking access preventing interference providing access freedom to express third generation activism empowerment UNESCO Agnes Callamard internet access freedom of information freedom of expression fundamental freedom universal declaration of human rights government duties respect protect fulfil lawful communications government-held information block access internet users activism empowerment UNESCO Callamard Agnes Internet access freedom of information freedom of expression fundamental freedom article 19 universal declaration of human rights government duties duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfill government-held information UN Callamard third generation activism empowerment people's rights communication mediums lawful communications non-interference digital rights online expression information access human rights law international law digital freedom civil liberties internet governance global communications digital empowerment internet access freedom of information freedom of expression fundamental freedom article 19 universal declaration of human rights government duties respect protect fulfil non-interference lawful communications government-held information blocking access preventing interference providing access self-expression third generation activism empowerment UNESCO Agnes Callamard Internet access freedom of information freedom of expression human rights article 19 government duties duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfill government interference lawful communications access to government information third-generation activism UNESCO empowerment of people Agnes Callamard internet access freedom of information freedom of expression human rights article 19 universal declaration government duties respect protect fulfill communication internet censorship digital rights online expression information access empowerment activism unesco callamard internet access freedom of information freedom of expression human rights article 19 government duties duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfil government interference lawful communications access to government information internet censorship digital rights media freedom empowerment UNESCO Agnes Callamard third generation activism right to information
test-law-phwmfri-pro03a	Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate struggling significant sacrifices Canada respondents surveys justice unfair preferential treatment poor law enforcement impartial crimes interests group open justice government consent power explanation defense trust policy origin impartiality society crime designation reflection interests circumstances police force law-makers opinion check balance abuse obligation change system operation legal fairness community relationship equity enforcement official authority public view perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate justice law enforcement fairness poor Canadian justice system principle of open justice government by consent trust impartiality crimes societal norms economic disparity legal equality perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate justice fairness law enforcement preferential treatment poor principle of open justice government by consent impartiality crimes societal trust legal system equality social perceptions enforcement fairness policy impact National Council of Welfare Canadian justice system public opinion legal accountability societal impact crime designation economic disparity legal reform financial penalties equity socioeconomic status judicial credibility public confidence law adherence economic justice punitive measures societal norms legal integrity enforcement consistency policy justification legal transparency criminal justice income-proportionate fines perception of fairness justice system impartiality rich and poor disparity law enforcement trust principle of open justice government by consent fair law enforcement criminal justice equity societal trust in laws economic status and punishment legal system transparency public perception of justice wealthy accountability socio-economic fairness in justice equitable legal consequences financial penalties and fairness justice system reform public trust in judiciary fair treatment in law economic disparity in sentencing legal equity justice system integrity equitable fines criminal justice and public opinion law enforcement credibility fairness in legal punishments socioeconomic justice equitable legal sanctions perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate fairness justice system law enforcement public trust impartiality crime social equity economic disparity legal system public opinion government accountability principle of open justice perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate justice fairness law enforcement society government consent policy impartiality crimes trust national council of welfare canada survey respondents preferential treatment poor sacrificial significant changes principle of open justice explanations defense obligations redesign spill over areas circumstances acts interests groups designations perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate fairness justice system Canadian survey respondents preferential treatment poor law enforcement impartial trust crime government consent power check balance explanation defense policy spill over true reflection interests group open justice perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate justice law enforcement fairness trust impartiality crime society Canada National Council of Welfare survey respondents preferential treatment poor system of government consent power check balance Principle of Open Justice policy abuse opinion explanation designation interests reflection spill over circumstances crime designation true reflection group interests law-makers obligation change defend improve relations enhance perceptions enforce policy origin obscured one area other areas police force law enforcement system income-proportionate fines perception of fairness justice system impartiality law enforcement trust economic inequality legal system accountability public opinion on justice principle of open justice sentencing equity financial penalties social justice legal deterrence equitable law enforcement policy design in law public trust in police legal reforms criminal justice perception economic status in legal outcomes legal system scrutiny justice and poverty perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate fairness justice system law enforcement trust impartiality crime social consent public opinion government power policy impact crime designation National Council of Welfare Canada surveys respondents poor economic disparity legal equality Principle of Open Justice enforcement perception policy defense legal change community relations judicial integrity societal norms economic justice legal fairness public trust judicial transparency
test-international-miasimyhw-con01a	Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? migration exploitation free labour market neoclassical pull factors job imbalance economic laws complex factors lack of choice forced migration trafficking COMESA undetected victims clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement quality migration exploitation neoclassical economic laws complex factors lack of choice free labour market job imbalance pull factors economic value forced migration trafficking COMESA undetected victims clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement types neoclassical economics pull factors economic laws labor imbalance migration complexities lack of choice free labor market economic value forced migration trafficking COMESA region undetected victims clandestine migration cheap labor flexible labor emerging economies labor movement ethics migration management human rights economic exploitation policy implications social factors political factors cultural factors legal migration irregular migration labor rights global migration trends regional migration policies migration and development migration governance ethical labor practices labor market dynamics migration studies labor exploitation migration and trafficking migration and free markets migration exploitation neoclassical pull factors job imbalance economic laws complex factors lack of choice free labour market trade non-economic reasons management forced migration trafficking COMESA undetected victims clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies just labour movement migration neoclassical economic laws pull factors complex factors lack of choice free labour market trade non-economic reasons effective management forced migration trafficking COMESA identified cases 2012 Musinguzi undetected victims work distinctions trafficked migrants clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies labour movement justice migration exploitation neoclassical economic laws imbalance jobs free labour market complex factors lack of choice economic value forced migration trafficking COMESA identified cases victims undetected clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement management distinctions trafficked migrants migration exploitation neoclassical pull factors economic imbalance job market free labour market trade choice complex factors forced migration trafficking COMESA undetected victims clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement management economic value bigger picture human rights policy regulation social factors economic laws mobility regional integration labor rights ethical concerns development inequality vulnerability security migration policies labor standards economic migration social migration voluntary migration involuntary migration labor exploitation human trafficking labor market dynamics Migration exploitation neoclassical economics labor markets economic imbalance job scarcity economic laws complex migration factors lack of choice free labor market economic value labor mobility trade facilitation forced migration human trafficking COMESA region trafficking cases undetected trafficking clandestine migration cheap labor flexible labor emerging economies labor justice labor movement types effective management migration policies human rights labor rights economic migration social factors political factors environmental factors cultural factors migration governance international labor standards labor exploitation migrant worker protections trafficking prevention migration ethics migration exploitation neoclassical pull factors economic laws complex factors lack of choice free labour market trade forced migration trafficking COMESA undetected victims clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement management economic value social justice human rights policy regulation development regional cooperation migration patterns labor rights human trafficking economic migration social migration political migration environmental migration migration policies labor market dynamics workforce mobility economic development regional integration labor exploitation human dignity migration governance international labor standards migration exploitation neoclassical economics pull factors economic imbalance job market complex factors lack of choice free labour market trade non-economic reasons forced migration trafficking COMESA victim identification clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies labour justice migration management
test-culture-mthbah-pro03a	Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. advertisements brainwash customers choose ignore underhand methods posters attention-grabbing words provocative pictures hidden art public information digital screens alter specific events seemingly all-knowing targeting unconscious thoughts freedoms choices New York Times marketing manipulation consumer psychology visual persuasion ubiquitous technology interactive dynamic content subliminal messaging psychological tactics media environment digital billboards consumer rights ethical advertising awareness media literacy digital age advertising brainwashing customers ignore underhand methods posters attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden advertisements art public information digital screens specific events unconscious thoughts freedoms choices marketing everywhere all-knowing New York Times media manipulation consumer autonomy psychological tactics advertising brainwashing customer manipulation unconscious influence marketing tactics attention-grabbing techniques posters provocative images hidden advertising art public information digital screens dynamic content event-responsive ads freedom of choice pervasive advertising visual pollution consumer awareness psychological impact ethical marketing advertising brainwashing customer choice underhand methods attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden advertisements art deception public information deception digital screens eventresponsive advertising unconscious thoughts freedom of choice pervasive advertising brainwashing customers underhand methods attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden advertising art public information digital screens specific events unconscious thoughts freedom choice pervasive advertising New York Times advertising brainwash customers ignore underhand methods posters attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden ads art public information digital screens specific events everywhere all-knowing unconscious thoughts freedoms choices New York Times Advertisements brainwash customers ignore underhand methods attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden ads art public information digital screens specific events all-knowing unconscious thoughts freedom choices everywhere New York Times Advertisements brainwash customers ignore underhand methods posters attention-grabbing provocative hidden art public-information digital-screens specific-events unconscious-thoughts freedoms choices New-York-Times everywhere all-knowing brainwashing unconscious thoughts freedom of choice attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden advertisements digital screens targeted advertising public information art pieces marketing tactics everywhere ads all-knowing advertisements New York Times consumer awareness psychological manipulation subtle marketing implicit persuasion cognitive influence visual marketing strategies brainwashing unconscious thoughts freedom of choice underhand methods attention grabbing provocative hidden advertising digital screens responsive advertising everywhere all-knowing public information pieces of art marketing New York Times advertisement omnipresence
test-economy-beghwbh-con01a	It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost-effectiveness interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition Maglev Shanghai Maglev high speed trains rail infrastructure Elon Musk transportation systems technology implementation public support interstate highways urban planning transportation policy infrastructure development environmental impact community disruption technological innovation rail connectivity construction challenges legislative hurdles public transportation project management economic factors environmental considerations social acceptance technological barriers regulatory environment urban transit transportation alternatives mobility solutions technological feasibility infrastructure investment transportation planning high-speed rail systems project financing Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost-effectiveness Interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition maglev trains Shanghai Maglev high speed transportation rail infrastructure Elon Musk public support transport technology urban planning environmental impact economic benefits project management technological innovation Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility interstate-5 traffic chaos land acquisition maglev technology Shanghai Maglev Train high speed transportation systems rail infrastructure Elon Musk technological feasibility cost-effectiveness public transportation policy Hyperloop political feasibility cost-effectiveness traffic disruption land acquisition maglev technology high-speed rail infrastructure integration transportation systems Elon Musk Shanghai Maglev California high-speed rail project Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost-effectiveness interstate-5 traffic impact land acquisition maglev technology Shanghai Maglev Train high speed transportation rail infrastructure integration Elon Musk Yarow Jay Business Insider Kidman Alex Gizmo Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility traffic disruption interstate-5 land acquisition Maglev Shanghai Maglev high speed transportation rail infrastructure integration Elon Musk technological viability economic factors public transportation systems urban development infrastructure challenges environmental impact governmental approval public opinion transportation policy economic benefits technological innovation regional planning engineering challenges cost analysis transportation alternatives rail technology transit solutions urban transit transportation projects policy analysis infrastructure projects transportation debates technological advancements political barriers project implementation sustainable transportation urban mobility transit innovation public transportation infrastructure Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition maglev Shanghai Maglev high speed trains rail infrastructure Elon Musk transportation systems technology implementation public policy transportation planning urban development environmental impact cost-benefit analysis public support technological innovation infrastructure integration travel efficiency logistical challenges regulatory hurdles stakeholder engagement urban transport transportation alternatives engineering feasibility economic feasibility hyperloop technology maglev technology high-speed rail technology transportation policy technological adoption infrastructure challenges transportation projects urban mobility innovation barriers project management Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition maglev technology Shanghai Maglev high speed trains rail infrastructure public transportation Elon Musk transportation innovation technology implementation political support cost-effectiveness urban planning transportation policy environmental impact public opinion Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost effectiveness traffic impact land acquisition maglev trains high speed transportation infrastructure integration Elon Musk technological soundness public support transportation policy urban planning environmental impact economic benefits regulatory challenges innovation in transport public transportation systems technological competition infrastructure development transport connectivity regional development technological adoption transport projects policy analysis transport alternatives transport innovations railway technology transport logistics transport economics governmental support transport research infrastructure challenges transport planning technical feasibility transport systems public transportation transportation technology project management transport Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost-effectiveness interstate-5 traffic impact land acquisition maglev technology high speed trains existing rail infrastructure transportation systems public support Elon Musk Shanghai Maglev Train
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro02a	Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. online gambling family impact financial strain parental gambling food insecurity rent arrears family breakup homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling gambling addiction internet gambling secret betting family unawareness harmful effects societal issues gambling consequences family relationships economic pressure online gambling family impact financial dependency food security rental payments family breakup homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling social harm internet gambling secret betting addiction unnoticed gambling delayed recognition online gambling family impact financial loss family breakdown homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling internet gambling secret betting addiction unaware families gambling harm societal impact online gambling family impact financial dependence family breakup homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling secondhand harm internet gambling secret gambling addiction risks Online gambling family impact financial instability parent gambling food insecurity rent payments family break-up homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling harm propagation secret betting internet addiction family unawareness Online gambling family impact financial loss food security rent payments family breakup homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling addiction secret gambling family unawareness harm multiplier online gambling family impact financial strain food insecurity rent default family break-up homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling secondary harm addiction secret gambling internet gambling unnoticed addiction family unawareness online gambling family impact financial loss food insecurity rent default family breakup homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling widespread harm secret betting internet gambling addiction family unawareness online gambling family impact financial strain parental gambling child welfare government intervention addiction secret gambling internet gambling family breakup homelessness problem gambling secondary victims gambling addiction social harm online gambling family impacts financial strain parent gambling family break-up homelessness government intervention protecting children problem gambling addiction secret betting internet gambling gambling addiction family unawareness
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro02a	Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Western values arranged marriages European cultures marriage progression individual rights egalitarianism social conservatism 1950s courting human rights women's rights diaspora communities cultural practices EU norms double standards sexual mores modern Britain chattel reprehensible practices majority groups historical perspectives legal equality partner choice social acceptance progressive ideals traditional practices cultural integration social norms minority rights gender equality social reform conservative era marital autonomy human dignity social evolution historical trends contemporary society legal frameworks cultural relativism universal rights integration Western values arranged marriages European cultures progressive ideas marriage individual rights egalitarianism diaspora communities human rights women's rights sexual mores social norms 1950s Britain EU double-standard reprehensible practices majority groups minority groups cultural integration social acceptance gender equality partner choice courtship parenting roles traditional practices modern society legal rights cultural norms societal values historical context contemporary issues policy implications cultural relativism universal rights Integration Western values arranged marriages European cultures progressive ideas marriage social conservatives 1950s Britain courtship egalitarianism individual rights double-standard diaspora communities human rights women's rights EU norms social mores sexual mores modern Britain chattel hypocrisy Integration Western values arranged marriages European cultures progressive ideas marriage individual rights egalitarianism social norms diaspora communities human rights women's rights sexual mores social conservatism partnership choice parental influence reproductive rights gender equality cultural practices ethical standards legal norms societal values cultural integration human dignity autonomy marriage customs romantic relationships social acceptance cultural pluralism legal frameworks minority rights cultural sensitivity inclusive policies progressive values traditional values social evolution marriage laws partner selection courtship practices cultural traditions modern society social changes integration Western values arranged marriages European countries progressive marriage ideas individual rights egalitarianism diaspora communities human rights women's rights social norms cultural practices historical family forms sexual mores social conservatism 1950s Britain courtship partner choice parental influence reproductive rights gender equality legal standards societal expectations cultural integration minority practices European Union policies cross-cultural ethics social hypocrisy collective norms individual freedoms Integration Western values arranged marriages European countries progressive ideas marriage social conservatism 1950s Britain courting partner choice egalitarianism individual rights hypocrisy diaspora communities double standard human rights women's rights EU norms integration Western values arranged marriages European cultures progressive ideas marriage partner choice social conservatism 1950s Britain courting independence parental influence women's rights egalitarianism individual rights double-standard diaspora communities majority groups reprehensible practices EU human rights women's rights sexual mores family forms Hera Cook UKEssays integration Western values arranged marriages European countries progressive ideas marriage individual rights egalitarianism social norms human rights women's rights diaspora communities cultural practices double standards EU norms Integration Western values arranged marriages European cultures progressive ideas marriage orientation partner choice 1950s Britain courtship social conservatives egalitarianism individual rights diaspora communities human rights women double-standard EU norms sexual mores family forms Hera Cook UKEssays.com Western values arranged marriages European countries progressive ideas marriage social conservatism 1950s Britain courtship parental influence women's rights egalitarianism individual rights double standards diaspora communities human rights EU norms
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro04a	Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. religion moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief conservatism regression positive moral rules ten commandments slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils moral relativism ethical philosophy religious oppression gender inequality religious elitism sexual orientation discrimination religious conflict warfare racial discrimination conservatism in religion progressive ethics moral rules pre-religious ethics historical moral development slavery abolition psychological benefits of religion social impact of religion political influence of religion religious harm ethical responsibility Religions moral knowledge agents of repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief received wisdom conservative force regressive force positive moral rules ten commandments murder theft slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils religion moral knowledge historical repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred conservative force regressive force independent moral rules ten commandments slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils Religions moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief conservative regressive moral rules ten commandments murder theft slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils Religious morality historical repression sexism in religion religious elitism religious homophobia religious conflict religious war racial hatred in religion conservative belief systems regressive religious practices positive moral rules pre-religious ethical norms opposition to slavery psychological comfort of religion social and political evils of religion religion moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief received wisdom conservative regressive moral rules ten commandments murder theft slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils religion moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief conservatism regressiveness moral rules ten commandments murder theft slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils religion moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief conservative regressive moral rules ten commandments murder theft slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils religion morality ethical knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred conservative force regressive moral rules ten commandments slavery psychological comfort social impact political impact religious belief moral progression
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro05a	Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud Smoking rates in Africa Low smoking prevalence Tobacco epidemic Early stage Smoking prevention Public smoking ban Social acceptability 20th century smoking Global North Tobacco control Solutions Immediate action Health impact Socio-economic development African Union Commission Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation Tobacco control strategy tobacco control public health smoking prevention African health policies tobacco legislation early intervention smoke-free policies health education tobacco industry global health initiatives non-communicable diseases youth smoking health economics international health organizations smoking cessation programs tobacco advertising restrictions public place smoking bans social norms behavioral health health promotion tobacco control public smoking ban smoking prevention African smoking rates tobacco epidemic social acceptability early intervention health policy socio-economic impact tobacco use public health strategies Gates Foundation African Union Commission smoking prevalence tobacco legislation tobacco control public smoking ban smoking prevalence Africa tobacco epidemic early intervention public health policy social acceptability global north health education tobacco regulation policy implementation smoking cessation programs Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation African Union Commission socio-economic impact health statistics preventive measures tobacco industry tobacco control public smoking ban smoking prevention Africa smoking rates tobacco epidemic early intervention social acceptability tobacco use impact health policy Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation African Union Commission socio-economic impact tobacco reduction strategies public health measures smoking legislation tobacco control smoking rates Africa public smoking ban tobacco epidemic social acceptability early intervention health impact socio-economic development Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation African Union Commission tobacco use prevention tobacco control smoking prevalence public health policies Africa early intervention smoking bans tobacco epidemic socio-economic impact health education preventive measures tobacco regulation public awareness campaigns non-smoking policies government intervention tobacco industry youth smoking prevention health impact assessment secondhand smoke risk factors community engagement tobacco control smoking rates Africa public smoking ban social acceptability tobacco epidemic Global North health impact socio-economic development policy intervention early prevention Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation African Union Commission Nip problem bud Smoking rates Africa Tobacco epidemic early stage Ban public smoking Prevent social acceptability Early intervention solutions Health socioeconomic impact Africa tobacco control Gates Foundation strategy public health tobacco control smoking rates Africa prevention strategies public smoking ban tobacco epidemic socioeconomic impact health policy early intervention global north comparison Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation African Union Commission tobacco use impact health and socioeconomic development
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con01a	"There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions child welfare male circumcision female genital mutilation cultural practices spiritual benefits risk assessment health benefits parental rights child development education choices Montessori personal discipline rugby life-changing injuries authority respect Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences surgical vaccine routine procedure minor surgery aesthetic procedure child protection decision-making informed consent ethical considerations medical ethics public health religious freedom human rights child autonomy long-term effects immediate risks comparative analysis social norms legal perspectives pediatric care bio male circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children's welfare cultural practices spiritual beliefs relative benefits minor procedures MGM FGM child development risk assessment informed choice educational choices rugby injuries Montessori education personal discipline authority respect Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences surgical vaccine routine healthcare pediatric health ethical considerations bioethics human rights child rights legal perspectives medical ethics public health policy preventive medicine pediatric surgery health benefits medical risks parental rights child autonomy medical procedures healthcare decisions circumcision benefits circumcision risks male circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children cultural benefits spiritual benefits routine procedure minimal risks probable benefits education choices welfare decisions junior rugby Montessori nursery life-changing injuries personal discipline respect for authority minor procedure aesthetic procedure Dr. Brian Morris Molecular Medical Sciences safe surgical vaccine circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children health benefits cultural practices spiritual significance risk assessment child welfare education choices rugby injuries Montessori education personal discipline authority respect minor procedure aesthetic modification Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences safe surgical vaccine circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children benefits risks cultural spiritual education welfare male circumcision FGM development injury infection junior rugby Montessori personal discipline authority minor procedure Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences Circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions child welfare education choices Montessori junior rugby surgical vaccine Dr. Brian Morris male circumcision FGM cultural benefits spiritual benefits minor procedure aesthetic procedure risk assessment child development informed consent public health male circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children health benefits cultural practices spiritual significance risk assessment minor surgery long-term effects child welfare educational choices sports risks Montessori education authority respect personal discipline Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences surgical vaccine routine procedure infant health consent ethics medical ethics circumcision safety circumcision benefits foreskin removal genital integrity child rights parental rights health policy medical procedures infant care pediatric health circumcision controversy circumcision research circumcision advocacy circumcision opponents circumcision debate circumcision legality circumcision morality circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children miniscule risks probable benefits cultural benefits spiritual benefits relativistic benefits education welfare male circumcision FGM severe injury infection child development junior rugby Montessori nursery personal discipline respect for authority minor procedure aesthetic procedure Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences safe surgical vaccine routine procedure circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children benefits risks cultural spiritual education welfare male circumcision FGM development life choices rugby Montessori personal discipline authority Dr. Brian Morris Molecular Medical Sciences safe surgical vaccine circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children cultural practices spiritual beliefs minor procedure health benefits risk assessment education choices sports activities Montessori child development legal rights Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences surgical vaccine routine circumcision"
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro01a	Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance resource exploitation political class government control natural resources accountability citizenry resource wealth reinvestment economy human capital infrastructure education long-term growth politicians bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo state-owned mining companies offshore owners profit education budget health budget extractive industries Good Governance Award Financial Transparency Coalition University of Victoria Department of Economics Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources Straziuso Hollingshead Pendergast Kooten Clarke Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance natural resources political exploitation government control decreased accountability tax funding resource ownership profit abuse mineral wealth economic investment human capital development infrastructure investment education investment long-term growth political pocketing bureaucratic misuse Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo state-owned mining companies offshore ownership resale profits education budget health budget extractive industries resource curse financial transparency economic development public spending governance awards political economy natural resource management anti-corruption measures sustainable development fiscal policy mineral rights resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance resource exploitation political class natural resources government control decreased accountability citizenry government abuse resource wealth reinvestment country economy human capital infrastructure investment education investment long-term growth political corruption bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo DRC state-owned mining companies offshore ownership resale profits education budget health budget long-term growth hindrance extractive industries natural resource curse resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance resource exploitation political class government control natural resources accountability citizenry resource wealth reinvestment economy human capital infrastructure education long-term growth funds embezzlement politicians bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo state-owned companies offshore ownership resale profit diversion education budget health budget extractive industries natural resource curse financial transparency resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance political exploitation natural resources government control decreased accountability citizenry resource funding profit abuse reinvestment economic growth human capital infrastructure investment education investment fund embezzlement politicians bureaucrats long-term growth Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo DRC state-owned mining companies offshore owners resale profit diversion education budget health budget long-term growth impact extractive industries financial transparency resource curse economics Straziuso Hollingshead Pendergast Koot Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance resource exploitation political class government control natural resources decrease in accountability citizenry government abuse land ownership profit resource wealth reinvestment economy human capital infrastructure education long-term growth funds pocketed politicians bureaucrats hindering growth Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo DRC state-owned mining companies offshore owners resale profit diversion education budget health budget extractive industries corruption prone Good Governance Award financial transparency resource curse economics Victoria University Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance natural resources exploitation political class government control accountability citizenry resource wealth reinvestment economy human capital infrastructure education long-term growth politicians bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo DRC state-owned mining companies offshore owners profits budget education health long-term growth extractive industries Good Governance Award Financial Transparency Coalition Curse of Natural Resources Department of Economics University of Victoria Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance political class natural resources government control accountability citizenry abuse land ownership profit resource wealth reinvestment economy human capital infrastructure education long term growth funds politicians bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo DRC state-owned mining companies offshore owners resale profit diversion education budget health budget extractive industries financial transparency resource curse economics University of Victoria resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance natural resources political exploitation government control accountability citizenry resource wealth reinvestment economic growth human capital infrastructure education long-term growth political corruption bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo DRC state-owned mining companies offshore ownership resale profits education budget health budget long-term growth extractive industries natural resource curse financial transparency Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance natural resources political exploitation government control accountability citizenry resource wealth reinvestment economic growth human capital infrastructure education long-term growth political class mineral wealth fund misappropriation Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo state-owned companies offshore ownership resale profits education budget health budget resource curse extractive industries financial transparency
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro03a	"Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment formal state institutions rehabilitation clinics positive associations clinic staff anonymous nature disease diagnosis drug awareness publicly funded programs Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs Close to Home Online needle exchange programs social services locating addicts treatment opportunities state institutions positive associations rehabilitation clinics staff recommendations anonymous help-seeking disease diagnosis drug awareness public funding community integration health resources addiction support services needle exchanges social services locating addicts treatment access positive state association rehabilitation centers staff recommendations anonymity judgment-free help social service centers disease diagnosis drug awareness public funding Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs Close to Home Online needle exchanges social services locating addicts treatment state institutions positive associations rehabilitation clinics staff recommendations anonymity asking for help judgment disease diagnosis drug awareness public funding community health harm reduction social integration trust building public health initiatives needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment state institutions rehabilitation clinics clinic staff anonymous nature ask for help social services for addicts rehabilitation clinics washrooms disease diagnosis drug awareness posters information public funding Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs Close to Home Online needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment formal state parts positive association state mechanisms rehabilitation clinics clinic staff recommend anonymous nature ask for help social services for addicts centred washrooms disease diagnosis posters drug awareness circulated help addicts Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs public funding needle exchange programmes needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment formal state institutions positive association rehabilitation clinics staff recommendation anonymous nature seeking help closer person fear of judgment social services center washrooms disease diagnosis drug awareness posters information circulation public funding Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs Close to Home Online needle exchanges social services locating addicts treatment positive association state mechanisms rehabilitation clinics anonymous nature staff recommendation disease diagnosis drug awareness public funding Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs Close to Home Online needle exchanges social services locating addicts treatment positive associations state institutions rehabilitation clinics staff recommendations anonymity disease diagnosis drug awareness public funding policy issues harm reduction health services community outreach public health benefits addiction support needle disposal education programs healthcare integration needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment positive association state mechanisms rehabilitation clinics anonymous nature clinic staff recommend help social services for addicts centred washrooms disease diagnosis drug awareness posters information Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs public funding"
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro01a	Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods exhaustion justified terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend cause individual rights minority groups discontent state representation support minorities majority rule inequality injustice acts of terror denied rights Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela 1961 violence liberation Apartheid submit or fight government response armed force reprisals historical context ethical justification political struggle human rights resistance rebellion state legitimacy minority oppression legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief resort to violence defend people pursue cause individual rights minority groups state representation support minorities majority rule rights suppression state failure inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela South Africa Apartheid liberation force government interpretation armed force people reprisals methods break with past legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend rights minority groups state representation support minorities majority suppression inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid liberation armed force reprisals manifesto legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods exhausted resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend people pursue cause individual rights minority groups state representation facilitate discontent support minorities prevent suppression majority rule state purpose denied rights inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela liberation abolishment Apartheid submit or fight armed force reprisals methods break with past legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend cause minority rights state representation majority rule inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid liberation armed force reprisals resistance legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods exhausted legitimate justified terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend cause individual rights minority rights state representation people minority groups majority suppression state purpose inequalities injustices acts of terror denied rights umkhonto we sizwe liberation organisation african national congress nelson mandela 1961 violence abolish apartheid submit fight government armed force people reprisals methods past legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods exhausted justified terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend people cause minority rights state representation majority suppression inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid fight submit government response reprisals break with past legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods extreme cases resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend people pursue cause discontent expression state representation minority rights majority suppression state failure purpose growing inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela 1961 violence for liberation abolishment of Apartheid submit or fight government reprisals armed force people's rights reprisals Manifesto 1961 December 16 legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend people pursue cause individual rights minority groups state representation support minorities prevent majority suppression state purpose inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela South Africa Apartheid liberation armed force people's rights Manifesto legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend rights minority groups state representation majority rule inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid submit or fight government response armed force reprisals methods justification
test-law-phwmfri-pro02a	The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 deterrence fines income-based fines rich low-income illicit parking littering indirect harm payment as compensation Gneezy Rustichini Fine is a Price Journal of Legal Studies economic punishment social inequality legal sanctions behavioural economics law enforcement public policy deterrent effect income-based fines proportional fines financial capability economic disparity illicit parking littering indirect harm legal penalties socioeconomic status punishment fairness Gneezy Rustichini study fine price theory legal studies economic incentives deterrence fines income-based fines social inequality legal punishment economic disincentives illicit parking littering crime prevention behavioral economics Gneezy Rustichini fine effectiveness wealthy offenders pay-to-break-law indirect harm social justice legal studies deterrence income-based fines socioeconomic disparity penalty effectiveness wealth and law regulatory compliance economic sanctions social equity punishment proportionality fine structure illegal behavior cost-benefit analysis public nuisance environmental offenses urban regulations legal deterrents Gneezy Rustichini study behavioral economics price-sensitivity punitive measures legal studies social justice financial penalties crime prevention offenders' financial status legislative intent equitable enforcement legal penalties economic theory societal impact illicit activities regulatory fines fiscal deterrence legal system social norms financial capability legal compliance economic rich deterred fines deterrent income un-payable low-income high-income richest society law illicit parking littering crimes punishable indirect harm damage Gneezy Rustichini legal studies fine price fines income deterrent rich low-income law illicit parking littering indirect harm economic disparity penalty legal system behavioral economics Gneezy Rustichini Journal of Legal Studies fines deterrent income rich poor payable rate crime punishment illicit parking littering indirect harm economic penalty legal studies Gneezy Rustichini fine as price societal impact law enforcement financial disparity public behavior regulatory effectiveness deterrence fines income disparity law enforcement societal impact punitive measures economic justice legal penalties wealth inequality regulatory effectiveness public order crime prevention financial penalties social norms compliance incentives rich deterred fines deterrent income un-payable low-income high-income rich society law-breaking illicit parking littering indirect harm fine payment price legal studies deterrent fines income low-income high-income illicit parking littering indirect harm Gneezy Rustichini fine pricing legal studies economic behavior punishment effectiveness
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con02a	Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority groups disenfranchisement racial bias discrimination council funding poor white areas upper-class blacks lower-class whites multicultural city living with diversity ethnic diversity social inequality policy impact racial tensions urban tensions socio-economic factors Amin 2002 affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority groups disenfranchisement policy impact racial bias social inequality urban riots Oldham Northern England council funding discrimination class differences upper-class blacks lower-class whites multicultural city ethnic diversity Amin 2002 Environment and Planning affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots Northern England council funding discrimination upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city ethnic diversity Amin 2002 Environment and Planning affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots council funding discrimination upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city ethnic diversity Amin 2002 affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots Northern England poor white areas council funding discrimination upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city ethnicity diversity urban planning social policy inequality class discrimination racial dynamics policy impact affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots poor white areas council funding upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city living with diversity affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority groups disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots Northern England council funding discrimination upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city living with diversity Amin 2002 affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots Northern England poor white areas council funding upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city ethnic diversity Amin 2002 Environment and Planning affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority groups discrimination council funding riots Oldham Northern England upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city living with diversity affirmative action social tensions policy impact minority groups majority disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots Northern England council funding racial bias upper-class blacks lower-class whites Amin 2002 multicultural city living with diversity
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro02a	The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. right to internet access traditional human rights gap in human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression access to information Michael L Best Article 19 universal declaration of human rights freedom of authorship freedom of readership minimal audience human rights violation internet size digital universe internet accessibility universal internet access internet users global internet usage digital divide information symmetry human rights gap internet as human right digital information online freedom information access rights digital rights cyber rights internet freedom digital citizenship information society digital inclusion web scale digital data growth right to internet access traditional human rights information access freedom of speech freedom of expression freedom of readership Article 19 universal declaration of human rights digital information internet size internet users internet accessibility human rights gap information symmetry freedom of authorship digital universe global internet usage internet as human right digital rights information freedom right to internet access traditional human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression information access Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights freedom of authorship freedom of readership government censorship internet as human right internet size web pages digital universe internet accessibility global internet usage Africa internet adoption right to internet access traditional human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression right to receive information seek out information Michael L Best Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights freedom of authorship freedom of readership minimal audience human rights gap internet size web pages digital universe accessible internet universal access internet users global internet usage African internet users internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression information access digital rights Article 19 universal declaration of human rights Michael L Best digital universe web pages internet users information symmetry freedom of readership global internet access digital divide internet as human right right to internet access traditional human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression information access Michael L Best Article 19 universal declaration of human rights freedom of authorship freedom of readership government censorship internet size web pages digital universe internet accessibility global internet users internet in Africa right to internet access traditional human rights information access freedom of speech freedom of expression Michael L Best Article 19 universal declaration of human rights freedom of authorship freedom of readership dissenting views human rights gap internet size web pages digital universe internet accessibility universal access internet users Africa digital inequality information rights communication rights digital age human rights evolution right to internet access traditional human rights information access freedom of speech freedom of expression freedom of readership Article 19 universal declaration of human rights internet size web pages digital data internet accessibility global internet usage human right to information internet as human right information symmetry digital universe internet users digital divide online freedom information rights digital rights global connectivity internet expansion digital inclusion information seeking digital empowerment technology and human rights right to internet access traditional human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression information access Article 19 universal declaration of human rights symmetry in rights freedom of authorship freedom of readership digital information explosion internet accessibility universal internet access global internet usage African internet users right to internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression information access Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights freedom of authorship freedom of readership digital information internet size web pages digital universe internet accessibility global internet usage Africa internet users digital divide information symmetry online freedom human rights gap digital rights internet as human right information dissemination internet expansion digital age rights online information rights internet access rights digital information rights online expression digital information access internet human rights global digital access internet information rights online readership
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con02a	"Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights dignity equality rest leisure smoking areas pubs restaurants government ban public places Forest human rights non-smokers Article 1 Article 24 working hours holidays pay enjoyment lifestyle targeting spirits of brotherhood reason conscience Smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 rest and leisure public places smoking areas pubs restaurants government regulations human rights Forest organization smoker's equality non-smokers legal smoking smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 human dignity equal rights rest and leisure smoking areas public places smoking ban Forest group individual choice legal rights social enjoyment Smokers' rights human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 equality dignity rest and leisure smoking areas public places smoking ban Forest group non-smokers personal choice legal rights human dignity public policy societal norms smoker's leisure government regulation human rights advocacy Smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 rest leisure smoking areas pubs restaurants public places Forest human rights equality dignity legal rights smoke-free policies social activities public health personal freedom government regulations non-smokers targeted lifestyle choices legislation smoking bans human dignity reasonable limitations periodic holidays working hours conscience reason brotherhood social equality public space individual rights group rights advocacy smoker's rights movements international law human rights organizations health policies social inclusion public smokers rights human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 dignity equality leisure rest smoking areas public places smoking ban Forest group non-smokers pubs restaurants legal smoking human dignity individual choice government regulations social enjoyment tobacco use health policies public health smoker's rights advocacy smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights equality dignity conscience brotherhood leisure rest working hours holidays smoking areas pubs restaurants public places legal enjoyment Forest smoker rights ignored smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 dignity equality reason conscience brotherhood rest leisure working hours holidays smoking areas pubs restaurants public places ban enjoyment legal Forest smokers rights human dignity equal rights rest and leisure smoking areas public places smoking ban legal enjoyment Forest group UN declaration human rights conventions smoker discrimination public health policies tobacco control social inclusion Smoke-free environments individual freedoms collective well-being human rights advocacy 休闲权利 吸烟者平等 公共场所吸烟 烟民权益 休息娱乐 无烟环境 个人自由 集体福祉 人权倡导 社会包容 烟草控制 公共健康政策 烟 smokers' rights human rights Article 1 Article 24 Universal Declaration of Human Rights equal rights smoking areas public places smokers' leisure anti-smoking laws Forest group smoker discrimination"
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con02a	The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy suicide legal intervention individual rights ethical considerations philosophical perspectives Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy duty to live interference with suicide legal intervention philosophical perspectives Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Chobli Michael right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy individual sovereignty suicide euthanasia legal intervention moral philosophy ethical considerations Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Chobli Michael personal rights human dignity autonomy in healthcare end-of-life decisions voluntary action interpersonal obligations non-interference personal choice life and death ethics right to life right to death self-ownership life's value personal autonomy suicide legal interference individual rights moral philosophy ethics of suicide Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Michael Chobli right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy suicide legal intervention individual choice philosophical ethics Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Michael Chobli Edward N. Zalta human rights existential rights moral philosophy bioethics legal ethics personal freedom autonomy rights duty to live voluntary euthanasia assisted suicide right to life right to death right to be alive right to self-ownership life ownership no duty to live no interference with suicide legal non-interference suicidal behavior personal autonomy Michael Chobli Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy philosophical perspectives on suicide ethical considerations of life and death right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy suicide legal intervention philosophical ethics Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Michael Chobli Edward N. Zalta individual freedom duty to live moral rights bioethics human rights existentialism voluntary euthanasia mental health legal ethics moral responsibility right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy suicide legal interference individual choice moral duty personal responsibility philosophical ethics Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Chobli Michael Zalta Edward N. right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy suicide legal interference philosophical ethics Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy suicide euthanasia legal interference moral philosophy bioethics human rights dignity voluntary action individual choice philosophical debate Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Michael Chobli
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro01a	Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey poverty EU living standards economic integration Ireland Spain Portugal Greece Romania Bulgaria GDP per capita economic reform banking system IMF programmes market expansion single market economic benefits Schengen zone migration immigration issues delay adjustment period Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria economy banking system IMF single market economic benefits Schengen passport-free zone migration integration Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece migration GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria IMF programmes single market Schengen economic benefits immigration issues World Bank Chris Bryant Turkey poverty EU living standards poorer entrants Ireland Spain Portugal Greece GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria economic benefits single market Schengen passport-free zone migration economic reform banking system IMF programmes market expansion integration prosperity forecast disaster delay adjustment period Turkey EU poverty living standards economic integration Ireland Spain Portugal Greece Romania Bulgaria GDP per capita economic reform banking system IMF single market economic benefits Schengen passport-free zone immigration Chris Bryant The World Bank Turkey poverty EU entry living standards poorer entrants Ireland Spain Portugal Greece migration GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria economic reform banking system IMF programmes market expansion single market economic benefits Schengen passport-free zone adjustment period Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece GDP Romania Bulgaria IMF economic reform single market Schengen immigration economic benefits market expansion World Bank Chris Bryant EU newcomers Schengen delay Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria IMF programmes economic benefits single market Schengen passport-free zone migration economic growth market expansion integration economic reform Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece GDP Romania Bulgaria economy reforms banking system IMF market single market Schengen migration integration Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece prosperity migration GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria economy reform banking system IMF programmes single market economic benefits Schengen passport-free zone delay adjustment period
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro02a	Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 vegetarian environment farming pollution rivers beef deforestation fast food fish extinction energy resources meat cruelty biodiversity pollution greenhouse gases agriculture land use apple trees wheat soybeans water scarcity global population responsible eating livestock carbon footprint food security climate change environmental sustainability resource efficiency meat production water consumption plant-based diet environmental impact rainforests wildlife habitat loss food production ethical eating sustainability carbon emissions water resources agricultural practices food systems protein sources environmental degradation human impact vegetarian environment meat beef deforestation pollution rivers seas biodiversity greenhouse gases energy water crops cattle livestock farming agriculture climate change extinction resources food security sustainability vegan carbon footprint land use fast food fish fishing aquaculture cereal pulses apple grains soybean wheat potatoes population responsible eating water scarcity groundwater Yellow River Amazon rainforest supermarket suppliers vegetarianism environmental benefits meat production deforestation greenhouse gas emissions water usage sustainability animal farming pollution biodiversity cereals pulses energy efficiency livestock carbon footprint food security resource conservation ethical eating climate change land use plant-based diet animal welfare environmental impact fast food fish depletion rivers seas extinction apple trees wheat soybeans rice potatoes groundwater Yellow River Amazon rainforest population growth responsible eating vegetarian environment environmentally friendly modern farming pollution rivers beef farming deforestation fast food financial incentive fish rivers seas extinction energy resources cereals pulses meat farming cruelty animals biodiversity meat production pollution greenhouse gas emissions United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization livestock farming cars trains planes boats Amazon Daniel Cesar Avelino Federal Public Prosecution Office Brazil tropical rainforests energy input protein output chicken meat production beef cattle production water use grain groundwater water shortages population vegetarian environment farming pollution rivers beef deforestation fast food fish extinction energy resources meat biodiversity greenhouse gas emissions cattle Amazon water use grain population food security livestock climate change sustainable eating land use soybean wheat potatoes water scarcity global warming food production environmental impact cattle ranching apple trees protein output water conservation meat consumption plant-based diet agricultural practices environmental sustainability food resources water efficiency meat industry vegetarianism ethical eating carbon footprint soy cereals pulses vegetarian environment environmentally friendly modern farming pollution rivers beef farming deforestation fast food trees fish extinction energy resources meat farming cruelty biodiversity greenhouse gas emissions cars trains planes boats cattle Amazon Daniel Cesar Avelino water use grain water shortages groundwater population responsible eating vegetarian environment environmentally friendly modern farming pollution rivers beef farming deforestation cattle fast food fish extinction energy resources meat farming cereals pulses cruelty to animals biodiversity meat production pollution greenhouse gas emissions United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization FAO transportation emissions Amazon tropical rainforests chicken meat production beef cattle production water use grain water scarcity global population responsible eating vegetarian environment farming pollution rivers beef deforestation fast food fish extinction energy resources meat biodiversity pollution greenhouse gases livestock emissions land use apple trees wheat carbon footprint water scarcity water use grain soybeans rice potatoes population responsible eating sustainability climate change cattle Amazon rainforest food security global warming vegetarianism ethical eating animal cruelty resource efficiency environmental impact agriculture food production water conservation ecological footprint meat alternatives plant-based diet food sustainability biodiversity loss environmental degradation vegetarian environment pollution deforestation beef cattle fish extinction energy resources meat farming carbon footprint water scarcity greenhouse emissions livestock climate change biodiversity ethical consumption sustainability soy wheat grains population food security agricultural impact rivers seas forests conservation ethical eating global warming corn irrigation drought carbon dioxide methane nitrogen agribusiness overfishing land use loss habitat pollution waste toxins planet health diet nutrition vegetarian environment beef farming deforestation pollution rivers fast food fish biodiversity meat production greenhouse gas emissions energy resources water use grain livestock climate change cattle Amazon rainforest food security global warming water scarcity population ethical eating soybean production broiler chickens sustainability responsible consumption cereal farming pulses trees environmental impact animal cruelty wheat potatoes livestock farming vegetarianism food production meat consumption deforestation drivers water conservation ecological footprint environmental responsibility food and agriculture organization agriculture animal farming resource
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con02a	"Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 behavioral change youth schools effectiveness strategies access diet fresh fruits vegetables multiple approaches environment school hours fast food junk food outside school meal choices obesity prevention childhood obesity National Association of State Boards of Education Medical News Today American Time Use Survey Bureau of Labor Statistics Targeting schools ineffective strategy behavioral change youth school enrollment changing choices dietary behavior Penny Gordon-Larsen fresh fruits vegetables diet behaviors high school students school hours fast food junk food behavioral changes school environment meal choices outside school ATUS childhood obesity National Association of State Boards of Education obesity epidemic American Time Use Survey school strategies youth behavior change dietary choices environmental influences obesity prevention multiple intervention approaches student eating habits school-based interventions extracurricular food access time use survey adolescent nutrition behavioral modification public health strategies school nutrition policies youth obesity epidemic food environment health education policy effectiveness lifestyle factors dietary behavior targeting schools ineffective strategy behavioral change youth school enrollment food choices Penny Gordon-Larsen diet behaviors high school students fast food junk food school environment lasting behavioral changes American Time Use Survey obesity preventing childhood obesity meal choices outside school single approach obesity epidemic behavioral change youth schools ineffective strategy dietary choices Penny Gordon-Larsen fresh fruits vegetables diet behaviors high school students school hours junk food meal choices childhood obesity ATUS American Time Use Survey obesity epidemic targeting schools ineffective strategy behavioral change youth school enrollment changing choices diet behaviors single approach fresh fruits vegetables school environment lasting behavioral changes fast food junk food school hours time outside school meal choices obesity childhood obesity American Time Use Survey school bans dietary habits environmental influence multiple approaches Penny Gordon-Larsen Wechsler National Association of State Boards of Education Medical News Today Bureau of Labor Statistics schools behavioral change youth access choice diet fresh fruits vegetables single approach multiple strategies high school students school hours fast food junk food meal choices outside school obesity childhood obesity time use sleep behavioral change youth school environment dietary habits obesity prevention time use fast food junk food policy effectiveness multiple intervention approaches lifestyle factors external influences nutritional education health promotion strategies student behavior eating habits school-based interventions comprehensive health programs policy impact environmental factors schools behavioral change youth access diet fresh fruits vegetables diet behaviors high school students fast food junk food meal choices obesity childhood obesity time use sleep outside school single environment multiple strategies comprehensive approach behavioral change youth schools effectiveness diet fresh fruits vegetables meal choices junk food fast food school environment school ban childhood obesity obesity epidemic time use outside activities daily routine eating habits environmental factors multifaceted approach"
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro01a	Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: atheism naturalism scientific explanation universe evolution biology chemistry physics cosmology God supernatural evidence God of the Gaps burden of proof rationality philosophy religious thought Pascal Boyer Bertrand Russell natural theories explain universe development God irrelevant physics cosmology chemistry interactions substances origin life biology complexity evolution superfluous missing links God of the Gaps supernatural non-existence burden of proof atheism absence of belief natural world fantasy natural theories universe development existence God irrelevant reality physics cosmology evolution chemistry substances origin of life biology complexity life superfluous scientific understanding missing links gaps God of the Gaps supernatural evidence burden of proof debate existence atheism absence of evidence natural world fantasy philosophical Bertrand Russell Pascal Boyer natural theories Universe development scientific explanation God's irrelevance physics cosmology chemistry life origin biology evolution superfluous entity God of the Gaps scientific progress supernatural nonexistence burden of proof atheism rational position absence of evidence natural world supernatural fantasy religious thought Bertrand Russell Pascal Boyer natural theories Universe development existence God irrelevant physics cosmology chemistry substances origin of life biology evolution complexity superfluous scientific understanding missing links God of the Gaps supernatural evidence burden of proof atheism rational position empirical identification natural world supernatural fantasy Bertrand Russell Pascal Boyer atheism naturalism scientific explanation God of the gaps burden of proof supernatural evolution cosmology philosophy of religion empirical evidence atheism rationality cosmological argument natural world Bertrand Russell Pascal Boyer religion and science existence of God scientific understanding human scientific knowledge philosophy of science debates on God's existence supernatural beliefs natural origins atheism as lack of belief empirical identification fantasy religious thought existence and development of the Universe chemical interactions biological evolution life's complexity scientific progress gaps in scientific knowledge positive claim supernatural entity natural theories universe development physics cosmology chemistry origin of life biology evolution God irrelevant superfluous entity God of the Gaps supernatural burden of proof atheism absence of belief natural world empirical evidence Bertrand Russell Pascal Boyer natural theories universe development physics cosmology chemistry origin of life biology evolution God irrelevance scientific explanation God of the Gaps missing links supernatural non-existence burden of proof atheism natural world empirical evidence ethereal nature philosophical debate Bertrand Russell Pascal Boyer atheism naturalism God of the Gaps burden of proof supernatural empirical evidence scientific explanation evolutionary theory cosmology physics chemistry biology religious thought philosophy of religion Bertrand Russell Pascal Boyer natural world existence of God atheism rationality supernatural fantasy natural theories physics cosmology chemistry biology evolution God unnecessary God of the Gaps supernatural evidence burden of proof atheism empirical identification natural world supernatural fantasy philosophical debate scientific understanding religious thought Bertrand Russell Pascal Boyer
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con01a	Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 democracy São Tomé multiparty governance elections Taiwan colony Portugal independence Ibrahim Index African Governance human rights colonization Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands seas democracy São Tomé multiparty 1995 free elections fair elections Ibrahim Index African Governance supporting democracy Taiwan Portugal colony independence 1975 Tibet Inner Mongolia Taiwan colonization aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department State Mo Ibrahim Foundation democracy São Tomé multiparty free elections fair elections Ibrahim Index African Governance supporting democracy Taiwan former colony Portugal independence 1975 oppose colonization Tibet Inner Mongolia territorial disputes small islands U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Mo Ibrahim Foundation São Tomé multiparty democracy free elections Ibrahim Index African Governance supporting democracy Taiwan Portugal colony independence 1975 colonisation Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights U.S. Department State Mo Ibrahim Foundation democracy São Tomé multiparty free elections fair elections Ibrahim Index African Governance supporting democracy Taiwan decolonization Portugal independence 1975 colonization Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation democracy São Tomé multiparty free elections fair elections Ibrahim Index African Governance Taiwan colony Portugal independence 1975 colonisation Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department State Mo Ibrahim Foundation São Tomé democracy multiparty free elections governance Ibrahim Index African Taiwan colony Portugal independence 1975 human rights Bureau of Democracy U.S. Department State Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands seas São Tomé democracy multiparty elections free fair 1995 Ibrahim Index African Governance Taiwan colony Portugal independence 1975 Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation democracy São Tomé multiparty free elections Ibrahim Index African Governance supporting democracy Taiwan colony Portugal independence 1975 against colonization Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation democracy São Tomé multiparty free elections fair elections Ibrahim Index African Governance Taiwan Portugal colony independence 1975 colonization Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro03a	Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, South African Social Attitudes Survey support quota system sports quotas population will non-white rugby players black people support status quo public opinion social attitudes sporting representation racial diversity rugby diversity South African sports policy South African Social Attitudes Survey public opinion sports quotas racial representation rugby diversity black South Africans sport policy affirmative action in sports social equity in sports quota systems in South Africa South African Social Attitudes Survey public opinion sports quotas racial representation black support status quo non-white rugby players Jare Struwig Ben Roberts South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas public support sports black people rugby non-white players status quo Jare Struwig Ben Roberts 2006 population will diversity in sport racial representation South Africa social attitudes quotas sports public opinion racial representation rugby black support status quo demographic reflection South African Social Attitudes Survey public support sports quotas quota system black population non-white rugby players status quo sport representation demographic reflection policy support South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas sports public support demographic representation racial inclusion rugby non-white athletes status quo social change public opinion Jare Struwig Ben Roberts 2006 survey 56% support 63% black support South Africans support quotas 2006 Social Attitudes Survey 56% quota system sport population black people 63% non-white rugby players status quo public opinion racial diversity sports representation equality affirmative action historical imbalance social change South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas sport representation public opinion racial diversity rugby black support status quo non-white athletes Jare Struwig Ben Roberts South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas support sports rugby black people non-white players status quo population will public opinion Jare Struwig Ben Roberts
test-science-eassgbatj-con05a	Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. animal welfare pain management ethical treatment humane practices research regulations animal rights experimental animals laboratory conditions veterinary care moral considerations animal ethics scientific research animal husbandry meat production welfare standards animal welfare ethics in animal research humane treatment of animals pain management in research animal care standards animal research regulations moral aspects of animal use animal rights vs animal welfare benefits of animal research conditions of laboratory animals animal ethics in science humane endpoints in research animal research oversight animal well-being in science comparison of wild vs lab animal life moral objections to animal experimentation responsible animal research practices animal welfare ethical treatment laboratory animals pain management humane euthanasia veterinary care experimental accuracy wild animal comparison moral considerations animal agriculture research ethics animal rights scientific justification regulatory compliance animal husbandry humane practices animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia research standards animal health experimental accuracy wild vs captivity moral considerations animal rights livestock ethics scientific regulation animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia health maintenance experimental accuracy wild vs captivity moral considerations animal research justification livestock comparison animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia health maintenance experimental accuracy comparative life quality moral justification livestock ethics research regulations research animals well-treated animal suffering pain management humane euthanasia animal care experimental results wild living conditions moral objections animal research ethics animal welfare meat industry comparison animal welfare ethical treatment laboratory animals pain management humane practices scientific research animal rights experimental accuracy moral considerations animal farming ethical standards research ethics animal health wild animal comparison humane euthanasia regulatory compliance scientific integrity animal care protocols moral objections animal use justification animal welfare humane treatment ethical research pain management animal rights scientific experimentation moral considerations livestock welfare experimental animals research ethics animal suffering humane practices animal care wild animal comparison moral objections research justification animal welfare humane treatment ethical research lab animal care pain management euthanasia practices animal ethics veterinary oversight animal rights research regulations experimental animals animal husbandry scientific integrity moral justification animal experimentation laboratory conditions
test-culture-mthbah-pro02a	People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. tyranny of choice choice overload advertising consumer dissatisfaction decision fatigue product expectations buyer's remorse consumer overwhelm marketing claims advertisement regulation consumer well-being economic prosperity happiness paradox consumer choice psychological impact of advertising decision making complexity consumer regret Britain cosmetic ad ban Schwartz 2004 Kekeh 2011 choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impact consumer decision-making consumer happiness product expectations purchase regret consumer overwhelm advertising ethics banned advertisements consumer dissatisfaction economic well-being choice and happiness Schwartz Kekeh cosmetic advertising British广告标准局 consumer choice decision fatigue marketing claims product effectiveness consumer rights advertisement regulation tyranny of choice choice overload advertising impact consumer disappointment decision fatigue product expectations purchase regret better-off paradox consumer well-being choice paralysis Schwartz 2004 Kekeh 2011 make-up ad ban consumer choice endless decisions happiness decline modern consumerism information overload decision-making stress consumer satisfaction choice overload tyranny of choice consumer happiness advertising impact consumer decision-making product expectations purchase regret consumer overwhelm consumer disappointment banned advertisements cosmetic advertising regulatory response consumer welfare economic paradox choice and wellbeing Schwartz 2004 Kekeh 2011 Tyranny of choice choice overload advertising impact consumer dissatisfaction product expectations purchasing regret decision fatigue consumer well-being marketing ethics banned advertisements cosmetic advertising consumer choice economic well-being happiness decline Schwartz 2004 Kekeh 2011 tyranny of choice choice overload advertising pressure consumer disappointment decision fatigue product expectations regret aversion shopping anxiety better off but less happy banned cosmetics ad misleading advertisements consumer overwhelm Schwartz 2004 Kekeh 2011 tyranny of choice choice overload advertising consumer dissatisfaction product expectations decision fatigue consumer regret consumer overwhelm happiness decline better-off paradox banned advertisements cosmetic advertising standards Schwartz 2004 Kekeh 2011 choice overload tyranny of choice advertising pressure consumer disappointment decision fatigue product expectations regret purchasing decisions overwhelmed consumers better off less happy banned advertisements deceptive marketing Schwartz 2004 consumer well-being choice and happiness consumer choice impact advertisement regulation cosmetic ad ban Kekeh 2011 choice overload tyranny of choice happiness decline advertising impact consumer dissatisfaction product expectations disappointment decision fatigue regret overwhelm consumer choice Schwartz The Tyranny of Choice banned advertisement makeup Kekeh Too Beautiful British MP cosmetic ads choice overload tyranny of choice consumer unhappiness advertising pressure decision fatigue product expectations buyer's remorse regulatory response cosmetic advertising consumer well-being
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro01a	Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. addiction financial loss societal impact psychological effects online gambling public health government regulation economic consequences compulsive behavior legal gambling social costs mental health betting casino sports betting financial stability health risks gambling disorder policy making community impact gambling negative impacts financial loss addiction mental health depression insomnia stress online gambling government regulation societal harm bankruptcy public policy casino betting ethics morality economic consequences health risks internet influence new gamblers widespread effects Gambling addiction financial loss bankruptcy mental health depression insomnia stress internet gambling online betting government regulation public health social harm economic impact gambling disorders compulsive gambling harm reduction casino betting sites legal gambling gambling laws societal impact ethical considerations public policy gambling prevention awareness campaigns treatment programs gambling addiction economic impact psychological effects government regulation online gambling public health financial loss societal harm gambling disorders stress-related illnesses policy debate legislative control moral arguments economic arguments health consequences 越来越好赌的后果，网络赌博的影响，政府角色，赌博 kontrolu 社会问题，個人損失，经济损害，心理健康影响，赌瘾治疗，社会成本，法律措施，经济福利，社会福利，赌博的管制，心理依赖，经济依赖，社会责任，道德争议。 Gambling financial loss addiction mental health internet gambling public policy government regulation social harm economic impact betting casinos online betting stress disorders bankruptcy depression insomnia risk factors preventive measures ethical considerations gambling negative impacts financial loss mental health issues government regulation long-term consequences addiction online gambling social harm public policy gambling negative impacts financial loss government regulation addiction mental health internet gambling societal harm bankruptcy stress disorders depression insomnia new gamblers betting long-term consequences gambling harms financial loss bankruptcy mental health depression insomnia stress government regulation online gambling betting societal impact addiction unethical public health economic consequences gambling negative impacts financial loss addiction mental health government regulation online gambling social harm public policy betting economic consequences health issues stress disorders bankruptcy depression insomnia Gambling Casino House Edge Financial Loss Government Regulation Public Health Addiction Mental Health Internet Gambling New Gamblers Social Impact Economic Harm Stress Disorders Bankruptcy Depression Insomnia
test-law-lghbacpsba-con03a	Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege Confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 4 Regulatory Bodies Money Laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Proceeds of Crime Legal Ethics Professional Responsibility Confidential Client Communications Exceptional Circumstances Justice Legal Rules Flexibility Client-Attorney Privilege Confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 4 Regulatory Bodies Client Communications Money Laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Proceeds of Crime Duty to Inform Serious Circumstances Flexibility in Confidentiality Legal Ethics Professional Conduct Solicitors Legal Regulations Confidential Information Disclosure Exceptions Legal Obligations Regulatory Compliance Client-Solicitor Relationship Crime Prevention Law Enforcement Professional Standards Legal Practice client-attorney privilege confidentiality solicitors rule 4 solicitors' code of conduct regulatory bodies client communications money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 proceeds of crime legal ethics professional conduct exceptional circumstances disclosure obligations justice legal privilege solicitor-client relationship regulatory compliance legal regulations Client-Attorney Privilege confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 4 exceptional circumstances departure from confidentiality regulatory bodies client communications money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 duty to inform proceeds of crime flexibility in confidentiality serious circumstances justice Client-Attorney Privilege Confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 4 Regulatory Bodies Money Laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Proceeds of Crime Flexibility Client Confidentiality Serious Circumstances Duty to Report Legal Ethics Professional Conduct Solicitor Client Relationship Regulatory Compliance Exceptional Circumstances Disclosure Justice Legal Obligations Financial Crime Solicitor Responsibilities Client-Attorney Privilege Rule 4 Confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Regulatory Bodies Confidential Client Communications Duty to Inform Proceedings of Crime Flexibility in Client Confidentiality Serious Circumstances Legal Ethics Professional Conduct Confidentiality Exceptions Money Laundering Reporting Legal Regulations Compliance Duties Client-Attorney Confidentiality Ethical Conduct Legal Compliance Confidentiality Rules client-attorney privilege confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of Conduct regulatory bodies client communications money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 suspected money laundering proceeds of crime flexibility client confidentiality justice serious circumstances legal ethics professional conduct disclosure solicitors legal regulations enforcement crime prevention Client-Attorney Privilege Confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 4 Disclosure Regulatory Bodies Money Laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Proceeds of Crime Exceptional Circumstances Legal Ethics Professional Conduct Justice Serious Circumstances Legal Regulations Solicitor-Client Relationship Confidential Communications Legal Duty Informing Authorities Client-Attorney Privilege Confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 4 Regulatory Bodies Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Suspected Money Laundering Proceeds of Crime Flexibility in Rules Serious Circumstances Legal Ethics Professional Conduct Confidential Client Communications Duty to Report Regulatory Compliance Legal Obligations Client Confidentiality Client-Attorney Privilege Confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 4 Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Regulatory Bodies Confidential Client Communications Duty to Inform Serious Circumstances Flexibility in Confidentiality Proceeds of Crime
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro05a	The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. null hypothesis proposition rational view assumption evidence falsifiable potential fact disprove God unfalsifiable null hypothesis rational assumption proposition truth evidence requirement falsifiability potential fact disproof God unfalsifiable philosophical argument scientific method critical thinking hypothesis testing epistemology logical reasoning null hypothesis proposition assumption evidence falsifiable disprove God unfalsifiable rational view potential fact proven null hypothesis proposition assumption evidence falsifiable disprove god unfalsifiable rational view potential fact prove disproof scientific method philosophical argument critical thinking empirical evidence theory testing hypothesis testing logical reasoning Null Hypothesis Proposition Rationality Assumption Evidence Falsifiability Disproof God Unfalsifiable Philosophy Scientific Method Critical Thinking Logical Reasoning Skepticism Empiricism Belief Systems Theology Atheism Agnosticism null hypothesis rational view assume not true sufficient evidence falsifiable proposition potential fact disprove God unfalsifiable null hypothesis proposition rational view assumption evidence falsifiable disprove God unfalsifiable potential fact proven disproof scientific method critical thinking philosophy of science logical reasoning empirical evidence hypothesis testing statistical significance burden of proof skepticism agnosticism theology religion atheism secularism scientific inquiry naturalism metaphysics epistemology belief systems cognitive biases confirmation bias Occam's Razor parsimony scientific revolution Enlightenment modern science empirical research peer review academic discourse critical analysis argumentation logical null hypothesis proposition rational view assumption evidence falsifiable potential fact disprove God unfalsifiable null hypothesis proposition rational view assumption evidence falsifiable potential fact disprove God unfalsifiable null hypothesis falsifiability proposition rational view assumption evidence disproof unfalsifiable god potential fact scientific method critical thinking philosophy logic skepticism
test-economy-epsihbdns-con04a	Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions loss potential functioning developed nation young people choose profession beneficial individual best suited person trade prevents moving freely deprive cities talented skills urban professions rural jobs policy farmers lawyers politicians doctors teachers basis models migration rural population change surplus labour cities workers Taylor Edward Martin Philip Human Capital restrictions loss potential developed nation young people profession individual beneficial best suited person trade prevents moving freely deprive cities talented talents skills urban professions rural jobs policy make farmers lawyers politicians doctors teachers models migration leave areas surplus labour needs workers Taylor Edward Martin Philip Human Capital rural population change Handbook Agricultural Economics Restrictions Loss of Potential Developed Nation Young People Profession Choice Individual Benefit Talent Allocation Urban Professions Rural Jobs Policy Impact Migration Models Surplus Labour Urban Worker Needs Human Capital Rural Population Change Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession individual benefit best suited person urban professions rural jobs deprive cities talented people migration surplus labour urban needs human capital rural population change agricultural economics restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people profession choice individual benefits talent matching free movement urban professions rural jobs migration models surplus labour city workforce human capital rural population change agricultural economics Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession individual benefits best suited person urban professions rural jobs talented people migration surplus labour cities need workers farmers potential lawyers politicians doctors teachers human capital rural population change agricultural economics policy impact Edward Taylor Philip Martin restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people profession choice individual benefit talent matching urban professions rural jobs migration surplus labour city workers human capital rural population change Taylor Edward Philip Martin Handbook of Agricultural Economics restrictions loss potential developed nation young people profession beneficial individual best suited trade prevent moving freely deprive cities talented talents skills urban professions rural jobs policy farmers potential lawyers politicians doctors teachers models migration rural population surplus labour urban needs new workers human capital agricultural economics Restrictions potential loss developed nation career choice individual benefit talent allocation urban professions rural jobs migration policy surplus labor urban workforce human capital rural population change migration models agricultural economics Restrictions potential loss developed nation young people choose profession individual benefits best suited person trades prevent free movement deprive cities talented individuals urban professions rural jobs policy farmers potential lawyers politicians doctors teachers migration models rural areas surplus labour cities new workers Taylor Edward Martin Philip Human Capital migration rural population change Handbook of Agricultural Economics
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro04a	Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 tobacco smoking reduction purchase industry labor child Malawi nicotine poisoning Big Tobacco loans size impact health exploitation Guardian Action on Smoking and Health tobacco smoking reduction industry exploitative labour child Malawi nicotine poisoning Big Tobacco loans size impact health Guardian Action Smoking 2011 tobacco reduction smoking purchase industry exploitative labour child Malawi nicotine poisoning Big Tobacco loans size impact health economy ethics regulation policy sustainability environment public benefit reduces tobacco growth fewer smokers decreased tobacco purchases tobacco industry reduction exploitative labor practices child labor in tobacco farming nicotine poisoning Malawi tobacco farming American Big Tobacco extortionate loans industry downsizing benefits tobacco smoking reduction purchase industry exploitative labor child labour Malawi nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco loans size impact health economics global trade ethics environmental sustainability youth workforce regulation policy public awareness campaigns addiction cessation programs treatment support services smoking cessation benefits harm reduction alternatives vaping products e-cigarettes nicotine replacement therapy NRT pharmacotherapy behavioral interventions community support groups quit smoking resources education tobacco industry tobacco farming child labour Malawi nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco exploitative labour practices reduction in tobacco industry less people smoking less tobacco purchased extortionate loans health impacts economic impacts social impacts tobacco control smoking cessation labor rights child protection environmental impact public health policy global health tobacco regulation industry accountability tobacco smoking reduction tobacco industry child labour Malawi nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco exploitative practices labour rights health impact economic impact tobacco farming loans tobacco control public health environmental impact ethical concerns industry shrinkage social responsibility global health worker exploitation child workers tobacco cultivation health policy economic policy regulatory measures smoking cessation tobacco harm reduction sustainable agriculture fair trade corporate accountability labor laws international health tobacco trade sustainable development human rights child safety labor conditions environmental sustainability health advocacy tobacco use tobacco tobacco reduction smoking decline tobacco industry shrinkage child labour Malawi tobacco farming nicotine poisoning Big Tobacco exploitation extortionate loans industry downsizing benefits labour exploitation tobacco health impacts tobacco economic impacts smoking cessation tobacco control public health improvement ethical tobacco practices tobacco industry child labor Malawi nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco exploitative labor practices reduction in tobacco industry smoking reduction health impacts economic impacts labor rights tobacco farming extortionate loans environmental impacts public health global tobacco trade tobacco control policies youth tobacco use tobacco supply chain human rights violations tobacco industry reduction child labour Malawi nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco exploitative labour practices extortionate loans smoking tobacco farming health impacts economic impacts ethical concerns tobacco control public health labor rights environmental impact
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro03a	Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - women arranged marriages Europe abuse vulnerability immigrant families domestic violence underreporting forced marriages language barriers social support outlaw consent Razia Sodagar ethnic minorities marital violence cultural practices legal reform gender issues human rights Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability language barriers domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw legal reform cultural practices social support networks Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw ethnic domestic violence India domestic abuse consent husband pregnancy abandonment language barriers social isolation legal protections cultural practices human rights gender equality Women arranged marriages Europe abuse vulnerability immigrant families domestic violence underreporting language barriers family support Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw ethnic domestic violence India arranged marriage abuse BBC BBC News Womennewsnetwork Gotrik Jennifer women arranged marriages Europe abuse vulnerability immigrant families domestic violence underreporting language barrier husband's family Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw characteristics BBC India Jennifer Gotrik Womennewsnetwork Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw BBC News Jennifer Gotrik Womennewsnetwork women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw ethnic domestic violence India arranged marriage abuse Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw BBC News Jennifer Gotrik Womennewsnetwork Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability language barriers domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw ethnic domestic violence India Womennewsnetwork BBC News Women arranged marriages Europe abuse vulnerability immigrant families home countries domestic violence underreporting forced marriages outlaw Razia Sodagar BBC Womennewsnetwork Jennifer Gotrik
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con02a	A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. circumcision ancient practice medical evidence harm safety historical context abuse cultural respect millennia modern medicine well-equipped hospital victim lack of evidence compelling evidence restriction widespread difficulties term abuse genuine victims respect circumcision historical practice medical evidence harm safety cultural respect abuse terminology millennia modern hospital ill effect genuine abuse victims scientific proof restrictive measures traditional procedures circumcision historical practice medical evidence harm safety cultural respect abuse millennia well-equipped hospital victims of abuse circumcision millennia no-harm medical-science evidence-lacking historical-practice safety-conditions modern-hospital abuse-terminology respect-victims circumcision millennia harm medical evidence historical practice safety modern hospitals abuse respect victims circumcision millennia harm medical science evidence safety abuse respect victims historical context modern practices well-equipped hospital lack of widespread difficulties cultural practices ethical considerations circumcision millennia safety medical evidence harm tradition abuse historical context modern practices respect victims comparison hygiene cultural significance circumcision ancient practice medical evidence harm safety historical context abuse cultural respect millennia modern medicine well-equipped hospital widespread difficulties victims of abuse lack of evidence circumcision tradition medical evidence harm historical practice abuse safety modern procedures cultural respect victimization circumcision historical practice medical evidence harm safety modern hospital abuse respect victims millennia cultural tradition health outcomes scientific research surgical procedure ethical consideration
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro02a	Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological damage mining deforestation timber cattle soil degradation woodland destruction Africa’s rainforest global ecological systems mining pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination soil contamination illicit groups higher profits deforestation decrease worldwide deforestation illegal mining lawful mining operations environmental safety mining pollution Kolver Mining Weekly Food and Agriculture Organization United States World deforestation 2000-2010 Environmental damage Africa natural resources mining deforestation soil degradation rainforest global ecological systems pollution landscape harmful chemicals water contamination illicit groups higher profits world deforestation illegal mining lawful operations safety environment Mining Weekly Food and Agriculture Organization United States Environmental damage Africa resource extraction licit illicit ecological harm mining deforestation timber cattle soil degradation rainforest global ecological systems land destruction pollution chemical contamination water landscape illegal mining lawful operations safety profits Food and Agriculture Organization United States world deforestation Kolver Mining Weekly licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological damage environmental damage Africa natural resources mining deforestation soil degradation timber cattle woodland destruction rainforest loss global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination soil contamination illicit groups higher profits Food and Agriculture Organization United States world deforestation illegal mining threat to lawful operations safety environment Mining Weekly Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological harm mining deforestation woodland destruction soil degradation rainforest loss global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring chemical contamination water contamination illegal mining lawful operations safety environmental threat Food and Agriculture Organization World deforestation Mining Weekly Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological impact mining deforestation natural resources soil degradation woodland destruction rainforest loss pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination illegal mining lawful operations environmental threat global ecological systems timber cattle mining transportation profit cutting safety risks Food and Agriculture Organization Mining Weekly African environmental damage illicit resource extraction licit resource extraction mining deforestation timber cattle soil degradation woodland destruction rainforest loss global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination illegal mining lawful operations safety environmental threat Food and Agriculture Organization United States World deforestation Kolver Mining Weekly Environmental damage Africa resource extraction licit illicit ecological harm mining deforestation woodland destruction soil degradation rainforest loss global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination soil contamination illicit mining higher profits deforestation purposes timber cattle food and agriculture organization world deforestation illegal mining threat lawful operations safety environment Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological impact mining deforestation woodland destruction soil degradation rainforest loss global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination soil contamination illicit groups profit maximization Food and Agriculture Organization United States World deforestation illegal mining lawful operations safety environment Mining Weekly licit extraction illicit extraction ecological damage environmental impact Africa natural resources mining deforestation timber cattle woodland destruction soil degradation rainforest global ecology pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination soil contamination illegal mining lawful operations safety profits
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro01a	"Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. human rights internet access digital rights freedom of expression UN Special Rapporteur online censorship universal access societal integration Tim Berners-Lee right to education digital divide basic schooling human rights obligations freedom of opinion web censors digital liberty online interaction contemporary human rights internet as a tool rights enshrinement legal recognition public access digital inclusion information rights communication rights technological rights privacy rights global rights digital citizenship internet freedom digital human rights right to information equitable access democratic participation civic engagement human dignity digital Internet access human right UN report online expression criminalization universal access societal interaction right to schooling digital divide Tim Berners-Lee freedom of expression web censorship information rights digital citizenship technological rights modern human rights internet freedom online liberties connectivity as right information access rights internet access human right UN special rapporteur online expression international human rights obligations universal access fundamental part of society new sphere of interaction right to basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censors freedom of opinion protection of rights digital divide societal interaction essential service modern necessity Internet access human right UN special rapporteur report online expression criminalization international human rights obligations universal access fundamental part of society new sphere of interaction right to basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee freedom of opinion web censors digital divide global connectivity societal transformation technological advancement digital inclusion public access equality freedom of information communication rights digital literacy policy development legal framework international advocacy digital rights cyberspace governance societal impact economic opportunity social participation democratic engagement Internet access human right UN report Special Rapporteur online expression criminalization universal access societal interaction contemporary problem basic schooling disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censors freedom of opinion digital rights information access global connectivity digital divide societal inclusion Internet access human right UN Special Rapporteur online expression criminalization universal access fundamental part of society new sphere of interaction right to basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censors freedom of opinion protection of rights Internet access human right UN special rapporteur online expression criminalization international human rights universal access fundamental part of society new sphere of interaction right to basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights Tim Berners-Lee web censors disconnection deprivation of liberty freedom of opinion promotion protection right to freedom Human Rights Council mission web censorship Internet access human right UN special rapporteur report online expression criminalization international human rights obligations universal access fundamental part of society new sphere of interaction right to basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censors Internet access human right UN special rapporteur online expression criminalization international obligations universal access fundamental part of society specific contemporary problem right to basic schooling disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censorship freedom of opinion expression rights Internet access human right UN special rapporteur online expression criminalization international human rights obligations universal access fundamental part of society new sphere of interaction right to basic schooling disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censors freedom of opinion freedom of expression digital rights information access global connectivity societal development technology rights modern human rights digital divide equitable access"
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro01a	Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. graduate tax higher education funding student finance access to education low-income students university participation government financial commitment education policy tertiary education Australia education system education barriers high-income students education equity Chapman 1997 fees and loans education expansion higher education reform student debt alternative funding models education affordability public funding for education economic impact of education social mobility through education education incentives long-term education benefits government education strategies education investment student enrollment education accessibility financial aid for students education cost-sharing sustainable education funding education and social inequality higher graduate tax higher education funding student access government financial commitment low-income students high-income students university enrollment Australia tertiary education education barriers financial barriers education policy higher education policy educational equity funding mechanisms student finance education reform public funding student loans education affordability enrollment growth income groups education participation higher education expansion education finance models policy effectiveness economic impact of education higher education access models education cost distribution graduate contribution equitable education funding education investment public-private education funding higher education sustainability education opportunity socioeconomic status and education financial aid alternatives graduate tax higher education funding access low-income students high-income students university places participation financial commitment education policy Australia Chapman barriers to entry tertiary education loans-based schemes fees economic impact educational equity government funding student finance graduate tax higher education funding access to education low-income students financial commitment university participation higher education affordability education policy tuition fees student loans Australian education system education equity tertiary education economic barriers to education education reform Chapman B. 1997 graduate tax higher education funding student access financial commitment government low-income students university enrollment Australia Chapman barrier removal high-income students tertiary education graduate tax higher education funding student access government financial commitment low-income students high-income students university participation education barriers tertiary education Australia education policy Chapman 1997 graduate tax higher education funding access to higher education government financial commitment student fees loans-based schemes low-income students high-income students tertiary education university participation Australia graduate tax education policy financial barriers education equity tertiary education expansion graduate tax funding higher education increase access government financial commitment deterrent to poorer students fees and loans capital for increased students Australia introduction university places growth participation increase low income groups high income groups tertiary education expensive barriers low-income groups education financing equitable education access policy effectiveness education reform Chapman 1997 graduate tax higher education funding student access financial commitment low-income students university participation Australia case study barriers to entry tertiary education educational equity graduate tax higher education funding student access government finance low-income students high-income students education barriers Australia university places participation increase Chapman 1997 fees loans tertiary education
test-environment-assgbatj-pro05a	It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? animal welfare cruelty prevention legal frameworks animal testing regulations government policies ethical standards animal rights scientific procedures act legislative contradictions animal abuse laws animal welfare animal cruelty laws scientific procedures animal testing government policies animal abuse legal inconsistencies ethical concerns UK legislation Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 animal welfare animal cruelty animal testing scientific procedures legal protection government policy ethical treatment animal rights legislation inconsistency enforcement public stance cruelty prevention research ethics animal experimentation humane alternatives moral standards legal exemptions animal protection laws government hypocrisy public opinion animal abuse regulatory gaps scientific ethics animal welfare standards legal reform animal advocacy policy矛盾 道德困境 法律规范 实验动物 权益维护 政府责任 公众意识 动物保护 伦理审查 法律执行 政策调整 人道待遇 动物福利法 科研道德 动物权益 法律 animal welfare laws animal cruelty prevention scientific procedures act animal testing regulations government stance on animal abuse inconsistency in animal rights legal protection for animals ethical treatment of animals animal experimentation laws public policy on animal ethics animal welfare cruelty prevention scientific procedures UK law Animals Act 1986 animal testing legal inconsistencies government policy animal abuse ethical concerns regulatory loopholes public message legal standards animal rights animal welfare laws animal cruelty prevention UK Animals Scientific Procedures Act 1986 animal testing regulations government animal abuse policies ethical treatment of animals legal distinctions in animal cruelty animal experimentation laws public animal welfare standards government stance on animal abuse animal welfare animal cruelty laws scientific procedures animal testing government animal abuse legal inconsistencies ethical treatment regulatory standards animal rights cruelty prevention legislative gaps public policy animal protection animal welfare cruelty prevention scientific procedures legal frameworks animal testing crime classification government policy ethical standards animal abuse regulation discrepancies animal welfare animal cruelty laws scientific animal testing UK Animals Act 1986 government policy animal abuse regulation ethical treatment of animals legal inconsistencies animal rights scientific experimentation ethics animal welfare animal cruelty laws scientific procedures act animal testing regulations government policies animal abuse prevention legal inconsistencies animal rights ethical treatment of animals laboratory animals cruelty prevention laws legislative gaps animal experimentation moral standards legal protections for animals
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con01a	This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. criminal law legislation societal values individual freedom personal autonomy public morality legal interference theft violence murder suicide safety legal protection moral legislation individual rights legal boundaries public safety criminal justice autonomy legal regulation moral neutrality criminal law societal norms individual freedom legal interference autonomy safety legislation ethical living personal choice crime prevention theft violence murder suicide legal boundaries moral legislation public order personal liberty legal protection criminal law legislation societal norms personal freedom autonomy safety individual rights suicide theft violence murder legal boundaries moral pronouncements external interferences lawful living protection legal principles moral legislation self-determination criminal law societal norms personal autonomy legal interference theft violence murder suicide individual freedom legal protection practical legislation moral legislation public order personal choice legal boundaries societal control individual rights legislative purpose crime prevention criminal law legislation societal values personal freedom autonomy safety external interferences theft violence murder suicide legal principles ethical considerations criminal law societal norms personal freedom external interferences theft violence murder autonomous action suicide legal boundaries moral pronouncements individual rights public safety legislative intent freedom of choice criminal law societal norms personal autonomy legal legislation individual freedom public safety criminal justice moral legislation legal regulation personal choice autonomy violence theft murder suicide legal principles ethical boundaries legislative purpose human rights civil liberties legal protection interference personal conduct legal framework moral judgments law enforcement social order individual rights legal philosophy crime prevention legal ethics human behavior legal standards societal values legal restrictions personal responsibility legal debate moral law legal system social control individual dignity legal reforms personal safety legal definitions social legislation criminal law society's values personal autonomy legal pragmatism individual freedom safety theft violence murder suicide legal intervention external interferences moral legislation legal philosophy criminal law societal norms personal freedom external interferences theft violence murder autonomous action suicide legal boundaries moral pronouncements individual rights public safety legal philosophy criminal law societal norms personal freedom external interferences theft violence murder autonomous action legal principles suicide legislative purpose individual rights public policy moral legislation
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro02a	Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. needle exchanges public health drug addicts safe disposal stray needles rubbish bins sanitation workers accidental needle pricks children safety fluid exchange family members partners loved ones hepatitis government policies public safety health protection community health infectious diseases harm reduction needle exchanges public safety drug addicts used needles rubbish bins children sanitation workers accidental needle pricks drug addict families partners loved ones fluid exchange public health government policies hepatitis prevention infectious diseases community health harm reduction sterile syringes safe disposal needle exchanges public safety used needles rubbish bins stray needles children sanitation workers drug addicts family members partners loved ones fluid exchange public health government policy hepatitis prevention harm reduction needle exchanges public safety used needles rubbish bins stray needles children protection sanitation workers drug addicts family members fluid exchange public health government policy hepatitis prevention health benefits needle exchanges public health drug addicts safe disposal stray needles rubbish bins children sanitation workers accidental needle pricks families drug addicts fluid exchange partners loved ones health benefits government policies hepatitis public safety needle exchanges public protection safe needle disposal stray needles children safety sanitation workers accidental needle pricks drug addicts family members partners loved ones fluid exchange public health government policies hepatitis Alan Franciscus Hepatitis Mag April 2003 needle exchanges public health protect public safe disposal used needles stray needles rubbish bins children safety sanitation workers accidental needle sticks drug addicts family members partners loved ones fluid exchange hepatitis government policy public health policy harm reduction needle exchanges public safety drug addicts used needles rubbish bins stray needles children sanitation workers accidental needlestick families of drug addicts partners loved ones fluid exchange public health government policy hepatitis prevention HIV transmission community health harm reduction drug use safety infectious diseases health education social welfare healthcare access addiction treatment needle disposal safe injection viral infections bloodborne pathogens Medicaid public health policy advocacy medical waste management urban health rural health socioeconomic factors racial disparities substance abuse mental health legal implications ethical considerations public opinion needle exchanges public safety harm reduction drug addicts used needles rubbish bins children sanitation workers accidental needle sticks families drug addicts partners loved ones fluid exchange public health government policy hepatitis Alan Franciscus Hepatitis Mag April 2003 needle exchanges public safety stray needles children protection sanitation workers accidental needle pricks drug addicts family members fluid exchange public health government policy hepatitis prevention
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con01a	Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. achievements earned positive discrimination role models unearned success parachuting university admissions ethnic minorities diversity cosmopolitanism role model effectiveness Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society earn achievements positive discrimination role models unearned achievements hard work talent university admissions ethnic minorities role model diversity society admiring diversity cosmopolitanism Hillary Clinton effect psychology of role models Achievements earned unearned positive discrimination role models hard work talent university ethnic minorities diversity cosmopolitanism British Psychological Society Hillary Clinton effect achievements earned unearned positive discrimination role models diversity minority university patronising admiration talent hard work society role model effect Hillary Clinton British Psychological Society cosmopolitanism skin color school type achievements earned positive discrimination role models unearned hard work talent university minority diversity cosmopolitanism British Psychological Society Hillary Clinton effect role models achievements hard work positive discrimination unearned success ethnic minorities university admissions diversity cosmopolitanism role model effectiveness patronization Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society achievements earned positive discrimination role models unearned hard work talent university patronising ethnic minorities diversity cosmopolitanism Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society achievements earned positive discrimination role models unearned hard work talent university diversity cosmopolitanism ethnic minorities society admiration parachuting British Psychological Society Hillary Clinton effect role models achievements hard work positive discrimination unearned success ethnic minorities diversity cosmopolitanism role model influence Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society role models achievements hard work talent positive discrimination unearned success diversity cosmopolitanism ethnic minorities university admissions patronization Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con03a	This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, smoking ban pubs clubs business loss closures UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign relax smoking ban MP support economic impact smoker behavior pub owners fairness regulations hospitality industry indoor smoking customer experience drinking habits home alternatives social impact legislative consequences public health smoking restrictions smoking ban pubs clubs closures business loss Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign UK MPs relax laws smoking restrictions economic impact hospitality industry legislation effects smoking ban pubs clubs business impact smokers home smoking pub closures UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign amendment MPs relaxation legislation consequences pub-owners economic effect social impact smoking restrictions hospitality industry smoking ban pubs clubs business loss smokers home smoking pub closures UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign relax smoking ban MPs unfair consequence pub-owners smoking ban pubs clubs business loss closures Save Our Pubs & Clubs UK MPs relax smoking ban economic impact smoker behavior home smoking alternatives campaign amendment pub owners unfair consequences smoking ban pubs clubs business loss smoker behavior pub closures UK regulations campaign relax ban Save Our Pubs & Clubs unfair consequences pub-owners impact smoking restrictions economic effects nightlife decline legislation impact smoking ban pubs clubs closures business loss smokers home smoking UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign MP support amendment request unfair consequence pub owners smoking ban pubs clubs business loss closures Save Our Pubs & Clubs UK MP campaign relax smoking ban economic impact pub owners smoking restrictions hospitality industry smoker behavior home alternatives social impact legislative consequences alcohol sales customer retention indoor smoking smoking ban pubs clubs business impact smokers home alternatives UK pub closures Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign MPs relax restrictions economic consequences pub-owners global impact smoking ban pubs clubs business impact closures UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign amendment relaxation smokers spending habits home preference unfair consequence pub-owners
test-law-phwmfri-pro01a	Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. income-based fines proportional punishment equitable penalties relative financial impact socioeconomic justice fair sentencing economic fairness penalty equivalence income-adjusted fines wealth-based penalties income-based fines proportional punishment financial penalties socio-economic impact equitable justice relative consequence wealth disparity legal fairness economic status penalty adjustment income proportionality financial penalty impact relative fine severity equitable punishment proportional fines income-based sanctions economic deterrence fair legal consequences socioeconomic penalty adjustment proportional justice income-based fines proportional punishment financial penalties economic justice equality in sentencing socioeconomic impact fair legal consequences relative financial burden income-proportional fines equitable punishment system income proportionality financial penalty relative consequence economic disparity equitable punishment proportional fines income-based fines fairness in sentencing economic justice punitive measures societal equality legal consequences offender accountability penal reform economic impact assessment proportional fines income-based penalties equitable punishment financial penalties relative impact fair sentencing economic justice punitive measures wealth-disparate consequences income-adjusted fines income-based fines proportional penalties economic fairness punitive justice social equality financial consequence relative impact income proportionality equitable punishment socioeconomic disparity income proportionality fine equity relative financial impact proportional punishment economic justice income-based fines fairness in sentencing social equality in law financial penalty fairness equitable legal consequences wealth disparity income-based fines proportional punishment economic justice financial penalties relative impact socioeconomic equality punitive measures legal sanctions fair sentencing income-based fines proportional penalties equitable punishment financial consequences relative fine impact socioeconomic justice penalty fairness income-adjusted sanctions financial punishment equality economic disparity in fines
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro02a	Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justification success peaceful means government negotiation concessions rational argument peaceful protest Nelson Mandela presidency trend Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts Oslo Accords terrorism discussion acknowledgement justification success peaceful means government negotiation concessions rational argument peaceful protest Nelson Mandela presidency trends Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo Accords Palestinian Authority terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justification success peaceful means failed governments negotiation concessions rational argument peaceful protest recognition cause Nelson Mandela President Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts Oslo Accords terrorism discussion group acknowledgement justification success peaceful means government negotiation concessions rational argument peaceful protest Nelson Mandela presidency Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority terrorism discussion acknowledgment groups justification success peaceful means governments negotiations concessions rational argument peaceful protest recognition cause Nelson Mandela President Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts Oslo Accords terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justified success peaceful means governments negotiate concessions rational argument peaceful protest recognition cause Nelson Mandela President Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justification success peaceful means governments negotiation concessions rational argument peaceful protest Nelson Mandela President Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts Oslo Accords terrorism discussion acknowledgment groups justification success peaceful means government negotiations concessions rational argument peaceful protest Nelson Mandela presidency trend Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority terrorism discussion acknowledgment groups justification success peaceful means government negotiations concessions rational argument peaceful protest Nelson Mandela President trend Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts terrorism discussion acknowledgement justification success peaceful means negotiation concessions recognition Nelson Mandela presidency Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo Accords Palestinian Authority historical impact political change violence non-violent protest government response militant groups peace processes democratic transitions socio-political movements international relations conflict resolution
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro01a	It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 immoral kill animals moral duty inflict pain survival farm animals chickens pigs sheep cows sentient beings evolutionary cousins animal suffering human suffering racism farm kill animals food factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems slaughterhouse PETA ten billion animals indirect duties moral contract children Tom Regan respect of life recognition of suffering veganism utilitarian Jeremy Bentham immoral kill animals moral duty inflict pain survival farm animals chickens pigs sheep cows sentient beings evolutionary cousins pleasure pain Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human suffering racism farm kill animals food factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems slaughterhouse Tom Regan indirect duties moral contract children protect suffering respect of life veganism animal rights immoral kill animals moral duty pain survival farm chickens pigs sheep cows sentient beings evolutionary cousins pleasure 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human superiority racism farm food PETA factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems death selective breeding milk eggs slaughter indirect duties philosophical children contracts rights moral contract sentimental interests protect living beings respect life veganism immoral kill animals moral duty inflict pain survival farm animals sentient beings evolutionary cousins feel pleasure feel pain Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human suffering racism wrong farm kill animals food not needed barbaric cruel free range PETA ten billion slaughtered human consumption factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics prisoner cells health problems death selective breeding milk eggs bodies slaughterhouse indirect duties Tom Regan children moral contract duties protect suffering respect for life recognition of suffering immoral kill animals moral duty inflict pain survival farm animals chickens pigs sheep cows sentient beings evolutionary cousins animal suffering human suffering Jeremy Bentham racism farming slaughter PETA factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems slaughterhouse moral contract indirect duties Tom Regan children rights respect of life recognition of suffering veganism animal rights immoral kill animals moral duty inflict pain survival farm animals sentient beings evolutionary cousins feel pleasure feel pain Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human suffering racism farm kill animals food unnecessary barbaric cruel free range PETA ten billion animals human consumption factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems selective breeding milk eggs slaughterhouse Tom Regan indirect duties moral contract children protect suffering respect of life veganism immoral kill animals moral duty inflict pain survival farm animals sentient beings evolutionary cousins feel pleasure feel pain Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human suffering racism farm kill animals food factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems death selective breeding slaughterhouse indirect duties Tom Regan moral contract protect suffering respect of life veganism history Time Claire Suddath The Case for Animal Rights 1989 animal rights moral duty sentience Jeremy Bentham animal suffering factory farming PETA Tom Regan indirect duties respect for life veganism ethical treatment animal cruelty utilitarianism moral contract sentient beings pain infliction human superiority farm animals animal farming slaughter methods health problems selective breeding animal welfare ethical consumption moral philosophy duty to animals protection from suffering animal morality ethical vegetarianism animal sentience utilitarian ethics Bentham animal rights factory farming cruelty PETA statistics Regan animal ethics indirect duties animals moral contract theory animal suffering recognition veganism history ethical farming practices animal liberation moral philosophy animals immoral kill animals moral duty inflict pain survival farm animals chickens pigs sheep cows sentient beings evolutionary cousins pleasure pain Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human suffering racism wrong farming slaughter food PETA factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems death selective breeding slaughterhouse Tom Regan indirect duties children moral contract sentimental interests protect suffering respect of life recognition of suffering
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con01a	Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention school responsibility societal values freedom of choice physical activity balanced meals nutritional choices lifestyle education personal responsibility societal responsibility democratic values freedom of expression student autonomy health and nutrition importance of choice responsible decision-making school policies obesity prevention holistic education student empowerment balanced diet active living moderation healthy living educational goals student rights school health programs nutritional education lifestyle awareness choice in education health education obesity solutions student health educational philosophy school role public health student development nutritional guidelines Schools education healthy choices government childhood obesity active members society fairness democracy freedom of expression knowledge mathematics history biology health nutrition ban food clothes ideas healthy lifestyle physical activity balanced meals moderation choice responsibility society education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention school responsibility freedom of choice nutrition physical activity social values democracy responsibility lifestyle balanced meals moderation personal freedom societal norms student welfare health education informed decision-making school education healthy choices government intervention childhood obesity societal values knowledge transfer freedom of choice nutrition education physical activity balanced meals personal responsibility democratic values freedom of expression school policies healthy lifestyle educational goals student autonomy nutritional choices societal health pedagogical methods holistic education education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention schools freedom of choice nutrition physical activity balanced meals democracy fairness freedom of expression responsibility society lifestyle indulgence youth health education policy parental responsibility student rights nutritional value school lunch programs personal responsibility societal values wellbeing public health teaching methods child development choice architecture behavioral change obesity prevention health awareness civic education active citizenship young people food choices exercise diet critical thinking empowerment decision-making skills moral education education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention freedom of choice school responsibilities nutrition physical activity lifestyle societal values democracy personal responsibility ban on choices importance of choice balanced meals moderation active society useful citizens transference of knowledge imprinting values health education schools education healthy choices government childhood obesity society fairness democracy freedom of expression knowledge mathematics history biology health nutrition ban food choices clothing choices ideas physical activity balanced meals moderation responsibility lifestyle Education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention schools societal values freedom of choice nutrition physical activity balanced meals responsibility democracy fairness freedom of expression healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention education purpose societal values knowledge transfer health education physical activity balanced meals personal responsibility freedom of choice nutritional choices lifestyle choices society's role individual responsibility school policies dietary freedom educational freedom student autonomy health awareness education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention schools freedom of choice active citizens society values knowledge transfer health nutrition physical activity balanced meals personal responsibility democracy societal norms lifestyle education nutritional choices moderation importance of choice social responsibility
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro02a	Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy change procrastination legislature norms Hungary Poland Czech Republic reform membership application priority Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy change legislature norms Hungary Poland Czech Republic EU membership application priority procrastination discouragement reform promises Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy change EU membership Hungary Poland Czech Republic reform pressure application timeline priority consideration Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights records democratization policy change legislative reform EU membership accession priorities Hungary Poland Czech Republic rapid reform membership promises Turkey application EU procrastination accession denial Turkey priority EU rewards state reform accession timeline democratization encouragement accession criteria EU membership criteria EU expansion Turkey EU relations accession negotiations EU candidate status EU accession process EU pre-accession strategy Turkey EU dialogue EU membership benefits EU membership conditions accession delays Turkey reforms EU incentivization membership prospects Turkey EU candidacy accession Turkey Romania Bulgaria EU accession human rights records democratization policy change legislature reforms Hungary Poland Czech Republic EU membership application timeline priority EU incentives reform pressure procrastination discouragement Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy change Hungary Poland Czech Republic reform membership application priority procrastination encouragement legislature norms accession criteria EU membership application timeline Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization legislative reform Hungary Poland Czech Republic EU membership application timeline priority procrastination encouragement policy change Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy reform legislative changes Hungary Poland Czech Republic EU membership application timeline accession priorities procrastination discouragement rapid reform membership promises prioritization formal application EU accession human rights records democratization legislative reform prioritization Turkey's EU membership EU membership criteria political pressure reform timelines accession precedents candidate states membership delays democratic efforts policy changes Turkey's application EU promises accession delays membership rights democratization incentives Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy changes Hungary Poland Czech Republic EU membership prioritize reform legislature accession delay discouragement application timeline accession criteria EU incentives state reform pressure
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro01a	"It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" terrorism jury national security threats politicization classified information intelligence leaks prosecution conviction criminal law Laura K. Donohue trials terrorists security issues public disclosure legal procedures judicial fairness evidence presentation terrorism trial by jury national security jury threats politicization classified information intelligence leaks prosecution terrorist groups legal procedures jury system judicial process security issues crime conviction Donohue terrorism trials British law American law criminal law terrorism jury national security trial threats jurors politicization classified information prosecution intelligence leaks criminal law Laura K. Donohue terrorism trials conviction serious crimes British law American law limit trial by jury terrorism cases national security issues threaten jury members politicize the jury state's information limitation classified information intelligence leaks prosecute terrorists national security concerns terrorism trials convict terrorists Laura K. Donohue Terrorism and Trial by Jury British and American Criminal Law terrorism national security jury trials threat politicization classified information prosecution intelligence leaks conviction Laura K. Donohue British law American law jury limitation terrorism cases national security jury threats politicized jury classified information intelligence leaks prosecution difficulty terrorism trials trial by jury Laura K. Donohue British criminal law American criminal law terrorism national security jury trials threats to jury members politicization of juries classified information intelligence leaks prosecution of terrorists trial by jury Laura K. Donohue criminal law British law American law terrorism trials national security issues convict terrorists legal procedures judicial system security vs. justice terrorism jury national security trial threats politicization classified information intelligence leaks prosecution conviction Laura K. Donohue criminal law British law American law security issues intelligence sources jury members public safety legal systems judicial process evidence presentation legal constraints defense strategies courtroom procedures judicial integrity security protocols legal ethics terrorism trials judicial challenges security measures judicial reforms legal precedents trial efficacy legal arguments judicial administration constitutional rights legal safeguards judicial oversight security considerations legal principles judicial decision-making legal policies national security terrorism jury trials national security threats to jurors politicization of juries classified information intelligence leaks prosecution difficulties conviction rates Laura K. Donohue British criminal law American criminal law terrorism national security jury trials jurors threats politicization classified information intelligence leaks prosecution conviction criminal law British law American law Laura K. Donohue"
test-science-eassgbatj-con04a	Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research EU laws US regulations 3Rs principles animal testing refinement alternatives to animal testing reduction of animal use research ethics animal welfare scientific methods laboratory animals humane research ethical guidelines biomedical research animal experimentation regulatory compliance compassionate science non-animal models in vitro testing computer modeling ethical research practices animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles animal testing refined results reduced suffering replacement methods reduced animal use improved research quality Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles animal testing refined results reduced suffering alternative methods fewer animals improved research quality Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles Refined animal testing Replaced animal testing Reduced animal testing animal welfare ethical research practices alternative methods humane science regulatory frameworks animal experimentation scientific advancement ethical considerations animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined animal testing replacement methods reduced animal numbers minimized animal suffering improved research quality Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined animal testing replaced animal testing reduced animal testing animal suffering improved research methods ethical animal research alternative testing methods animal welfare regulations scientific advancement minimized animal use Animal research EU member states US laws alternatives 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction animal testing better results less suffering improved research ethical standards scientific advancement regulatory compliance humane practices animal welfare Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined animal testing replaced animal testing reduced animal testing ethical research practices animal welfare scientific alternatives laboratory animals regulatory compliance humane research methods reduction in animal use improved research outcomes animal research EU member states US laws alternatives to animal testing 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction animal welfare ethical research practices scientific advancements regulatory compliance humane testing methods animal experimentation regulations research ethics non-animal models cruelty-free alternatives laboratory animal use biomedical research animal protection laws animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined testing alternative methods reduced animal use better research outcomes less animal suffering
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con02a	‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, state-university relationship academic freedom institutional rights political and economic stability service provider workforce training faculty opinions academic governance supermarket analogy mutual benefit local laws international education student experience legal compliance institutional autonomy government regulation academic-community relations town-gown dynamics educational policy institutional responsibilities university autonomy state-university relationship academic freedom political influence economic dependence institutional rights service provider political views faculty opinion academic institution corporate analogy legal compliance cultural expectations international standards student experience policy criticism governance funding student fees workforce training political stability economic stability negotiation beef investment cannabis laws Western student experience ridicule critique Smith David Tesco financial contribution Guardian media perspective public opinion town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers workforce training faculty opinions institutional rights supermarket analogy local laws negotiation student experience cannabis laws western student experience separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability universities as service providers training and skilling workforce academic political views university institutional rights supermarket analogy local laws and regulations negotiation and benefit Western student experience academic freedom institutional autonomy state-university negotiation faculty opinions student rights institutional roles public and private interests higher education funding student fees state support academic criticism state methods institutional benefits academic responsibilities state-university partnership educational autonomy political influence institutional identity service provider model academic-community interaction institutional governance academic-community relations separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training institutional rights academic freedom local laws corporate analogy negotiation Western student experience cannabis laws institutional benefits faculty opinions student fees funding academic-political interdependence institutional autonomy societal contribution separation of town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic and student political views institutional rights supermarket analogy local laws mutual benefit negotiation Western student experience cannabis laws ridicule institutional autonomy state-university relationship academic freedom public policy governance institutional responsibilities societal contribution mutual dependency regulatory compliance educational standards public-private partnership stakeholder engagement economic development institutional governance academic governance social contract legal obligations university-state interaction policy conflicts institutional identity academic community state interests institutional integrity civic engagement public separation of town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers training and skilling workforce university expertise funding and student fees faculty opinions institutional rights supermarket chain analogy local laws investment benefits negotiation Asian nations cannabis laws Western student experience David Smith Tesco financial benefits university state faculty service providers political views academic freedom institutional rights funding student fees workforce training economic stability local laws international standards academic autonomy government intervention corporate rights supermarket analogy societal benefit mutual agreement negotiation room Western student experience cannabis laws Asian nations ridicule David Smith Tesco billions guardian.co.uk separation of town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers workforce training faculty opinions institutional rights supermarket analogy local laws negotiation Western student experience cannabis laws David Smith Tesco institutional autonomy academic freedom state-university relationship political views institutional benefits legal compliance academic institution commercial entity mutual benefit state intervention academic governance public policy university funding student fees institutional role societal impact academic-political interface governance models institutional responsibilities academic-community relations academic criticism state support institutional rights debate academic-political dynamics Separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws mutual benefit negotiation academic-political interaction university autonomy state regulations faculty opinions student experience Western student experience academic-political balance institutional responsibilities mutual dependency academic-community relations university-state dynamics academic governance institutional integrity political influence educational autonomy societal contribution academic-community partnership academic rights institutional roles mutual respect academic-community coexistence academic-community engagement academic-community cooperation academic-community dialogue academic-community collaboration academic-community
test-international-bldimehbn-con02a	Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, right to know public decision-making journalistic responsibility government transparency human rights freedom of expression public morals religious justification journalistic ethics factual reporting government accountability citizen rights media freedom political protest government repression moral protection public opinion individual judgment social contract international perception government-citizen relationship news value C.P. Snow comment versus facts Tunisia Sofiene Chourabi Amnesty International guardian.co.uk right to know public decision-making journalistic filtering government actions imprisonment internment brutality public morality majority religion journalist arrest Sofiene Chourabi protest against government protecting morality religious justification public understanding callousness C.P. Snow facts are sacred news importance government-citizen relations international perception Amnesty International Tunisian journalist public morals charge criticizing government guardian.co.uk right to know public decision journalist role government actions imprisonments internments brutality government euphemisms protecting public morality majority religion Sofiene Chourabi arrested harming public morals protest governing party Tunisia public morality protection faith justification public understanding public care C.P. Snow comment is free facts are sacred news value government-citizen relationship world perception Citizen rights government transparency public information media freedom journalistic ethics government accountability public morals press censorship political protests religious justification government actions international perception government-citizen relationship fact-based journalism editorial responsibility citizen awareness democratic processes human rights political criticism moral responsibility citizens right know public decide actions reported journalists broadcasters filter imprisonments internments brutality governments name people euphemisms protecting public morality majority religion case Sofiene Chourabi arrested harming public morals calling protest governing party Tunisia reasonable morality protected faith justify failure assume public foolish understand callous care journalist editor assumption facts sacred C.P. Snow events citizens country world views government right to know public accountability government transparency press freedom journalism ethics public morals protecting morality majority religion government actions citizens' rights journalist's role public understanding factual reporting commentary versus facts Sofiene Chourabi Tunisia government critique moral justification religious justification news value C.P. Snow quote facts are sacred public perception government-citizen relationship transparency accountability public right to know government actions imprisonment internment brutality protecting public morality majority religion journalist arrest Sofiene Chourabi protest governing party Tunisia public morals individual rights collective rights journalist role editor role C.P. Snow comment facts news citizen impact government-citizen relations world perception right to know public decision-making journalistic integrity government transparency citizen rights government actions public morality religious justification press freedom journalist arrest public morals political protest media ethics fact-based reporting public opinion government accountability international perception government-citizen relationship C.P. Snow comment versus facts Citizens right transparency public decision-making actions government journalists broadcasters filter process imprisonments internments brutality governments people euphemisms protecting public morality majority religion example journalist Sofiene Chourabi arrested harming public morals protest governing party Tunisia right to know morality faith justification public understanding care journalist role C.P. Snow comment facts news country world view government treatment citizens right to know public decision journalists broadcasters actions governments imprisonments internments brutality public morality majority religion euphemisms Sofiene Chourabi protest governing party Tunisia public morals protecting morality faith justification public understanding public care C.P. Snow facts are sacred news value government treatment citizen rights freedom of information media ethics journalistic integrity public interest transparency accountability democracy human rights civil liberties censorship propaganda public opinion media responsibility editorial discretion truth freedom of expression government actions societal impact
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro03a	Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid reduce prominence bad fake drugs high quality generic pharmaceuticals markets cost patented search options billion dollar global counterfeit trade deaths Africa substandard tuberculosis pills widespread introduction low cost ensure consumers sellers market places fake drugs counterfeit pharmaceuticals substandard drugs generic drugs patented drugs cost of medication Africa tuberculosis marketplaces consumer safety health impact mortality rate global trade low-cost medications quality assurance fake drugs counterfeit pharmaceuticals substandard drugs generic drugs patented drugs drug trade Africa tuberculosis market regulation consumer safety low cost drugs high quality medications healthcare policy drug quality pharmaceutical regulation public health medication efficacy illegal drug trade pharmaceutical market health economics drug affordability drug availability medication safety counterfeit drug control pharmaceutical industry health policy drug enforcement medicinal quality control drug authenticity health impact pharmaceutical safety medication reliability drug supply chain market place drugs healthcare access pharmaceutical innovation drug pricing counterfeit drug prevention public health intervention medication standards reduce prominence bad drugs fake drugs high quality generics patented drugs cost counterfeit drug trade deaths in Africa substandard tuberculosis pills low cost drugs consumer safety fake drugs counterfeit pharmaceuticals substandard drugs high-quality generics patented drugs cost of medications Africa tuberculosis pills market places consumer safety drug trade health impacts regulatory measures public health policy affordable healthcare solutions Reduce prominence bad drugs fake pharmaceuticals high quality generics patented drug cost counterfeit drug trade Africa deaths substandard drugs tuberculosis pills low cost drugs market sellers bad drugs fake drugs high quality generics patented drugs counterfeit drug trade deaths in Africa substandard drugs tuberculosis pills low cost drugs market sellers drug quality pharmaceutical regulation health safety consumer trust affordable medication global health issues pharmaceutical industry drug efficacy public health policy reduce prominence bad fake drugs high quality generic drugs cost patented drugs global counterfeit drug trade deaths Africa substandard tuberculosis pills low cost market places consumers sellers health safety pharmaceutical industry regulation enforcement policy solutions awareness education access affordability treatment medicines public health crisis intervention measures counterfeit detection prevention strategies laws penalties international cooperation trade agreements quality control standards testing laboratories distribution supply chain bad drugs fake drugs high quality generics counterfeit drug trade Africa tuberculosis pills substandard drugs patent drugs low cost drugs market places consumer safety pharmaceutical regulation health policy drug quality public health affordable healthcare counterfeit drugs high-quality generics patent drugs substandard medications Africa tuberculosis marketplaces pharmaceutical trade consumer safety health policy drug regulation public health initiatives low-cost medications quality control drug efficacy pharmaceutical standards healthcare access economic impact counterfeit trade health outcomes mortality rates
test-culture-mthbah-pro05a	Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements children materialism selfishness values patience hard work moderation non-material family friends relationships personal development society consumerism impression possessions obsession effects social impact advertising children materialism consumerism values selfishness possessions non-material relationships personal development society patience hard work moderation family friends advertisements children materialism selfishness possessions values patience hard work moderation non-material family friends relationships personal development society marketing consumerism psychological impact social effects parental influence youth culture commercialization child development societal values material possessions non-material aspects interpersonal relationships long-term consequences advertising impact consumer behavior societal norms ethical advertising youth marketing value systems socialization consumer attitudes materialistic values child psychology social values consumer psychology advertising ethics cultural impact social issues consumer education materialism advertising impact children's desires materialism increase selfishness growth value erosion non-material aspects relationship damage personal development hinderance societal consequences advertisements children materialism selfishness possessions values patience hard work moderation non-material things family friends relationships personal development society advertising impact children's desires materialism selfishness value erosion patience decline hard work neglect moderation loss non-material values family importance friendship value personal development harm societal effects consumerism critique youth influence commercial messaging possession obsession relational damage social well-being advertising children materialism selfishness possessions values patience hard work moderation non-material things family friends relationships personal development societal impact consumerism marketing influence youth culture social values long-term effects advertisements children materialism selfishness possessions values patience hard work moderation non-material family friends relationships personal development society consumerism dissatisfaction social impact psychological effects marketing strategies youth culture materialistic values long-term consequences social responsibility parental influence educational approaches societal norms consumer behavior psychological well-being ethical advertising child development value systems commercialization of childhood consumer ethics social cohesion emotional well-being mental health advertising regulation consumer awareness materialistic attitudes life satisfaction social skills interpersonal relationships community materialism consumerism childhood development social values family bonds friendships personal growth societal impact patience hard work moderation non-material values selflessness advertisement influence youth culture ethical consumption emotional well-being material possessions craving instant gratification long-term effects community social cohesion mental health advertising ethics responsible marketing child psychology consumer behavior value erosion relational harm development delays social skills civic responsibility cultural norms economic pressures media literacy parent-child relationships 青少年消费观 社会价值观 广告道德 广告 advertising children materialism consumerism values patience hard work moderation non-material family friends relationships personal development society selfishness possessions obsession effects outcomes expansion terms query supplementation beneficial terms search enhancement
test-law-lghbacpsba-con02a	It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 client-attorney privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct rule 1.04 best interests client representation legal ethics litigation justice system professional duties confidentiality attorney-client relationship legal advocacy client loyalty attorney client case duty solicitors code conduct best interests adversarial system justice privilege litigation facts support undermine working parties arguing accessed rule core 2007 18/05/11 attorney-client privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct client's best interests legal ethics Rule 1.04 professional duties justice system litigation legal representation attorney-client privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct client's best interests legal ethics litigation process professional responsibilities confidentiality in law justice system legal representation attorney-client privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct client's best interests legal ethics litigation professional responsibility client confidentiality justice system legal representation attorney-client privilege solicitors' code of conduct rule 1.04 adversarial system client's best interests legal representation litigation ethical duties justice system confidentiality attorney-client privilege adversarial system legal ethics client confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct professional responsibilities best interests of the client litigation process legal representation justice system attorney-client privilege adversarial system legal representation client's best interest solicitors' code of conduct litigation core duties professional conduct justice legal ethics attorney-client privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct client representation legal ethics rule 1.04 best interests of the client professional duties litigation justice system legal representation client confidentiality professional conduct legal obligations adversarial system client-attorney privilege solicitors' code of conduct duty to client best interests legal ethics litigation professional responsibility legal representation justice system
test-international-appghblsba-pro02a	The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, Lesotho historical reasons state existence post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State 1966 independence separate colony direct rule apartheid regime political asylum African National Congress ANC anti-apartheid struggle guerilla units historical context current relationship closer ties Lesotho South Africa apartheid independence British protectorate Moshoeshoe Boers Orange Free State African National Congress ANC post-apartheid political asylum guerilla units colonial history state formation international relations Southern Africa regional politics modern Africa historical context sovereignty governance colonial legacy African politics anti-apartheid struggle nationalism territorial integrity Lesotho South Africa apartheid independence British protectorate Moshoeshoe Boers Orange Free State Kingdom of Lesotho African National Congress ANC political asylum guerilla units post-apartheid historical reasons colonial rule dominion enclave political opposition changed times closer relations Lesotho historical reasons post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State 1966 independence separate colony direct rule apartheid regime political asylum African National Congress ANC struggle against apartheid guerilla units important actor ANC in power closer relations Lesotho historical reasons post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State 1966 independence Kingdom of Lesotho British colony apartheid regime political asylum African National Congress ANC anti-apartheid struggle guerilla units Smith 2010 contemporary relations SA-Lesotho cooperation Lesotho South Africa apartheid independence British protectorate Moshoeshoe Boers Orange Free State African National Congress ANC political asylum post-apartheid governance historical context colonial history guerilla units proximity political relations modern dynamics Smith 2010 Lesotho independence British protectorate Boers Orange Free State apartheid South Africa African National Congress ANC political asylum guerilla units post-apartheid colonial history separation statehood Smith 2010 Lesotho historical reasons post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State 1966 independence separate colony apartheid regime political asylum African National Congress ANC struggle against apartheid guerilla units important actor changed times closer relationship Smith 2010 Lesotho independence British protectorate Boers Orange Free State apartheid South Africa African National Congress ANC political asylum post-apartheid historical reasons colonial rule guerilla units Moshoeshoe 1966 Smith 2010 Lesotho statehood post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State independence 1966 colonial history apartheid political asylum African National Congress ANC guerilla units historical relations regional politics contemporary relevance
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro03a	Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, public health smoking cessation tobacco control enforcement mechanisms community policing peer influence social norms policy implementation public opinion behavioral change easy enforcement public places smoking ban obvious activity non-complex enforcement user enforcement worker enforcement attitude change peer pressure self-enforcing citizen enforcement New York Times Hartocollis ban on smoking public places enforcement self-enforcing attitudes peer pressure smoking police New York Times Anemona Hartocollis ban on smoking public places easy enforcement obvious activity no special techniques user enforcement worker enforcement attitude change peer pressure self-enforcing smoking attitudes public health secondhand smoke smoking regulations New York Times citizen enforcement smoking police public smoking ban enforcement simplicity self-enforcing policies peer pressure attitude change citizen enforcement New York Times Anemona Hartocollis public health smoking regulation enforcement simplicity user compliance peer pressure attitude change self-enforcement citizen involvement public places smoking ban health policy community health legal enforcement social norms behavioral change public health smoking regulation enforcement simplicity user compliance peer pressure attitude change self-enforcement citizen involvement smoking ban public places New York Times Anemona Hartocollis public health smoking ban enforcement self-enforcing peer pressure public places attitude change citizen enforcement New York Times Anemona Hartocollis public health smoking cessation policy enforcement community engagement behavioral change peer influence regulatory compliance citizen policing social norms tobacco control health promotion legal enforcement public spaces smoke-free environments public health smoking cessation tobacco control legislative enforcement community compliance social norms public policy health advocacy behavior change law enforcement peer influence civic engagement regulatory measures smoke-free environments health education
test-law-sdfclhrppph-con01a	Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, free speech challenges orthodox beliefs societal benefits state stagnation restrictions special exceptions established truth scientific process professional disagreement scientific progress imperfect knowledge continual challenges agree to disagree Nature journal Daniel Sarewitz free speech challenges orthodox beliefs societal benefits state decline restrictions special exceptions established truth scientific process professional disagreement scientific progress imperfect knowledge Sarewitz Nature journal free speech challenges orthodox beliefs societal benefits state stagnation restrictions special exceptions scientific process professional disagreement imperfect knowledge progress real science agreeing to disagree Nature journal Sarewitz Daniel free speech challenges to orthodoxy societal benefits state stagnation special exceptions scientific progress academic disagreement imperfect knowledge continual challenges established truths free speech orthodoxy societal benefits state decline special exceptions scientific process professional disagreement imperfect knowledge Sarewitz Nature free speech challenges orthodox beliefs societal benefits state stagnation special exceptions scientific process professional disagreement scientific progress imperfect knowledge Free speech orthodoxy societal benefits state stagnation special exceptions scientific progress challenging beliefs established truth professional disagreement imperfect knowledge scientific process real science continual challenges agreement to disagree Nature journal Daniel Sarewitz free speech challenge orthodoxy societal benefits state stagnation special exceptions restriction frustration scientific progress professional disagreement imperfect knowledge real science continual challenges voice of science agree to disagree nature journal daniel sarewitz free speech challenges orthodox beliefs societal benefits state stagnation special exceptions scientific process professional disagreement scientific progress imperfect knowledge Sarewitz Daniel Nature journal free speech challenges orthodox beliefs societal benefits state stagnation special exceptions scientific progress professional disagreement imperfect knowledge Sarewitz Nature journal
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro03a	Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 foreign companies profits investment Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Uganda activists government Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds Barclays tax havens infrastructure education health services Foreign companies profits Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership Production Sharing Agreements Kofi Annan United Nations extractive industries Barclays tax havens infrastructure education health services Ugandan activists government taxation Foreign companies profits investment Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Uganda government Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds Barclays tax havens infrastructure education health services foreign companies profits investment in Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations Africa’s outflow of funds extractive industries Barclays tax havens reinvestment infrastructure education health services foreign companies profits Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds Barclays tax havens reinvestment infrastructure education health services Foreign companies profits Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds Barclays tax havens investment infrastructure education health services foreign companies profits Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations fund outflow Barclays tax havens infrastructure education health services investment exploitation Ugandan activists oil inflow/outflow balance reinvestment Foreign companies profits investment Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds extractive industries Barclays tax havens reinvestment infrastructure education health services Foreign companies profits Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations Barclays tax havens infrastructure education health services investment outflow inflow exploitation Uganda oil activism government lawsuits international bar association African Development Bank The Guardian Foreign companies profits investment Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds Barclays tax havens reinvestment infrastructure education health services exploitation legal challenges government taxation economic development international cooperation regulatory frameworks sustainable investment corporate responsibility economic inequality natural resources economic impact financial flows development aid foreign direct investment international trade economic policies regional development fiscal policies international organizations global economics business ethics corporate governance
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro02a	The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies children's rights child marriage India underdeveloped states conflict child soldiers International Criminal Court command responsibility corruption accessibility justice western notions Africa Asia isolated communities internecine conflicts Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities legal systems global context Werner Menski UNICEF state education legal norms child protection human rights international law legal enforcement state authority community law rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention law compliance plural societies child marriage enforcement mechanisms weak states child soldiers International Criminal Court corruption underdeveloped states conflict zones human rights legal systems African laws Asian laws community norms state authority legal accessibility justice child rights convention on the rights of the child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities internecine conflicts legal enforcement Western law non-state law legal systems legal education legal awareness international law legal norms legal rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage India weak states corruption child soldiers International Criminal Court command responsibility underdeveloped states conflict jurisdiction legal principles accessibility Western rule-of-law developing nations isolated communities internecine conflicts DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities authority protection community norms state-sponsored education legal systems global context legal enforcement child rights Rome Statute commander liability law enforcement stable sources of law rule of law legal norms state intervention Sally Falk-Moore social norms compliance plural societies India child marriage child rights child soldiers weak states corruption ICC command responsibility legal accessibility justice underdeveloped states conflict African law Asian law state sovereignty community law DRC South Sudan Myanmar legal education legal engagement Werner Menski UNICEF Elements of Crimes Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage India child soldiers weak states corruption international law ICC command responsibility legal systems developing nations conflict zones Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities legal pluralism traditional norms human rights child protection military units armed conflict legal enforcement jurisdiction state authority legal justice transparency court systems advocacy western notions legal certainty education community laws legal Vacuum international norms rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage child soldiers weak states corruption non-existent states international criminal court commanders jurisdiction legal principles fair law just law stable government reliable court system transparency conflict underdeveloped states internecine conflicts developing nations state isolation community authority DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities state-sponsored education stable source of law global context legal systems Asia Africa UNICEF child rights Rome Statute child combatants rule of law state intervention social norms law compliance plural societies children's rights child marriage law enforcement weak states child soldiers corruption conflict ICC jurisdiction command responsibility law accessibility fair justice state trust court system armed conflict community law DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities legal accountability state education legal void immediate authority global context legal systems comparative law UNICEF international criminal court child soldiers global report coalition to stop the use of child soldiers legal engagement legal stability legal enforcement human rights legal authority rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention law compliance plural societies child marriage India state weakness corruption child soldiers ICC jurisdiction command definition legal certainty fair justice state stability government trust reliable court system occupied territory Western rule-of-law developing nations isolated communities internecine conflicts Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minority immediate authority community laws state-sponsored education global contexts legal systems UNICEF elements of crimes coalition to stop child soldiers rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies children's rights India child marriage state weakness corruption conflict ICC command responsibility legal jurisdiction fair justice state trust court system transparency Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities child soldiers commanders local authority international law enforcement rule of law state intervention social norms compliance plural societies child marriage legal enforcement weak states corruption conflict child soldiers international criminal court command responsibility jurisprudence legal certainty government trust court systems territorial occupation developing nations isolation internecine conflicts community laws ethnic minorities armed conflict legal norms state-sponsored education legal liability strongest authority effective law stable sources global contexts legal systems comparative law UNICEF child rights rome statute child protection international law state responsibility legal enforcement challenges norm adaptation customary
test-international-epglghbni-con01a	Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, economic crisis PIGS bailout fragile economy public spending transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment budget deficit re-unification taxpayer subsidy German reunification economic integration fiscal burden unification economic impact Ireland Republic of Ireland Northern Ireland PIGS European Union bailout public spending transport systems police systems public sector employment economic deficit re-unification German reunification subsidies economic crisis HM Treasury Fitzpatrick Ireland economy unification public spending Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland bailout PIGS European Union transport police integration employment public sector deficit subsidies Germany East-West fiscal gap economic challenges re-unification taxpayer burden economic integration financial support regional development economic stability fiscal policy economic convergence job creation economic aid public finance economic indicators economic reform fiscal consolidation economic union economic crisis fiscal sustainability economic partnership economic policy economic impact fiscal measures economic benefits economic risks economic strategy economic forecasts Economic impact Unification consequences Republic of Ireland crisis PIGS countries EU bailout Northern Ireland economy Public sector employment Fiscal deficit Integration costs German reunification Subsidization needs Taxpayer burden Economic integration challenges Mass unemployment risk unification economy Ireland crisis PIGS European Union bailout Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland public spending integration transport police systems weak economy public sector employment deficit taxpayers subsidies Germany reunification financial impact political implications social stability economic burden fiscal challenges regional disparities economic integration public sector employment bailout costs economic fragility Northern Irish economy Irish unification economic consequences fiscal transfers economic sustainability long-term consequences German reunification economic recovery economic policies financial support economic disparity public finance economic union economic crisis Republic of Ireland P.I.G.S European Union bailout Northern Ireland economic integration public spending transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment UK average financial deficit unemployment taxpayer subsidy German reunification economic challenges fiscal burden economic unification Ireland Republic of Ireland Northern Ireland PIGS European Union economic crisis bailout public spending transport integration police integration weak economy public sector employment UK average fiscal deficit unemployment taxpayer subsidy German reunification economic challenges political integration Unification Ireland economic crisis PIGS European Union bailout Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland public spending transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment HM Treasury fiscal deficit unemployment German reunification taxpayer subsidies Fitzpatrick Unification Ireland economies Republic of Ireland crisis PIGS European Union bailout Northern Ireland fragile economy public spending transport systems police systems weak economy employment public sector HM Treasury fiscal deficit unemployment subsidies German reunification taxpayers Fitzpatrick unification economic impact Ireland Republic of Ireland Northern Ireland PIGS European Union bailout public spending transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment fiscal deficit unemployment taxpayer subsidy German reunification economic integration financial crisis
test-culture-mmciahbans-con02a	Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition counterproductive banning drug prohibition skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse homemade substances pills injections lack of regulation legalisation of drugs Al Jazeera RIA Novosti counterfeit makeup health risks unregulated products beauty industry policy effectiveness illegal trade harm reduction public health consumer safety legislation enforcement societal impact chemical regulation cosmetic safety banned substances market response consumer behavior regulatory challenges alternative solutions unethical practices global cosmetics market drug policy debate legal framework health policy consumer protection legislative measures enforcement strategies prohibition counterproductive banning drug prohibition skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation of drugs Ghana Al Jazeera RIA Novosti bans cosmetics regulation drug legalisation health risks unregulated products prohibition counterproductive drug legalization skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property homemade substances pills injections regulation Ghana Al Jazeera RIA Novosti Debatabase prohibition counterproductive banning problems states drugs illegal skin whitening creams Ghana billboards counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation drugs debates cosmetic safety health risks enforcement consumer protection illegal trade beauty products market regulation public policy harm reduction prohibition counterproductive banning drug laws skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation debate media cosmetics safety legislation public health enforcement market regulation consumer protection prohibition counterproductive banning drug laws skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation of drugs Al Jazeera RIA Novosti debate cosmetics regulation public health enforcement illegal trade consumer safety prohibition counterproductive drug prohibition skin whitening creams Ghana counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation of drugs Al Jazeera RIA Novosti banned substances cosmetic safety public health enforcement black market Prohibition counterproductive drug legalization skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property homemade substances unregulated products Ghana Al Jazeera RIA Novosti debate legalisation health risks bans ineffective regulatory challenges consumer safety market dynamics illegal trade prohibition counterproductive drug laws skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation debate Al Jazeera RIA Novosti beauty health risks enforcement market dynamics consumer behavior policy analysis Prohibition counterproductive drug prohibition skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation of drugs Al Jazeera RIA Novosti The Stream Fair Beauty Turning beauties into beasts
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con03a	"Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 parental rights medical advice best interest newborn circumcision complication rates infant health procedural risks delayed circumcision pediatric surgery bioethics child welfare surgical timing healthcare decision-making legal guardianship medical ethics pediatric consent operation safety early intervention health policy childhood surgery medical procedures risk assessment surgical outcomes circumcision debate infant circumcision safety pediatric health care parental consent medical intervention treatment timing health benefits circumcision controversy pediatric medical ethics parental rights medical advice child's best interest neonatal circumcision complication rates delayed circumcision risk assessment pediatric surgery informed consent bioethics infant health surgical timing medical ethics circumcision debate pediatric care standards parents right judgment medical advice best interest child evidence birth operation complications age ten-fold risk later life recognize rights procedure riskier elected Michael Benatar circumcision bioethics argument parents' rights best judgment medical advice best interest of child neonatal circumcision complication rates age of circumcision risk assessment parental consent bioethics Michael Benatar circumcision debate early versus late circumcision health outcomes ethical considerations parents' rights medical advice best interest newborn circumcision complication rates age of circumcision surgical risks parental consent bioethics Michael Benatar circumcision debate pediatric surgery informed decision-making risk assessment parents rights medical advice best interest of child newborn circumcision low complication rate increased risk later parental decision-making bioethics circumcision timing infant health medical ethics pediatric surgery risks parents' rights best judgment medical advice best interest child postnatal newborn circumcision operation timing complications risk age later life ten-fold medical ethics bioethics Michael Benatar circumcision debate pediatric surgery health policy parents rights best judgment medical advice best interest child birth operation complications risk age later life increase ten-fold recognize procedure riskier elected circumcision Michael Benatar The American Journal of Bioethics 2003 parents medical advice best interest child operation timing complications age risk circumcision rights approval later life ten-fold Michael Benatar The American Journal of Bioethics bioethics argument health policy pediatric surgery parental consent Parents best judgment medical advice best interest child medical operation newborn circumcision complications risk age health parental rights bioethics Michael Benatar argument ethics medical procedure later life increased risk safety healthcare decision-making consent infant care surgery pediatric medical ethics clinical practice health policy"
test-culture-mmciahbans-con01a	Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice self-governance individual rights freedom of action autonomy in decision-making self-direction personal responsibility liberty non-interference self-mastery personal empowerment independence freedom of thought free will self-agency self-control personal sovereignty decisional autonomy Personal autonomy individual freedom personal choice self-determination self-governance freedom of action non-harm principle autonomy ethics personal responsibility self-direction individual rights moral agency choice capacity decision-making freedom personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice non-harm principle self-harm smoking capacity for decision-making non-white women moral agency autonomy debates personal rights freedom of action self-governance voluntary harm decision-making capacity Personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice non-harm principle self-harm smoking capacity for choice non-white women autonomy debates moral reasoning ethical considerations harm principle personal rights individual rights societal norms gender issues racial issues freedom of choice self-governance philosophical debates ethical autonomy personal responsibility consent self-rule liberty moral agency decision-making capacity autonomous individuals self-mastery personal empowerment autonomy vs paternalism self-direction freedom of action moral independence personal liberties self-control self-governance self Personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice non-harm principle smoking self-harm capacity for choice non-white women gender and autonomy moral responsibility liberty bioethics freedom of action harm principle autonomy in healthcare women's rights racial equality ethical decision-making personal responsibility personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice non-harm principle harm to self harm to others smoking debate capacity for choice non-white women decision-making ability moral agency personal rights freedom of action ethical autonomy self-governance libertarianism individual rights personal responsibility voluntary action personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice harm principle non-harmful actions smoking self-harm capacity for decision-making non-white women autonomy debate personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice non-harm principle self-harm smoking non-white women capacity for choice autonomy in decision-making moral autonomy individual rights harm principle personal liberties personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice self-governance autonomy ethics individual rights liberty freedom of choice non-harm principle self-harm personal responsibility capacity for choice gender equality women's rights non-white women's rights decision-making capacity autonomy in healthcare moral autonomy ethical autonomy self-mastery agent-based ethics voluntarism self-control self-management personal empowerment individual empowerment human agency autonomy in philosophy autonomy in law autonomy in psychology autonomy in social sciences autonomy in politics autonomy in medicine autonomy in education personal autonomy individual freedom personal choice self-determination non-white women capacity for choice personal responsibility harmful actions societal norms individual rights liberty self-governance autonomy debates gender issues racial issues freedom of choice moral autonomy ethical self-determination voluntary harm self-harm freedom
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con05a	It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, monitor riots social media rioters advantages police intelligence services blackberry messenger track intercept plans websites extremist ideologies protest groups demonstrations impromptu raves evidence charging activists law enforcement social media monitoring riot control police surveillance intelligence gathering extremist ideologies protest group monitoring social media evidence law enforcement technology digital forensics online communication interception social media riot monitoring police intelligence communication interception extremist websites protest group tracking impromptu raves post-riot investigations evidence collection social media monitoring law enforcement strategies social media monitoring riot control police surveillance public social networks intelligence services access police intelligence extremist websites monitoring protest group tracking impromptu rave policing post-riot investigations evidence collection law enforcement monitoring social media in law enforcement monitor riots social media rioters police intelligence services advantages disadvantages communication tracking intercepting plans extremist ideologies protests demonstrations impromptu raves post-rioting evidence charging social media monitoring law enforcement social media riot monitoring police intelligence social networks rioters communication public access blackberry messenger law enforcement protest groups extremist ideologies post-rioting evidence gathering charging rioters social media monitoring activists warning law enforcement strategy social media riot monitoring police intelligence communication tracking riot prevention extremist websites protest group monitoring law enforcement social media evidence rioter identification social media riot monitoring police intelligence public networks blackberry messenger communication interception extremist websites protest group monitoring law enforcement post-riot investigations evidence gathering rioter identification activism tracking social media surveillance social media riots monitoring police intelligence advantages disadvantages communication tracking interception planning extremism protest groups demonstrations evidence charging social networks public access blackberry messenger law enforcement activists warnings efficiency post-riots investigation social media riot monitoring police intelligence extremist websites protest groups social media evidence law enforcement communication interception public networks blackberry messenger riot planning riot participant identification smart policing social media advantages police efficiency criminal charging social media law enforcement activist monitoring
test-environment-assgbatj-pro04a	Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation animal rights human rights pain in animals pain in humans research ethics moral philosophy bioethics animal testing human testing ethical dilemmas suffering measurement moral arguments ethical considerations medical ethics vulnerability in research comparative ethics sentient beings non-sentient beings moral status ethical treatment humane research alternatives animal welfare human welfare ethical guidelines research subject rights moral psychology cognitive abilities ethical justifications humane practices ethical research methods animals suffering people persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency medical research ethics disability experimentation animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities animal experimentation human experimentation ethical dilemmas pain in non-sentient beings moral philosophy bioethics research ethics consent in medical research animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation pain research moral options animal testing human experimentation ethical considerations suffering comparison animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation pain animal rights human rights moral philosophy bioethics research ethics animal suffering human suffering moral consistency disabled individuals painful medical research ethical implications vegetative state intellectual disabilities animal experimentation human experimentation animals suffer people persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency medical research disabled ethics experimentation pain rights justice animal welfare human rights research ethics moral philosophy bioethics vulnerability dignity healthcare society compassion legal standards moral principles humane treatment alternatives stakeholder perspectives public opinion policy regulation animal testing human testing suffering moral obligations ethical dilemmas healthcare policy scientific research moral reasoning treatment ethics committees informed consent animal rights human rights advocacy disability rights medical ethics animal models animal suffering human suffering ethical research experimentation ethics persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency medical research ethics disability rights animal rights ethical dilemmas pain in animals pain in humans research subjects ethical treatment humane research alternatives moral philosophy bioethics animal experimentation human experimentation compassionate research non-invasive studies ethical guidelines suffering measurement moral principles animal welfare human welfare research ethics committees ethical decision-making pain management disability advocacy animal advocacy ethical frameworks moral psychology comparative suffering ethical implications research on vulnerable populations non-human subjects animal suffering human suffering ethical considerations moral consistency medical research disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities animal experimentation human experimentation ethical dilemmas pain research ethics moral philosophy animal rights human rights bioethics ethical frameworks research subjects moral consistency animal experimentation human disability painful medical research ethical dilemmas vegetative state intellectual disabilities research ethics moral philosophy animal rights human rights medical ethics consent issues alternative research methods ethical treatment suffering biodiversity health policy scientific integrity public opinion legal frameworks bioethics animal welfare human dignity research animals medical innovation ethical standards non-human suffering compassionate research practices disability rights moral relativism ethical decision-making animal testing human experimentation medical ethics committees regulatory compliance ethical justification harm minimization public health scientific
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con01a	Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . baseball collisions home plate injuries catchers runners Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti physics force padding American football team investments player salaries treatments missed games Kurt Suzuki Oakland Athletics fan experience Bruce Bochy Giants baseball rules Billy Beane home plate directive collisions injuries home plate Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti physics force investment players Oakland Athletics Kurt Suzuki fans Bruce Bochy rules debate Billy Beane directive baseball catcher runner American League Most Valuable Player Texas Rangers Cleveland Indians Braves Oakland Athletics American football crash-test dummy sensors treatment games Giants injury bang-bang plate blocking runner scoring plays baseball rules debate ESPN baseball collisions injuries home plate Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti physics crash-test dummy force American football team investments players treatment missed games Oakland Athletics Kurt Suzuki blocking the plate fans Bruce Bochy Giants popularity baseball rules debate Billy Beane home plate directive Bochy's reaction Posey's injury baseball collisions home plate crashes player injuries Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Greg Olson Ken Caminiti catcher collisions runner speed force impact American football comparison team investments player salaries Kurt Suzuki Oakland Athletics fan experience Bruce Bochy Buster Posey injury baseball rules debate Billy Beane home plate directive Collisions injury Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti physics crash-test dummy force American football team investments Kurt Suzuki Oakland Athletics blocking the plate fans Bruce Bochy San Francisco Giants baseball rules Billy Beane ESPN Tim Kawakami MercuryNews.com Collisions dangerous injury Ray Fosse Buster Posey crashes home plate Texas Rangers Josh Hamilton Most Valuable Player American League broken arm Cleveland Indians Carlos Santana knee injury Ryan Kalish Braves Greg Olson Ken Caminiti severe injuries bang-bang plays physics crash-test dummy sensors 18 miles per hour 3200 pounds force American football padding investments players millions dollars serious injuries treatment missing games Oakland Athletics Kurt Suzuki avoiding blocking runs stopping runner scoring Collisions injury Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti crash-test dummy physics baseball American League Most Valuable Player Texas Rangers Cleveland Indians Braves Oakland Athletics Kurt Suzuki Bruce Bochy San Francisco Giants fan impact player investment medical treatment game absences career effects sports safety rules debate Billy Beane home plate directive catcher injuries runner collisions sports medicine player health baseball strategy Collisions danger injury Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti physics force American football team investments player salaries treatment costs missed games Kurt Suzuki fan experience Bruce Bochy baseball rules safety measures plate collisions catcher injuries runner impacts bang-bang plays sports injuries player health athletic performance fan enjoyment managerial decisions team strategies injury prevention sports medicine baseball safety health economics occupational hazards sports ethics player advocacy rule changes safety protocols baseball collisions home plate injuries Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti physics crash-test dummy force padding American football team investments player salaries medical treatment missed games Kurt Suzuki Oakland Athletics fans Bruce Bochy Giants rules debate Billy Beane ESPN MercuryNews.com baseball collisions home plate crashes player injuries Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Greg Olson Ken Caminiti catchers runners physics of collisions crash-test dummy team investments player salaries Kurt Suzuki Oakland Athletics fan disappointment Bruce Bochy baseball rules debate Billy Beane home plate directive ESPN ABC News MercuryNews.com Tim Kawakami Buster Olney sports medicine baseball safety injury prevention sports analytics player health professional baseball American League season-ending injuries sports injuries medical expenses sports
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro02a	A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. graduate tax university funding sustainable salary-based contribution flat rate fare traditional funding earnings-dependent payment long-term financial recovery fee structure economic sustainability higher education finance payment over time reduced financial impact income-contingent repayment education policy financial contribution student finance economic model university finance reform payment flexibility economic stability education economics financial planning higher education funding models equitable funding educational investment long-term funding solutions economic impact analysis financial recovery potential dynamic funding adaptive payment system graduate tax university funding sustainable funding salary-based contribution flat rate fare earnings-linked payment long-term funding financial recovery fee increase payment over time reduced financial impact Shepard 2009 graduate tax university funding sustainable funding income-based repayment salary-linked contributions higher education finance long-term financial planning educational cost recovery financial sustainability pay-as-you-earn tuition fees student debt economic impact educational policy funding mechanisms revenue generation equitable financing financial burden reduction dynamic funding adjustable repayment graduate tax university funding sustainable finance salary-based contribution flat rate fee financial impact long-term funding income-contingent repayment educational investment cost recovery financial sustainability tuition fees economic contribution education policy student finance higher education funding equitable funding flexible payment graduated repayment income-linked payment graduate tax university funding sustainable finance salary-based contribution flat rate fare long-term payment financial recovery salary changes manageable payments reduced financial impact graduate tax university funding sustainable funding salary-based contribution flat rate fare earnings-related payments long-term financial sustainability fee recovery reduced financial impact education financing salary-linked repayment flexible payment system higher education finance income-contingent repayment graduate tax university funding sustainability income-based repayment salary-linked contributions flat rate fare financial management long-term funding fee structure cost recovery economic impact financial aid education finance student debt payment flexibility economic sustainability higher education finance tuition fees revenue generation structured payment plans graduate tax university funding sustainable funding salary-based contribution flat rate fare long-term contribution financial sustainability income-based repayment reduced financial impact education costs fee recovery student finance higher education funding tuition fees economic contribution educational investment financial planning fiscal responsibility societal benefit equitable funding graduate tax university funding sustainable financing salary-based contributions flat rate fare higher education finance long-term revenue income-contingent repayment financial sustainability education costs reduced financial impact fee structure economic contribution educational policy tax reform student debt financial aid equitable funding progressive taxation alternative funding models graduate tax university funding sustainable funding salary-based contribution traditional funding flat rate fare earnings-dependent payment long-term contribution financial sustainability cost recovery reduced financial impact payment over time
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro03a	Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hijackings Palestinian cause publicity media resources violence international impact Tristam 1970 1980s About.com states wealth opponents resort limited use focused violence dramatic impact Terrorism attention profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian publicity world states wealth media opponents resources resort violence international impact Tristam About.com Terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian publicity world attention states wealth media opponents resources resort terrorism publicise limited use focused violence dramatic impact international impact Tristam Palestinian Hijackings Jordan About.com Terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian cause publicity world attention states wealth media opposition resources violence dramatic impact international influence limited use focused violence publicize cause Tristam Palestinian Hijackings Jordan 1970 jets About.com historical context political violence media coverage underrepresented groups conflict resolution ethical considerations terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian publicity world states wealth media resources opponents resort publicise limited focused violence dramatic international impact Tristam About.com terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian cause world attention state resources media opponents resort terrorism publicize cause limited violence dramatic impact international attention 1970 Palestinian hijackings three jets Jordan About.com Tristam terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hijackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian publicity world states wealth media resources opponents resort violence dramatic international impact Terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian cause world attention states wealth media resources opponents resort terrorism publicise limited violence focused violence dramatic impact international impact Tristam Palestinian hijackings jets Jordan About.com Terrorism attention profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian cause world attention states wealth media resources opponents violence international impact limited use focused use dramatic impact Tristam P 1970 Palestinian Hijackings Jordan jets About.com Terrorism attention raising profile neglected causes hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian cause world attention state resources media influence terrorism justification limited violence international impact historical context political violence public awareness media coverage resource disparity violent tactics non-state actors publicity strategies conflict studies political science terrorism studies
test-international-appghblsba-pro01a	Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 annexation free movement Basotho people goods services landlocked country South African government border crossings Lesotho enclave state corruption border posts long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions trade dependency port cereal production imports economic benefits control governance annexation free movement Basotho people goods services landlocked country South African government Lesotho enclave state border crossings corruption long queues slow service border restrictions World Cup 2010 detention Lesotho nationals criminal activities trade South Africa port cereals imports economic dependency border elimination mutual benefit control governance Annexation Basotho free movement Lesotho South Africa border crossings corruption trade dependency cereals import economic benefit border control policy international relations enclave state smuggling criminal activities World Cup 2010 detention queues service migration poverty development political stability national rights sovereignty Annexation free movement Basotho people goods and services landlocked country South African government border crossings enclave state corruption border posts long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions crime trade dependency port cereals imports economic growth Basotho control South African influence Annexation Basotho free movement goods services landlocked South African government enclave state border crossings corruption long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions trade import dependency cereals economic boost control entity feeding Lesotho South Africa annexation Basotho free movement Lesotho South Africa border crossings corruption trade dependency cereals import economic benefits security control policy migration enclave state World Cup 2010 border restrictions criminal activities long queues slow service national rights government actions trade routes port transportation economic integration poverty development political influence international relations human rights migration policy border control economic cooperation diplomatic relations regional stability annexation benefits annexation concerns livelihood national sovereignty cross-border issues economic annexation free movement Basotho people goods services landlocked country South African government border crossings Lesotho enclave state corruption border posts long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions Lesotho nationals criminal activities trade port cereals imports richer control entity feeding annexation free movement Basotho people goods services landlocked country South African government border crossings corruption border posts long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions trade port cereals dependency economic benefits Lesotho-South African international boundary Lesotho nationals criminal activities control annexation benefits migration policy international relations economic integration enclave state Lesotho South Africa Annexation free movement Basotho people goods services landlocked country South African government border crossings Lesotho enclave state corruption border posts long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions trade port dependency cereals imports economic benefits control governance Annexation Basotho free movement Lesotho South Africa border crossings corruption trade economic dependency cereals import economic benefits border restrictions World Cup 2010 Lesotho nationals criminal activities long queues slow service trade barriers economic integration political control entity feeding metaphorical feeding literal feeding border posts migration policy international boundary good fences good neighbors Lesotho-South African relations economic enrichment
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro01a	Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Ukraine democracy constitution Orange Revolution media freedom press freedom Freedom House SBU KGB corruption Corruption Perceptions Index Transparency International European leaders human rights political trials corruption rankings virtual mafia state accountability elite power political opposition European approval regime change democratic decline political prisoners freedom of press civil liberties political transparency government accountability European Union international relations political repression state control media censorship political corruption authoritarianism political reforms international pressure human rights violations Europe approval regime Viktor Yanukovych power democracy constitutional changes Orange Revolution Yulia Timoshenko political trials media freedom press freedom SBU KGB mafia state corruption Corruption Perceptions Index human rights Freedom House Transparency International Atlantic Council European leaders accountability elite political opposition judicial independence civil liberties international pressure democratic regression political reform Ukraine Russia Belarus democratic decline constitutional changes presidential power political oppression Yulia Timoshenko media freedom press freedom Freedom House SBU KGB corruption Transparency International European leaders human rights political trials virtual mafia state accountability elite unaccountability civil liberties political prisoners international pressure diplomatic relations democracy erosion authoritarianism rule of law freedom of expression Ukraine politics Viktor Yanukovych Orange Revolution political reforms corruption perceptions index human rights violations political freedoms media censorship government transparency opposition suppression political stability European Union international response Viktor Yanukovych 2010 election Ukrainian democracy constitutional changes presidential powers political opposition Yulia Timoshenko media freedom Freedom House press freedom rankings SBU KGB corruption Corruption Perceptions Index European leadership human rights Atlantic Council Transparency International Europe approval regime Viktor Yanukovych power democracy constitution Orange revolution presidency Yulia Timoshenko political trials media freedom press freedom Freedom House Ukraine Russia Belarus virtual mafia state SBU KGB corruption Corruption Perceptions Index Transparency International human rights European leaders accountability corruption political opposition constitutional changes democratic decline political prisoners freedom of the press media censorship judicial independence political reforms international response diplomatic pressure European Union democratic governance rule of law civil liberties political accountability transparency governance Europe approval regime Viktor Yanukovych power democracy constitution Orange Revolution political opponents Yulia Timoshenko media freedom Freedom House SBU KGB virtual mafia state corruption Corruption Perceptions Index European leaders human rights press freedom Transparency International Europe approval regime Viktor Yanukovych power democracy constitutional changes Orange Revolution presidency political opposition Yulia Timoshenko media freedom press freedom ranking decline Freedom House Ukraine Russia Belarus mafia state SBU KGB elite accountability corruption Corruption Perceptions Index European leaders human rights political trials constitutional rollback democratic erosion corruption perceptions Transparency International Atlantic Council Karlekar Dunham Luzio Viktor Yanukovych 2010 election democratic decline constitutional changes presidential power Yulia Timoshenko political trials media freedom press freedom decline Freedom House SBU KGB virtual mafia state elite unaccountability corruption Corruption Perceptions Index European leaders human rights Atlantic Council Transparency International Viktor Yanukovych 2010 election democratic decline constitutional changes Orange Revolution Yulia Timoshenko political prisoners media freedom Freedom House rankings SBU virtual mafia state corruption Corruption Perceptions Index European Union human rights press freedom accountability political corruption Ukraine politics Belarus Russia Atlantic Council Transparency International Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych democracy constitution Yulia Timoshenko media freedom Freedom House SBU corruption Transparency International European leaders Orange Revolution political trials press freedom Mafia state human rights democracy decline power concentration corruption perceptions index
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro02a	Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 generic meds savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 generic meds savings medical care pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 Savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 generic meds savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa state focus Health24 South Africans generic meds cost savings medical care pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines South Africa pharmaceutical expenditure health care focus savings medical care pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 generic meds savings medical care pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 savings medical care pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro03a	"Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey EU terrorism geopolitical ally West secular Muslim democracy NATO Cold War Soviet Union Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds U.S. warplanes September 11 2001 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists Turkey EU international terrorism geo-political strategic ally West secular Muslim democracy NATO Europe Asia Cold War Soviet Union Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 2001 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey’s Dreams of Accession Turkey EU membership international terrorism geo-political ally Western integration secular Muslim democracy NATO Cold War Soviet Union Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda radical Islamists geopolitical strategy European Union security cooperation military alliance strategic importance anti-terrorism efforts Turkey-EU relations NATO member regional stability diplomatic relations political alliance strategic partnership defense collaboration security alliance international relations geopolitical dynamics European security military cooperation political integration strategic location geopolitical significance security policy international affairs Turkey EU membership international terrorism geopolitical ally Western integration secular Muslim democracy NATO eastern flank Cold War Soviet Union Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds U.S. warplanes September 11 attacks coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists Turkey accession David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey EU international terrorism geo-political ally West integration cooperation secular Muslim democracy NATO Europe Asia Soviet Union Cold War Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 2001 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists David Phillips Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey EU membership international terrorism geo-political ally Western integration secular Muslim democracy NATO Cold War Soviet Union Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 2001 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda radical Islamists Turkey-EU relations David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey EU terrorism geo-political ally West secular Muslim democracy NATO Cold War Soviet Union Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 2001 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda radical Islamists accession David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey EU international terrorism geo-political ally West secular Muslim democracy NATO Europe Asia Soviet Union Cold War Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds U.S. warplanes September 11 2001 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists Turkey EU membership international terrorism geo-political ally Western integration secular Muslim democracy NATO eastern flank Soviet Union containment Cold War Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 attacks coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists home attacks David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey’s Dreams of Accession Turkey EU international terrorism geo-political strategic ally West secular Muslim democracy NATO eastern flank Cold War Soviet Union 1990s Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 2001 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists David Phillips Foreign Affairs 2004"
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro01a	Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action racial equality South Africa rugby union underrepresentation bias quotas player selection grassroots level racial abuse offensive terms Peter de Villiers racial quotas waste of time racial equality South Africa rugby union underrepresentation quotas biases grassroots racial abuse Peter de Villiers policy discrimination sports governance diversity inclusion racial equality South Africa rugby union representation quotas racial bias grass roots racial abuse Peter de Villiers policy of racism non-white players offensive terms sport policy diversity in sports Radical action racial equality South Africa rugby union unrepresentative biases quotas player representation grass roots racial abuse Peter de Villiers waste of time BBC Sport racial equality South Africa rugby union representation quotas bias grassroots racial abuse offensive terms Peter de Villiers waste of time diversity sports policy anti-racism player selection inclusion racial equality South Africa rugby union unrepresentative players racial quotas biases grass roots racial abuse Peter de Villiers BBC Sport racial equality South Africa rugby union representation quotas racial bias grass roots racial abuse Peter de Villiers policy team selection racial terms offensive language sport diversity inclusivity transformation apartheid legacy social change sports administration player development Racial equality South Africa Rugby union Representation Quotas Bias Grass roots Racial abuse Offense Peter de Villiers BBC Sport Policy Team selection Diversity Sport governance Transformation Inclusion Equity Historical context Social change Athletic performance Community impact racial equality South Africa rugby union representation quotas racial bias grass roots racial abuse Peter de Villiers BBC Sport racial quotas team selection non-white players offensive terms policy of racism divisional representation sports diversity anti-racism measures player development racial discrimination South Africa rugby union racial equality quotas racial quotas racial abuse grass roots Peter de Villiers racial representation sports policy racial bias team selection racial terms South African context racial discrimination sports diversity equality measures racial equality in sports sports quotas representation in sports
test-science-eassgbatj-con03a	Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. animal testing non-animal testing human testing new drugs drug development clinical trials chemical compounds pharmaceutical research drug safety patient risk medical advancements research ethics volunteer safety drug efficacy animal models human volunteers preclinical testing drug innovation therapeutic benefits regulatory requirements new drugs animal testing human testing drug development drug research non-animal testing drug improvements drug safety clinical trials pharmaceutical research animal testing new drugs human testing non-animal testing drug development research chemical compounds pharmaceuticals clinical trials risk assessment drug safety medical advancements volunteer safety alternative testing methods new drugs animal testing human testing non-animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research clinical trials drug efficacy patient safety medical advancements chemical compounds drug innovation research ethics risk assessment new drugs animal testing human trials drug development chemical research pharmaceutical innovation patient safety medical advancement clinical testing non-animal alternatives animal testing new drugs human volunteers non-animal testing drug development chemical research medical improvements risk assessment pharmaceutical testing innovative treatments new drugs animal testing non-animal tests human volunteers drug research chemical improvements human risk drug development pharmaceutical testing medical advancements animal testing new drugs drug development human testing non-animal testing drug research pharmaceutical testing drug safety volunteer risk chemical innovation medical advancements research ethics testing efficacy drug approval process new drugs animal testing human testing non-animal tests drug development pharmaceutical research clinical trials drug safety volunteer risk chemical innovation medical advancements research ethics animal testing new drugs human volunteers non-animal tests chemical research drug development risk assessment medical improvements pharmaceutical testing clinical trials
test-politics-oapghwliva-pro01a	The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 earmarking Congress abuse party discipline pork logrolling vested interest federal dollars campaign donors evaluation competition Presidential line-item veto accountability interest groups national mandate earmarking abuse party leadership pork logrolling party discipline vested interest federal dollars campaign donors evaluation competition Presidential line-item veto accountability national mandate interest groups earmarking Congress pork party discipline logrolling legislation vested interest federal dollars campaign donors evaluation competition Presidential line-item veto accountability interest groups David Heath Hal Bernton Seattle Times congress earmarking pork party discipline logrolling presidential line-item veto accountability interest groups campaign donors legislative process federal funding political abuse national mandate public accountability legislative transparency government reform fiscal responsibility legislative ethics voter representation earmarking Congress abuse party leadership pork party discipline logrolling legislators vested interest federal dollars members of Congress favor seekers campaign donors evaluation competition Presidential line-item veto accountability national mandate interest groups David Heath Hal Bernton Seattle Times earmarking Congressional abuse party discipline logrolling pork barrel vested interests federal funding campaign donors legislative accountability Presidential line-item veto interest groups national mandate Seattle Times David Heath Hal Bernton $4.5 million boat public accountability legislative reform government transparency political corruption earmarking Congress abuse party leadership pork party discipline logrolling legislation vested interest campaign donors federal dollars evaluation competition Presidential line-item veto accountability national mandate interest groups David Heath Hal Bernton Seattle Times earmark abuse party discipline logrolling pork vested interest federal dollars campaign donors evaluation competition line-item veto accountability interest groups presidential power congressional oversight legislative process public transparency national mandate representative responsibility legislation earmark reform political leverage government accountability fiscal responsibility public interest legislative ethics earmarking Congress abuse party discipline logrolling pork legislation vested interest campaign donors federal dollars evaluation competition Presidential line-item veto accountability national mandate interest groups David Heath Hal Bernton Seattle Times earmark abuse party discipline logrolling pork barrel vested interest federal dollars campaign donors presidential line-item veto national mandate interest groups legislative accountability public transparency representative responsibility budget oversight political reform government spending legislative ethics
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro05a	Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities say taught schools creationism society views politics religion education school boards curriculum public scientific elites children beliefs respected classroom United States states majority evolution Creationism evidence poll 2009 57% shared theories abiogenesis social stability religious belief animals spark grace God teaching true HarrisInteractive BBC World News America The Harris Poll Goodstein Laurie New York Times 2005 Teaching of Creationism New Survey creationism evolution school curriculum community views religious beliefs scientific elites school boards social stability education policy public opinion United States teaching methods religious education secular education abiogenesis poll data creationist beliefs evolutionary theory educational content classroom instruction creationism evolution school curriculum community values religious beliefs education policy school boards public opinion scientific elites social stability religious education abiogenesis teaching methods classroom diversity poll data Harris Interactive New York Times United States societal views children's beliefs communities say curriculum creationism education school boards public desires scientific elites children beliefs respect classroom United States states majority evolution creationism evidence poll 2009 taught theories abiogenesis religious belief animals grace God social stability true communities say taught schools creationism society views politics religion education school boards curriculum public scientific elites children beliefs respected classroom countries United States states majority accepted evolution adopted creationism convincing evidence poll 2009 majority creationism taught evolution abiogenesis social stability true religious belief animals spark grace God teaching theories time exclusively threats HarrisInteractive BBC World News America Harris Poll Goodstein New York Times survey endorsed creationism evolution school curriculum community values religious beliefs scientific elites school boards social stability abiogenesis religious education public opinion teaching methods educational policy student beliefs scientific theories classroom instruction religious views scientific consensus educational reform creationism evolution school curriculum community values religious beliefs social stability school boards scientific elites education policy public opinion abiogenesis teaching methods religious education United States poll data societal views children's beliefs community influence educational theories cultural perspectives creationism evolution school curriculum community values religious beliefs education policy scientific elites school boards public opinion social stability children's beliefs teaching methods abiogenesis religious education United States state polls scientific theory creationist views educational content classroom teaching Harris poll New York Times societal views moral education academic freedom creationism evolution education curriculum school boards community values religious beliefs social stability scientific theories public opinion teaching methods educational policies student beliefs classroom respect abiogenesis religious education scientific elites public desires cultural views poll results creationism evolution school curriculum community values religious beliefs scientific elites school boards social stability abiogenesis teaching methods public opinion United States religious education scientific theories educational policy poll data societal views cultural perspectives teaching evolution creation science
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro04a	Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 vegetarian reduces food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter bacteria common England raw poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water Salmonella dairy Escherichia coli E-Coli undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu animals humans BSE cattle CJD processed feed livestock infected cows vegetarianism food safety meat consumption eggs Campylobacter food poisoning England raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water Salmonella dairy products Escherichia coli E-Coli beef zoonosis bird flu human-animal contact BSE CJD processed animal feed cattle infectious diseases disease transmission public health nhs.co.uk vegetarian reduces food poisoning Campylobacter Salmonella E-Coli raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water dairy products undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD processed feed cattle humans vegetarian diet food safety meat-related risks poultry unpasteurised milk raw meat Campylobacter Salmonella E-Coli zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD animal-to-human transmission processed animal feed livestock health human health dietary choices infection prevention foodborne illness vegetarian food poisoning Campylobacter raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water Salmonella dairy products E-Coli undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD cattle humans processed feed livestock vegetarian diet food safety meat consumption food poisoning risks Campylobacter bacteria Salmonella E-Coli raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD animal brains in feed livestock processed feed human health animal-human disease transmission foodborne illnesses dairy products undercooked beef untreated water vegetarian reduces food poisoning Campylobacter bacteria England raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water Salmonella dairy products E-Coli undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD cattle humans processed feed livestock vegetarian diet food safety Campylobacter Salmonella E-Coli zoonosis BSE CJD meat consumption animal products foodborne illness raw meat dairy products processed feed cattle bird flu human disease unpasteurised milk untreated water undercooked beef public health animal-human transmission vegetarian diet food safety meat consumption eggs food poisoning Campylobacter raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water Salmonella dairy products E-Coli undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD animal brains processed feed livestock human health disease transmission nhs.co.uk foodborne illnesses public health nutritional choices environmental impact animal welfare vegetarian food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter Salmonella E-Coli zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD unpasteurised milk undercooked beef livestock processed feed cattle humans
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con03a	Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 universities exchange ideas impose ideas academic openness intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia-state relationship Western institutions Asian presence new ideas academic ethic critical thinking English academic lingua franca student approaches cultural interaction economic interaction academic traditions educational methods intellectual exchange academic arrogance cross-cultural learning global education academic dialogue institutional adaptation academic diversity educational philosophy teaching practices academic freedom intellectual diversity global academia academic integration cultural adaptation higher education academic resistance intellectual confrontation educational clash intellectual integration academic influence cultural education universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asian presence new ideas academic exchange critical thinking English academic lingua franca student studies Paton Michael Analytic teaching philosophical praxis universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asia new ideas academic approaches critical thinking English academic lingua franca student studies cultural interaction economic interaction academic freedom knowledge sharing educational philosophy global education trends cross-cultural communication academic exchange programs university missions higher education policies internationalization of universities academic dialogue intellectual diversity academic openness academic arrogance educational methodologies Asian-European education academic traditions intellectual integration academic resistance academic collaboration global academia teaching practices learning approaches academic universities exchange ideas impose ideas academic openness Confucian approach Socratic approach intellectual traditions academic-state relationship cultural interaction critical thinking academic lingua franca student approaches academic traditions Western institutions Asian presence academic arrogance intellectual exchange universities idea exchange academic freedom cultural integration Confucian Socratic academic traditions intellectual interaction Western institutions Asian presence academic state relationship critical thinking academic lingua franca educational approaches cultural arrogance academic ethics student studies institutional responses academic dialogue intercultural education university exchange idea imposition academic openness intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic integration academia-state relationship Western institutions in Asia idea acceptance academic arrogance student study approaches cultural academic responses Paton Michael Asian students critical thinking academic lingua franca university exchange idea sharing academic openness cultural integration Confucian approach Socratic method academic-state relationship Western presence in Asia intellectual traditons critical thinking academic lingua franca educational approaches student studies academic responses cultural clashes idea integration academic arrogance intellectual exchange university traditions educational integration universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asian presence new ideas academic exchange critical thinking English academic lingua franca student approaches cultural interaction educational philosophy university ethics universities exchange ideas impose academic freedom Confucian Socratic approaches intellectual traditions interaction economic integration clashes academia state Western institutions presence Asia openness new attitudes critical thinking students studies response Paton Michael Analytic teaching philosophical praxis universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asia new ideas attitudes critical thinking academic lingua franca Paton Michael Asian students English philosophical praxis
test-law-lghbacpsba-con01a	It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. client attorney privilege legal representation equal access to law fair and just system criminal matters civil matters commercial matters defence entitlement confidentiality legal rights judicial integrity client confidentiality attorney-client communication legal privileges courtroom equality legal principles justice system legal protection advocacy rights client attorney privilege legal representation access to justice equality in court confidential communication legal rights fair trial criminal matters civil cases commercial disputes legal representation equal access to justice fair judicial system client confidentiality attorney-client privilege legal entitlement defense rights criminal law civil law commercial law courtroom equality judicial fairness legal principles legal protections client attorney privilege legal representation equal access to law fair and just system criminal matters civil matters commercial matters defence entitlement legal confidentiality courtroom equality principle entitlement defence criminal civil commercial matters equal access law fair just system wrong legal representative client attorney privilege court room confidentiality justice equality legal representation protection communication trust integrity professionalism ethics Advocacy human rights legal aid judiciary judicial process rule law public interest societal values legal standards client attorney privilege equal access to law fair and just system criminal matters civil matters commercial matters defense entitlement legal representation confidentiality courtroom equality principle maintenance legal representation right to defense equal access fair system justice client attorney privilege confidentiality legal ethics legal rights court procedures lawyer-client relationship legal protection criminal law civil law commercial law legal principles legal equity judicial fairness advocacy legal counsel client attorney privilege legal representation equal access to law fair and just system criminal matters civil matters commercial matters defence entitlement legal privilege courtroom equality confidential communication legal rights judicial integrity advocacy fairness client attorney privilege legal representation equal access to law fair and just system criminal matters civil matters commercial matters defence rights legal confidentiality courtroom equality client attorney privilege equal access to law legal representation criminal matters civil matters commercial matters fair and just system confidentiality legal defense principle of equality courtroom fairness legal ethics attorney-client communication legal entitlement defense rights
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro04a	Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism Evolution Abiogenesis Scientific Theory Classroom Education Naturalist Theories Origin of Life Development of Life Prebiotic Soup Mutation Natural Selection Experimental Evidence Biological Diversity Species Change Intelligent Design Scientific Observation Jonathan Wells Darwinism creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory classroom education naturalist theories origin of life development of life prebiotic soup mutation natural selection diversity of life intelligent agency scientific observation Jonathan Wells Darwinism falsity of Darwinism religious belief designer question Creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory classroom naturalist theories origin of life development of life nonliving materials mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration prebiotic soup new life forming development of new organisms species change diversity of life intelligent agency scientific observation designer Darwinism Jonathan Wells Discovery Institute creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory classroom education naturalist theories origin of life development of life prebiotic soup mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration species change diversity of life intelligent agency scientific observation designer question religious belief Jonathan Wells Darwinism false Darwinism Creationism scientific theory evolution abiogenesis classroom education naturalist theories origin of life development of life nonliving materials mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration prebiotic soup new life formation organism development species change limited evolution biological diversity intelligent agency scientific observation designer Jonathan Wells Darwinism Discovery Institute creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory classroom education naturalist theories origin of life development of life nonliving materials mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration prebiotic soup new life formation new kinds of organisms species change diversity in living things intelligent agency scientific observation designer Jonathan Wells Darwinism Creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theories classroom naturalist theories origin of life development of life nonliving materials mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration prebiotic soup new life formation change within species diversity of life intelligent agency scientific observation designer Jonathan Wells Darwinism Discovery Institute creationism evolution abiogenesis natural selection scientific theory intelligent design origin of life prebiotic soup biological diversity mutation scientific observation Jonathan Wells Darwinism religious belief classroom education scientific validity Creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theories classroom education naturalist theories origin of life development of life mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration prebiotic soup experimental results species change biological diversity intelligent design scientific observation religious belief Jonathan Wells Darwinism False Creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory classroom teaching intelligent design natural selection mutation prebiotic soup experimental evidence biological diversity species change Darwinism scientific observation origin of life
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro02a	Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, smoking reduction public smoking ban social norms tobacco epidemic smoking rates England smoking ban Global North smoking trends tobacco control smoking cessation public health policy reduce smoking public places smoking ban social norms tobacco epidemic prevention Africa smoking rates smoking reduction strategies England smoking ban smoking cessation public health policies tobacco control measures ban public places reduce smoking social norms tobacco epidemic africa prevention smoking rates england accelerated decline quitting daily mail reduce smoking public places smoking ban social norms and smoking smoking rates reduction tobacco epidemic in Africa smoking bans and health England smoking ban effectiveness global impact of smoking bans smoking cessation programs public health policies public smoking ban tobacco epidemic social norms smoking reduction England smoking ban Global North smoking rates smoking cessation tobacco control health policy public health intervention reduce smoking public places smoking ban social norms change tobacco epidemic prevention smoking rates decline England smoking ban smoking reduction effectiveness global north smoking trends public health measures tobacco control policies reduce smoking public places smoking ban social norms tobacco epidemic Africa prevention smoking rates England quit smoking Daily Mail smoking reduction public health tobacco control health policy behavioral change social behavior health benefits smoking cessation environmental tobacco smoke non-smoking areas legislation public awareness health outcomes policy evaluation reduce smoking public places ban social norms tobacco epidemic Africa smoking rates England smoking ban impact quit smoking tobacco control public health policy effectiveness smoke-free environments health behavior social change tobacco prevention global north smoking cessation public health intervention legislative impact reduce smoking public places ban social norms tobacco epidemic smoking rates England smoking ban tobacco control public health secondhand smoke smoke-free policies health behavior smoking cessation ban public places smoking rates social norms tobacco epidemic prevention obstacle England Global North Daily Mail quitting smoking
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro04a	Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug prices market price patented drugs generic drugs affordable healthcare economic disparity international trade pharmaceutical industry drug affordability healthcare inequality developed world exploitation global health medication costs patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug costs market price developed world generic drugs unfair pricing economic disparity health equity accessibility pharmaceutical industry drug patents global health treatment affordability medical costs patent regulations drug pricing policies patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug costs generic drugs market price developed countries unfairness healthcare access economic disparity exploitation healthcare inequality patent laws universal pricing pharmaceutical costs developing countries Africa drug affordability developed markets patented drugs generic drugs price disparity healthcare inequality economic exploitation international trade pharmaceutical industry health policy global health drug pricing market prices healthcare access low-income countries expensive medications pharmaceutical patents drug costs global pharmaceuticals health equity international patent laws drug availability healthcare costs pharmaceutical economics policy reform drug affordability solutions global health challenges pharmaceutical regulation patent law reform health disparities medication access global health governance ethical pricing pharmaceutical innovation drug development costs patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug costs market price generic drugs healthcare inequality economic disparity exploitation developed world innovation accessibility affordability international trade 知识产权 药品专利 发展中国家 非洲药品 药物成本 市场价格 通用药物 健康不平等 经济差异 利用 发达国家 创新 可及性 承受能力 国际贸易 patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug costs market price generic drugs unfair pricing developed world health equity economic disparity healthcare access patent reform drug affordability global health exploitation pharmaceutical industry high-cost drugs low-income countries patent laws universal application price equality poorer countries African markets pharmaceuticals developed world market price patented drugs accessibility affordability generic drugs low prices US drug costs exploitative relationship developing world Herper expensive drugs patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug costs market price developed world generic drugs unfair application economic disparity healthcare access patent reform drug affordability global health equity patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug costs market price developed world patented drugs generic drugs health equity international trade drug affordability global health price discrimination intellectual property healthcare access economic disparity pharmaceutical industry generic drug production patent protection drug pricing policies healthcare economics global health policy pharmaceutical regulation drug cost reduction affordable healthcare healthcare inequality global pharmaceutical market drug patent reform health resource allocation international health legislation patented drug affordability generic drug availability global health governance pharmaceutical industry ethics healthcare cost management global health security patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug costs market price generic drugs unfair pricing exploitation developed world Herper expensive drugs healthcare inequality
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro01a	Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual freedom arranged marriages family pressure unions unhappiness restricted liberty rebellion forced to leave home stigmatisation reduced family contact family shame children rejecting arrangements compulsion murder Shafilea Ahmed regulation state intervention legal mandate discouraging relatives physical intimidation violence policing stigmatisation harm prevention individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure marriage rejection stigmatization social shame legal regulation state intervention physical violence emotional harm Shafilea Ahmed parental control human rights marital choice cultural practices police involvement legal protection domestic abuse honor killings societal norms legal challenges family conflict personal autonomy marriage laws social pressures community standards legal enforcement cultural sensitivity legal frameworks gender issues marriage regulations marital autonomy coercive practices legal rights family honor social consequences legal measures legal support personal safety legal advocacy familial Individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure stigmatization legal regulation physical violence state intervention marital choice coercion cultural practices human rights domestic violence social norms shame honor legal protections victim support criminal justice response individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure unhappy unions restricted liberty rebellion consequences leaving home stigmatization reduced family contact family shame compulsion murder Shafilea Ahmed state regulation legal mandate discourage practice police stigmatization physical intimidation violence Individual Freedom Covert Family Pressure Unhappy Unions Restricted Liberty Rebellious Consequences Forced Departure Stigmatisation Reduced Family Contact Family Shame Children's Rejection Arranged Marriages Forced Marriages Physical Intimidation Legal Mandate State Regulation Police Intervention Social Stigma Murder Honor Killing Shafilea Ahmed Parental Pressure Legal Challenge Discouraging Compulsion Moral Responsibility Cultural Practices Human Rights Freedom of Choice Individual Freedom Arranged Marriages Forced Marriages Family Pressure Coercion Stigmatisation Social Shame Legal Intervention State Regulation Human Rights Marriage Autonomy Domestic Violence Cultural Practices Honor Crimes Shafilea Ahmed Case Parental Control Legal Protections Marriage Refusal Family Honesty Community Standards Police Involvement Psychological Harm Physical Harm Legal Mandates Social Reform Gender Equality Cultural Sensitivity International Law Humanitarian Concerns Ethical Considerations Freedom of Choice Personal Liberty Societal Norms Marriage Laws Social St Individual freedom arranged marriages family pressure stigmatization forced marriage legal regulation state intervention physical violence emotional coercion shame social ostracism murder honor killing legal mandate familial control human rights cultural practices individual autonomy legal protection domestic violence coercive behavior psychological harm societal norms gender equality cultural sensitivity international human rights laws family honor legal reforms victim support social support systems parental authority youth empowerment freedom of choice anti-discrimination laws community awareness public policy social justice gender-based violence cultural traditions forced union Individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure stigmatization legal intervention physical violence state regulation social harms cultural practices human rights personal autonomy Shafilea Ahmed parental control shame legal mandate police intervention community support psychological coercion individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure social stigma legal intervention state regulation physical violence emotional coercion human rights cultural practices Shafilea Ahmed parental authority shame legal mandate police intervention marriage rejection family honor criminal consequences Individual Freedom Covert Family Pressure Unhappy Unions Restricted Liberty Rejection of Arranged Marriages Forced to Leave Home Stigmatization Reduced Family Contact Family Shame Compulsion Honor Killing Shafilea Ahmed Regulation of Harms Legal Mandate Discouraging Relatives Police Intervention Physical Intimidation Violence Arranged vs Forced Marriages
test-culture-mthbah-pro04a	Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. self-esteem body image eating disorders self-harm media influence advertising ethics body diversity fashion industry unhealthy messages young people psychological impact media portrayal beauty standards skinny models limited body shapes media responsibility health issues advertising impact societal pressure consumer behavior mental health body shaming marketing strategies social media influence public awareness consumer protection regulatory measures positive body image diverse representation mental well-being advertising regulations consumer rights media literacy health promotion body positivity advertisement effects consumer psychology social impact beauty ideals media criticism consumer education advertising self-esteem body image unhealthy lifestyles eating disorders self-harm media influence beauty standards fashion skinny models diverse body shapes self-esteem boost negative advertising effects youth mental health advertisements self-esteem body image eating disorders self-harm media influence beauty standards fashion unhealthy lifestyles skinny models diverse body shapes perception of beauty young people product marketing inferiority complex media representation self-confidence mental health advertising impact advertising self-esteem body image eating disorders self-harm media influence beauty standards fashion unhealthy lifestyles mental health young people skinny models diverse body shapes media representation advertisements inferiority self-esteem body-image eating-disorders self-harm media-influence beauty-standards fashion-industry unhealthy-lifestyles skinny-models diverse-body-types mental-health social-impact consumer-psychology advertising-ethics media-representation public-health youth-culture self-perception advertisements feel bad not having product inferiority beauty perceptions fashion distorted self-esteem unhealthy lifestyles thinner attractive models eating-disorders self-harm media boost self-esteem variety body shapes limited body shapes skinny models unhealthy message advertising self-esteem body image self-harm eating disorders media influence beauty standards fashion industry young people unhealthy lifestyles skinny models diverse body shapes media representation consumerism psychological impact social comparison body dissatisfaction mental health public health concerns media literacy advertisements feel bad not having product inferiority self-esteem distorted perceptions beauty fashion young people unhealthy lifestyles eating-disorders self-harm media influence body shapes variety limited skinny models unhealthy message Guardian advertisements self-esteem body image media influence eating disorders self-harm beauty standards fashion industry unhealthy lifestyles media portrayal varied body shapes skinny models unhealthy messages research findings positive representation advertising self-esteem body image media influence eating disorders self-harm skinny models unhealthy messages body shapes fashion beauty standards young people perceptions lifestyle product marketing media representation diverse body types mental health social comparison consumer behavior
test-international-appghblsba-pro03a	Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho dire condition urgent help economic perspective social perspective Basotho people international poverty line HIV urban areas women funding corruption progress Kingdom of Lesotho annexation South Africa citizenship voting rights enclave territory GDP per capita poverty social system economic development political responsibility international aid humanitarian crisis health care political integration economic disparity cultural preservation national sovereignty African Union regional cooperation sustainable development international sanctions United Nations World Health Organization economic sanctions global health initiatives socioeconomic improvement democratic governance human rights Lesotho economic crisis social issues poverty Basotho people HIV prevalence urban areas women's health funding shortage corruption government inefficiency annexation South Africa citizenship rights voting rights enclave territory GDP per capita economic potential social development United Nations Development Project CIA World Factbook Lesotho economic aid social assistance poverty Basotho HIV healthcare corruption government annexation South Africa citizenship voting rights GDP per capita development United Nations Development Project The World Factbook international support humanitarian aid economic development social welfare political stability governance international community regional cooperation African Union human rights sustainable development economic integration health systems anti-corruption measures Lesotho poverty HIV social issues economic problems corruption annexation South Africa Basotho citizenship GDP human development UNDP CIA Factbook international aid healthcare social system economic development political integration regional cooperation Lesotho poverty Basotho HIV economic assistance social issues corruption funding annexation South Africa citizenship voting rights GDP per capita United Nations Development Project The World Factbook cia.gov international poverty line urban areas women health economic development political responsibility enclave territory economic stability social systems government intervention poverty reduction international aid healthcare social welfare economic policy political stability Lesotho-South Africa relations territorial integration socio-economic improvement human development economic差距 political representation African Union international community sustainable Lesotho poverty Basotho HIV economic aid social issues corruption annexation South Africa citizenship voting rights GDP per capita United Nations Development Project The World Factbook cia.gov Lesotho poverty Basotho HIV economic social funding corruption annexation South Africa citizenship vote GDP per capita United Nations Development Project CIA World Factbook Lesotho poverty HIV corruption annexation South Africa GDP citizenship elections social system Basotho economic aid international poverty line healthcare political responsibility GDP per capita UNDP CIA World Factbook Lesotho poverty Basotho HIV economic aid social issues corruption annexation South Africa citizenship GDP United Nations Development Project The World Factbook international poverty line urban areas political responsibility economic development social welfare healthcare political stability economic integration immigration voting rights economic disparity governance territorial control humanitarian intervention regional cooperation development assistance public health economic reform political reform Lesotho poverty HIV economic assistance social issues funding corruption annexation South Africa citizenship voting rights GDP per capita Basotho United Nations Development Project The World Factbook CIA international poverty line urban areas women enclave territory government responsibility economic development social system thrive stability change political integration humanitarian aid international support African Union regional cooperation sustainable development health interventions economic policies governance reform public health social welfare economic reform infrastructure development educational support employment opportunities
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro01a	The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. ICC International Criminal Court states support prosecution war criminals human rights breaches impunity special courts tribunals deterrent violations conflict militaries international criminal law domestic law lives civilization anarchy ICC International Criminal Court war criminals human rights protection permanent framework special courts tribunals atrocities deterrent violations conflict militaries international criminal law enforcement criminal law domestic sphere lives civilization anarchy ICC International Criminal Court human rights war criminals prosecution international law justice deterrence military control atrocities peace civilization anarchy special courts tribunals enforcement criminal law domestic law human rights protection ICC International Criminal Court force for good states support permanent system prosecute war criminals human rights protection impunity special courts tribunals deterrent violations conflict reduction militaries enforcement international criminal law domestic law saves lives protects human rights civilization anarchy prevention ICC International Criminal Court war criminals human rights protection prosecution independence deterrence atrocities special courts tribunals enforcement international criminal law domestic law anarchy civilization atrocities prevention state militaries conflict reduction legal framework grave breaches impunity global justice peace security humanitarian law ethical governance legal accountability ICC International Criminal Court force for good states support permanent system prosecute war criminals human rights protection special courts tribunals deter future violations reduce conflict militaries enforcement international criminal law domestic criminal law save lives protect human rights prevent anarchy ICC International Criminal Court states support permanent system prosecute war criminals human rights protection breaches impunity special courts tribunals atrocities deterrent future violations conflict reduction militaries enforcement international criminal law solution criminal law domestic sphere save lives protect human rights civilization anarchy ICC International Criminal Court force for good states support permanent system prosecute war criminals independent trials human rights protection grave breaches impunity special courts tribunals deter future violations reduce conflict military control enforcement international criminal law domestic criminal law saves lives protects human rights civilization anarchy prevention ICC International Criminal Court war criminals human rights prosecution permanent framework atrocities special courts tribunals deterrence violations conflict militaries international criminal law enforcement domestic law civilization anarchy ICC International Criminal Court war criminals human rights prosecution independent judiciary deterrence violations conflict military control international law enforcement criminal law domestic sphere anarchy civilization states support breakthrough permanent framework grave breaches impunity special courts tribunals atrocities protection Reduce conflict human rights protection
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro04a	Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 natural resources conflict Africa high commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds forced slavery Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front (RUF) Congo mineral wealth negative impact resource wars epidemic proportions African conflicts natural resources economic resources mineral wealth commodity price blood diamonds resource wars funding rebellions government control Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front Congo conflict forced labor mines epidemic proportions Pandergast 2008 Kharlamov 2014 global research natural resources conflict Africa high commodity price diamonds blood diamonds funding rebellions governments civil war Sierra Leone Revolutionary United Front RUF Congo mineral wealth resource wars epidemic proportions African conflicts natural resources high commodity price funding rebellions blood diamonds Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front Congo conflict mineral wealth resource wars epidemic proportions forced slavery Pandergast 2008 Kharlamov 2014 natural resources conflict Africa high commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds forced slavery 1991 civil war Sierra Leone Revolutionary United Front (RUF) mineral wealth Congo negative impact resource wars epidemic proportions natural resources conflict Africa high commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds forced slavery Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front RUF Congo mineral wealth resource wars epidemic proportions Natural resources conflict Africa diamonds blood diamonds Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front RUF mineral wealth Congo resource wars commodity price funding rebellions governments forced slavery epidemic proportions Kharlamov Global Research Pandergast natural resources conflict Africa high commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds Sierra Leone civil war forced slavery Revolutionary United Front (RUF) eleven years continued conflict Congo mineral wealth negative impact resource wars epidemic proportions natural resources conflict Africa high commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds forced slavery Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front RUF Congo mineral wealth negative impact resource wars epidemic proportions natural resources conflict Africa high commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds forced slavery civil war Sierra Leone Revolutionary United Front (RUF) extended bloodshed Congo mineral wealth negative impact resource wars epidemic proportions
test-culture-mmciahbans-con03a	Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning Papering over Skin tone discrimination Governments Ban Products Class Race Divisive issues Lighter skin Advantages Darker skin hues Whiteners Perception Colourism Prejudices Education Skin colour discrimination banning papering over skin tone discrimination government products class race divisive issues lighter skin advantages darker skin whiteners perception colourism prejudices education skin colour discrimination social change policy alternatives skin tone discrimination colourism class issues race issues skin whitening products government bans public perception prejudice reduction education on discrimination social change skin tone discrimination class and race issues colourism skin whitening products government bans public perception reducing prejudices education on skin colour discrimination societal change hidden issues superficial solutions individual choice social prejudices cultural norms beauty standards racial inequalities class-based advantages pigmentocracy systemic racism internalized racism self-perception media influence global beauty industry consumer rights policy-making ethical considerations social justice human rights banning papering-over skin-tone discrimination government products class race linked lighter-skin advantages darker-skin whiteners perception colourism prejudices education change public-view reducing achieving societal-issue beauty-standards racial-bias social-justice awareness equality legislation cultural-attitudes policy-making human-rights diversity representation media-influence self-esteem empowerment global-perspectives ethical-consumption beauty-industry regulatory-frameworks economic-factors historical-context psychological-impact skin tone discrimination whiteners colourism class issues race issues government ban public perception reducing prejudices education on skin colour inextricably linked disadvantages of darker skin advantages of lighter skin addressing root issues papering over the issue skin tone discrimination whiteners class race colourism public view government bans education prejudice reduction social issues beauty standards racial inequality public perception cosmetic products societal change diversity awareness skin tone discrimination colourism whiteners government ban public view class issues race issues prejudices education social change perception lighter skin advantages darker skin disadvantages social prejudices cultural attitudes racial discrimination societal norms beauty standards media influence policy solutions awareness campaigns skin tone discrimination class issues race issues colourism education prejudice reduction whiteners ban effectiveness public perception social change Banning skin whitening products colorism skin tone discrimination class race prejudice reduction education public perception governmental policies social change diversity inclusion cosmetics regulation cultural attitudes beauty standards equality
test-international-bldimehbn-con01a	The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international newsworthy responsibility viewers readers report events impact lives consumers military political financial terrorist actions important impartial strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Struggle for Gay Rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Al Jazeera English Global Media Wars journalist report events cultural sensibilities controversial international government newsworthy responsibility viewers readers impact consumers military political financial terrorist impartial important feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani gay rights Middle East Ceylan Yeginsu Global Media Wars journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international stage perception perpetrating government newsworthy responsibility viewers readers impact lives consumers military political financial terrorist actions impartiality strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Struggle for Gay Rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Global Media Wars journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international stage government perception newsworthy responsibility viewers readers impact consumers individuals nation military actions political actions financial actions terrorist actions impartial reporting strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani gay rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Global Media Wars journalism reporting cultural sensibilities controversial events international news newsworthiness media responsibility viewers readers impact military actions political actions financial actions terrorist actions impartial reporting strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic media Israeli guests gay issues Middle East CNN Hala Gorani Ceylan Yeginsu Global Media Wars journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international stage perception perpetrating government newsworthy responsibility viewers readers impact lives consumers military political financial terrorist actions world consumers important report impartially strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Struggle for Gay Rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Al Jazeera English Fresh Outlook Global Media Wars journalist reporting world events cultural sensibilities international controversy newsworthiness media responsibility viewers readers impact society military actions political actions financial actions terrorist actions impartial reporting strong emotions Al Jazeera CNN Hala Gorani gay rights Middle East Arabic media Israeli guests global media wars Ceylan Yeginsu journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international impact government newsworthy responsibility viewers readers military political financial terrorist actions impartial important feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew shocked Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Struggle Gay Rights Middle East Ceylan Yeginsu Fresh Outlook Global Media Wars journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international stage newsworthy responsibility viewers readers report events impact lives consumers individuals nation news organizations military political financial terrorist actions important stories impartial reporting strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues gay rights Middle East CNN Hala Gorani Ceylan Yeginsu Global Media Wars journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international newsworthy responsibility viewers readers impact consumers military political financial terrorist impartial important strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Struggle for Gay Rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Global Media Wars
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro01a	Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western perspectives international legislation supranational legislation societal adaptation survival methods conflict environments military organisations community vulnerability protective organisations South Sudan rebel armies inviolate childhood cultural constructs democratic norms vulnerable communities legal enforcement child protection conflict regions traditional practices societal change child recruitment war impacts parental loss extended families violent exploitation safety sources strength sources conflict ridden nations democratic development legal implications childhood constructs western liberal democracies child soldier defence cultural methods living practices societal ordering Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance western perspectives violence protection cultural practices societal adaptation military induction conflict necessity physical safety vulnerability long-term conflicts rebel armies protection independence conflict-ridden societies inviolate childhood western liberal democracies law enforcement domestic legislation vulnerable communities democratic norms criminalization South Sudan Second Civil War cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western perspectives intercultural politics governance international law supranational legislation child protection violence cultural practices societal adaptation military induction conflict zones community vulnerability war impacts rebel armies South Sudan childhood constructs western liberal democracies democratic norms legal enforcement vulnerable communities child criminalization Cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western legislation intercultural politics governance child protection violence cultural practices societal change military induction necessity conflict physical safety rebel army vulnerable communities inviolate childhood western construct privation democratic norms criminalisation South Sudan Christine Emily Ryan Cultural relativism intercultural justice politics governance child soldiers western notions intercultural conflict military induction child protection survival strategies societal adaptation conflict zones South Sudan rebel armies inviolate childhood democratic norms legal enforcement vulnerable communities cultural constructs international legislation supranational legislation child recruitment war impact community safety independence privation violence western liberal democracies historical practices tradition societal change environmental response physical safety extended families armed conflict protection exploitation child welfare legal implications humanitarian issues cultural differences Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice western perspectives survival strategies military induction protection conflict zones societal norms legal enforcement democratic development vulnerable communities South Sudan rebel armies privation childhood innocence legal constructs domestic legislation criminalisation war-affected children Christine Emily Ryan Southern Sudanese Second Civil War Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational laws western values violence protection cultural practices survival societal change military induction necessity physical safety war impact vulnerable communities conflict zones South Sudan rebel armies safety seeking independence privation Western liberal democracies inviolate childhood domestic legislation vulnerable community protection democratic norms criminalization Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance western perspectives international legislation supranational legislation violence protection cultural practices societal survival military induction conflict necessity parental loss extended family dispersion rebel armies South Sudan war-affected communities democratic norms legal enforcement cultural constructs violence-free childhood western liberal democracies vulnerable communities legal trumping child criminalization cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice international legislation western perspectives child protection conflict zones military induction societal survival South Sudan rebel armies parental loss community vulnerability democratic norms legal enforcement cultural constructs violence privation democratic norms legal conflicts child recruitment protection laws human rights international law cultural adaptation conflict resolution societal norms child rights war impacts legal constructs cultural practices societal methods intercultural politics governance militarization youth protection cultural change legal reform humanitarian law child welfare cultural diversity legal Cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western perspectives international legislation supranational legislation societal adaptation survival methods military organisations conflict zones South Sudan rebel army parental loss extended families protection independence democratic norms vulnerable communities legal enforcement cultural constructs privation violence exploitation democratic development human rights child protection warfare societal norms traditional practices modern conflicts legal conflict ethical dilemmas international governance humanitarian law legal supremacy cultural practices democratic institutions child recruitment armed conflict social order survival strategies community resilience
test-international-epglghbni-con02a	The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, Northern Ireland unification Good Friday agreement right of self-determination united Ireland survey Northern Ireland Life and Times union devolution direct rule Protestant Catholic Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination United Kingdom Ireland union devolution direct rule united Ireland Northern Irish Protestant Catholic Moriarty NIO 1998 2011 survey Northern Ireland Life and Times Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination union devolution direct rule united Ireland survey Northern Ireland Life and Times Protestant Catholic Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination UK Ireland survey Northern Ireland Life and Times union devolution direct rule Protestant Catholic Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination union devolution direct rule united Ireland Protestant Catholic survey Northern Ireland Life and Times Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland inhabitants unification Good Friday agreement self-determination united Ireland UK Ireland Northern Irish survey Northern Ireland Life and Times union devolution direct rule Protestants Catholics Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination union devolution direct rule united Ireland Protestant Catholic Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland Life and Times survey political preference identity governance UK Ireland legislative obligation public opinion Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination United Kingdom Ireland survey Northern Ireland Life and Times union devolution direct rule Catholics Protestants Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination United Kingdom Ireland union devolution direct rule united Ireland Protestant Catholic Northern Ireland Life and Times Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination union devolution direct rule united Ireland survey Protestant Catholic Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 UK Ireland Parliaments legislation majority inhabitants support policy independent Westminster
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con02a	Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . baseball collisions violence contact sport football hockey MMA safety players careers beanballs pitches home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs sports rules commentator violent plays game safety baseball violence collisions contact sport safety players careers beanballs pitches endanger hitters disallowed promote home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs baseball violence collisions contact sport safety players career beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs sports comparison American football hockey MMA baseball violence collisions contact sport American football hockey MMA player safety beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs baseball violence collisions contact sport safety players careers beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs sports American football hockey MMA rules game sports violence player safety pitches hitters sports commentary sports ethics baseball violence collisions contact sport safety players career rules football hockey MMA beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs baseball violence collisions contact sport American football hockey MMA player safety beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs baseball violence collisions contact sport football hockey MMA safety players careers beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs baseball violence collisions contact sport American football hockey MMA safety players beanballs pitches home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs violence collisions baseball contact sport American football hockey MMA player safety beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro03a	A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. graduate tax higher education equity fairness societal benefit graduate earnings unemployment rates job security educational privilege social contribution debt-free education fiscal contribution social mobility university access non-graduate outcomes lifelong earnings Channel 4 News 2010 honor privilege educational opportunity background independence graduate tax fairer access equitable higher education societal fairness graduate earnings non-graduate earnings lifetime earnings unemployment rates job security higher education benefits fiscal contribution social privilege education funding university opportunity social classes student debt fiscal contribution viability graduate tax higher education fairness societal contribution income disparity unemployment rates job security higher education benefits fiscal contribution social equity debt-free education access to university social classes educational privilege non-graduates lifetime earnings Channel 4 News 2010 honor life opportunities degree necessity graduate tax fair access higher education equity societal benefit earnings gap unemployment rates job security privilege education funding social contribution fiscal contribution debt-free education social mobility opportunity equality graduate tax higher education equity fairness societal contribution earning potential unemployment rates job security privilege honor social mobility fiscal contribution debt-free education economic benefit social class access to university non-graduates lifetime earnings Channel 4 News 2010 graduate tax higher education equity fairness societal benefit graduate earnings unemployment rates job security privilege social contribution university access student debt fiscal contribution social mobility educational finance public funding degree necessity life progression background independence fiscal responsibility graduate tax higher education fairness equity societal benefit graduate earnings unemployment rates job security privilege funding social contribution university access social classes student debt fiscal contribution graduate tax higher education fairness equity societal benefit earnings discrepancy unemployment rates job security privilege public funding social honor educational opportunity social classes fiscal contribution debt reduction graduate tax higher education fairness equity societal benefit earnings advantage unemployment rates job security privilege honor opportunity social class student debt fiscal contribution graduate tax higher education fairness equity societal contribution graduate benefits unemployment job security fiscal responsibility social mobility educational opportunity debt-free fiscal contribution social classes university access privilege honor life success non-graduates income disparity Channel 4 News 2010
test-environment-assgbatj-pro03a	It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experimentation human skin testing historical advancements ethical alternatives non-animal research methods pharmaceutical research animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experimentation human skin samples historical advancements ethical research methods non-animal testing alternatives biomedical research innovations animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experiments human skin samples past advancements ethical research methods alternative testing chemical reactions biomedical research animal welfare non-animal models scientific progress regulatory changes animal-free science animal testing alternatives drug development methods computer simulations in pharmacology tissue experimentation post-surgical skin use historical reliance on animal research modern drug testing techniques ethical drug testing animal-free research methods advancements from animal testing current medical research practices animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experiments human skin samples historical advancements ethical research non-animal testing methods modern alternatives animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experimentation human skin testing ethical research animal research past advancements alternative methods scientific progress animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experimentation human skin samples past advancements ethical alternatives scientific progress research methods animal testing alternatives drug development methods computer simulations tissue experimentation human skin testing ethical research practices pharmaceutical advancements non-animal testing scientific innovation medical research ethics animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experiments human skin testing past advancements ethical alternatives animal research medical progress animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experimentation human skin samples ethical research past advancements animal research necessity alternative testing methods
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro04a	Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. terrorism relative point of view justification violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars civilians atrocity dictatorship occupation targets grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers children armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors occupying state bombing World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism relative definition point of view justification Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters dictatorships civil wars irregular groups narrower definition innocent civilians legitimate grievance force dictatorship occupation grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors occupying state oppressive state bombing World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters dictatorships civil wars civilians atrocity justification grey areas reluctant conscripts settlers agents of oppression armed civilians civil servants bombing World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism point of view definition Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters dictatorships civil wars civilians political end legitimate grievance reluctant conscripts civilian settlers occupied territories agents of oppression armed civilians civil servants teachers doctors bombing of cities World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism point of view justification violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars civilians dictatorship occupation grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors occupying state bombing World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism point of view justification broad definition violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars narrow definition innocent civilians political end legitimate grievance grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors occupying state oppressive state World War II bombing cities independence movements American Revolution terrorism definition point of view justification violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters dictatorships civil wars irregular groups innocent civilians grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers occupied territories armed civilians civil servants teachers doctors occupying state World War II bombing cities independence movements American Revolution terrorism definition point of view justification violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars irregular groups innocent civilians political end grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers occupied territories armed civilians civil servants teachers doctors occupying state bombing cities World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism definition point of view justification violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars irregular groups narrower definition innocent civilians political end grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers armed civilians civil servants teachers doctors occupying state historical armed forces World War II bombing of cities resistance groups American Revolution independence movements terrorism definition point of view justification violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars civilians innocents dictators occupation grey areas conscripts settlers children armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors occupying state World War II independence movements American Revolution
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con01a	This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, ban enforcement smoking ban public places police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement ThirdAge.com KIMA TV Spiegel Online Huffington Post smoking ban enforcement challenges public places enclosed areas police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement non-compliance health policy government regulation enforcement challenges policing requirements surveillance needs public compliance smoker resistance regulation implementation municipal resources community involvement citizen enforcement policy effectiveness legal compliance health regulations local government urban governance public health measures smoking restrictions indoor air quality law enforcement priorities public spaces regional variations international examples enforcement strategies public policy regulatory oversight civic engagement community policing volunteer enforcement municipal budget constraints legal enforcement public behavior norms social acceptability health advocacy policy adaptation local ordinances enforcement mechanisms compliance monitoring public attitude behavioral change legislative impact enforcement difficulties smoking smoking ban enforcement difficulties public places enclosed spaces police officers security cameras popularity of smoking Yakima Washington Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement smoking bans non-enforcement local government challenges health policy implementation smoking ban enforcement difficulties public places police resources security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City citizen enforcement legal compliance government policy public health measures tobacco control smoking ban enforcement difficulty public places police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement non-compliance public health policy legal challenges smoke-free zones enforce smoking ban enclosed public places police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD parks beaches citizens smoking ban enforcement challenges public places police resources security cameras vigilance Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement non-compliance legislative implementation public health policies smoking ban enforcement difficulties public places enclosed spaces police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement ThirdAge.com KIMA TV Spiegel Online Huffington Post smoking ban enforcement difficulties public places police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement non-compliance smoking popularity legislation challenges urban areas public health policies regulatory issues smoker behavior government resources law implementation community involvement legal compliance bans effectiveness public opinion health regulations police priorities citizen responsibility urban governance environmental tobacco smoke public space restrictions anti-smoking laws enforcement mechanisms public policy smoking cessation health advocacy legal enforcement municipal law public health initiatives smoking culture regulatory enforcement urban
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con03a	We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? suicide euthanasia assisted dying life death mortality choice preparation painless death suffering ethical considerations end-of-life decisions autonomy death inevitable life suicide choice time manner painless slow agonising preparation affected luck morality euthanasia assisted dying philosophy existential human rights death inevitability suicide choice painless death preparation ethical considerations euthanasia philosophical perspectives end-of-life decisions quality of life moral arguments assisted dying terminal illness suffering autonomy legal implications societal norms mental health compassion death inevitable life suicide choice time manner painless agonising preparation affect luck moral ethics euthanasia assisted dying quality end-of-life decisions rights autonomy death inevitability suicide choice painless death preparation impact on others luck control over death suicide euthanasia death with dignity painless death assisted dying terminal illness end-of-life decisions quality of death personal choice in death ethical considerations of suicide death mortality inevitable suicide choice time manner painless agonising preparation affected luck ethical humane end-of-life decision voluntary suffering dignity death inevitability suicide choice painless death preparation 受影响的人 life and death 慢性和痛苦的死亡 luck autonomy death inevitable life suicide choice time manner painless agonising prepare affected luck death dying suicide choice painless death preparation impact luck inevitability life manner of death ethical considerations human rights terminal illness mental health euthanasia assisted suicide quality of life suffering medical ethics
test-science-eassgbatj-con02a	People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying animal testing drug development human lives medical advancement pharmaceutical costs penicillin UK drug introduction animal testing alternatives drug efficacy patient safety healthcare innovation treatment accessibility animal testing drug development UK drug introduction long-term drug use penicillin drug cost pharmaceutical industry human health medical research animal ethics drug efficacy patient safety healthcare innovation medical advancement regulatory requirements clinical trials drug approval process treatment accessibility public health medical breakthroughs animal testing drug development UK new drugs penicillin drug costs patient outcomes medical research pharmaceutical industry animal welfare human health regulatory requirements alternative testing methods drug efficacy drug safety cost-benefit analysis public health moral implications scientific advancements health care improvements treatment availability disease prevention clinical trials medical ethics suffering reduction life-saving treatments health economics drug accessibility animal testing drug development drug testing new drugs drug cost drug availability medical research human health pharmaceutical industry drug efficacy medical advancements patient outcomes cost-benefit analysis ethical considerations animal welfare human lives saved drug safety clinical trials regulatory requirements pharmaceutical innovation public health medical ethics treatment access drug affordability research ethics medical progress drug approval process animal alternatives scientific research health benefits drug discovery medical science healthcare improvements drug regulation animal models human testing drug prices drug production medical breakthroughs treatment options health care costs animal testing drug development pharmaceutical industry medical research drug cost patient outcomes penicillin drug approval animal ethics human benefits treatment availability health economics animal testing drug development pharmaceutical costs medical advancements public health drug efficacy animal welfare research ethics human benefits drug availability animal testing drug development UK drug introduction medical advancements penicillin drug cost pharmaceutical industry patient safety research ethics human health treatment availability drug efficacy clinical trials animal welfare medical innovation public health drug regulation therapeutic impact pharmaceutical economics healthcare access animal testing drug development medical research drug efficacy patient safety cost of drug testing drug availability pharmaceutical industry human welfare medical breakthroughs penicillin drug introduction UK healthcare long-term drug use public health research ethics animal welfare clinical trials medical ethics drug regulation healthcare costs treatment availability disease prevention patient outcomes health economics drug innovation regulatory compliance scientific advancement healthcare policy medical ethics debate research methods alternative testing methods animal rights human benefit medical testing drug discovery health impact pharmaceutical research drug safety medical treatment animal testing drug development pharmaceutical industry medical research drug costs patient outcomes penicillin drug efficacy animal welfare human health medical ethics regulatory requirements drug approval process clinical trials alternative testing methods public health research ethics drug availability healthcare costs treatment access animal testing drug development pharmaceutical costs medical innovation patient outcomes penicillin drug efficacy clinical trials animal welfare human benefit healthcare advancement treatment availability drug approval process research ethics medical ethics cost-benefit analysis public health therapeutic alternatives safety testing regulatory requirements
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro04a	Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 EU accession Turkey candidacy Helsinki summit Copenhagen criteria democracy rule of law human rights market economy political reforms economic reforms EU membership Central and Eastern Europe European Union enlargement institutional stability minority protection competitive pressure monetary union political union economic union hypocrisy international relations neighbor relations EU promises Turkish-EU relations EU accession Copenhagen criteria Turkey EU membership Helsinki summit 1999 EU candidate country EU political criteria EU economic criteria EU reform requirements EU membership obligations EU Central and Eastern European states EU Turkey relations EU hypocrisy EU promise Turkey economic reforms Turkey political reforms EU institutional stability EU democracy EU rule of law EU human rights EU minority protection EU market economy EU competitive pressure EU monetary union EU political union EU economic union EU external relations Turkey EU integration EU enlargement policy EU accession Turkey Helsinki summit Copenhagen criteria democracy rule of law human rights market economy political reforms economic reforms EU enlargement candidacy membership criteria central and eastern European states hypocrisy political obligations suspicious neighbor hostile neighbor EU promises Turkish requests competitive pressure market forces political union economic union monetary union institutional stability minority protection Union obligations consistent requests unanimous vote stability of institutions functioning market economy coping with competition adherence to aims breaking promises potential partner international relations European integration geopolitical consequences reform processes accession negotiations European EU accession criteria Turkish candidacy Helsinki summit 1999 Copenhagen criteria political reforms economic reforms EU membership institutional stability democracy rule of law human rights market economy competitive pressure EU obligations political union economic union monetary union Central and Eastern European states EU hypocrisy Turkey-EU relations potential ally hostile neighbor EU accession Turkey Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit European Union candidacy member state political reforms economic reforms rule of law human rights market economy democratic institutions minority protection membership obligations political union economic union monetary union Central and Eastern Europe hypocrisy international relations promises consequences neighbor relations EU enlargement policy EU accession Copenhagen criteria Turkish candidacy Helsinki summit political reforms economic reforms institutional stability democracy rule of law human rights market economy competitive pressure EU obligations political union economic union monetary union Central and Eastern European states EU hypocrisy Turkey-EU relations potential ally hostile neighbor accession criteria Turkey EU membership Helsinki summit 1999 candidate country Copenhagen criteria stability of institutions democracy rule of law human rights market economy competitive pressure obligations of membership economic reforms political reforms Central and Eastern European states hypocrisy EU promise potential friend suspicious neighbor hostile neighbor European Commission enlargement accession process EU accession criteria Turkey EU candidacy Helsinki summit 1999 Copenhagen criteria 1993 institutional stability democracy rule of law human rights minority protection market economy competitive pressure membership obligations political reforms economic reforms EU hypocrisy Central and Eastern European states Turkey EU relations EU enlargement Turkey as partner EU promises international relations European Union candidate country status accession process Treaty of Accession European integration democratic governance legal system economic development political stability reform implementation European values strategic partnership geopolitical implications EU credibility Turkey's future EU accession Turkey Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit economic reforms political reforms EU membership candidate country rule of law human rights market economy institutional stability minority protection competitive pressure obligations of membership political union economic union monetary union Central and Eastern European states EU promise potential ally diplomatic consequences EU-Turkey relations Turkey EU accession criteria Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit 1999 candidacy membership reforms political economic monetary union Central and Eastern European states hypocrisy consequences potential friend partner suspicious hostile neighbor European Commission enlargement
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro02a	Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, broadening participation racial diversity South African rugby talent pool grassroots development targets quotas youth engagement racial inclusion rugby fraternity player development coach development referee development community involvement sport equity black players rugby union South Africa England France commentary sports policy James Blackwell Sporting Mad broadening participation talent pool South African rugby racial diversity Rainbow Nation top level black players England France grassroots development targets quotas youth participation rugby union coaches referees rugby fraternity Blackwell South African Rugby Quotas Broadening participation racial diversity South African rugby Rainbow Nation top level black players England France grassroots development targets quotas talent pool future generation youth participation racial acceptance rugby fraternity coaches referees James Blackwell South African Rugby Quotas broadening participation talent pool South African rugby racial diversity Rainbow Nation England France top level black players grassroots development targets quotas youth participation rugby union coaches referees rugby fraternity racial diversity talent pool South African rugby Rainbow Nation England France top level black players grassroots development targets quotas youth participation rugby union racial inclusion coaching refereeing rugby fraternity broadening participation South African rugby racial diversity talent pool top level players grassroots development England France top level black players targets quotas youth participation rugby union racial inclusion sports quotas South African sports policy rugby fraternity coaching refereeing player development racial representation sports equality Rainbow Nation James Blackwell South African Rugby Quotas broadening participation talent pool South African rugby racial diversity Rainbow Nation England France top-level black players grassroots development targets quotas youth engagement racial inclusion player development rugby fraternity James Blackwell South African Rugby Quotas South African rugby racial diversity talent pool Rainbow Nation top level players grassroots development England France black players targets quotas talent improvement youth participation racial acceptance rugby fraternity coaches referees Blackwell James South African Rugby Quotas Sporting Mad racial diversity talent pool South African rugby Rainbow Nation England France top level players grassroots development quotas targets youth participation rugby fraternity James Blackwell South African Rugby Quotas broadening participation talent pool South African rugby racial diversity Rainbow Nation England France top level black players grassroots development targets quotas talent improvement future generations youth participation rugby union player backgrounds coaches referees rugby fraternity
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro03a	Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 vegetarianism veganism health benefits high fibre vitamins minerals low fat low cholesterol reduced cancer risk heart disease prevention red meat consumption chronic diseases protein sources iron intake American Cancer Society Time magazine Tiffany Sharples Vegetarianism healthier health benefits vegan diet cholesterol cancer heart disease red meat obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein sources iron spinach beans bean curd nutritional value plant-based diet chronic diseases dietary cholesterol blocked arteries risk reduction American Cancer Society Tiffany Sharples Time magazine red meat consumption health risks vegetarian sources dietary fiber vitamins minerals low fat chronic degenerative diseases colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer diet and health meat-free diet cardiovascular health low cholesterol meat alternatives Vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet fibre vitamins minerals low fat cholesterol cancer heart disease red meat mortality risk chronic diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein sources iron plant-based nutrition meat alternatives health recommendations American Cancer Society dietary guidelines Time magazine Tiffany Sharples red meat consumption health risks vegetarian lifestyle nutritional value disease prevention health studies dietary patterns health outcomes public health meat-free diet vegetarian cuisine plant-based diet dietary choices health impacts nutritional benefits cancer prevention heart health dietary Vegetarianism health benefits going veggie high fibre vitamins minerals low fat vegan diet cholesterol meat cancer risk American Cancer Society red meat exclusion heart disease cholesterol-free vegetables artery blockage red meat consumption increased death risk chronic degenerative diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes cancer low fat cholesterol content vegetarian protein sources beans bean curd spinach iron source Vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet fiber vitamins minerals low fat cholesterol cancer heart disease blocked arteries red meat chronic degenerative diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein sources beans bean curd spinach iron Vegetarianism health benefits going veggie vegetarian diet high fibre vitamins minerals low fat vegan diet cholesterol eggs dairy products cancer meat consumption American Cancer Society red meat heart disease vegetables no cholesterol blocked arteries men's health red meat consumption chronic degenerative diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer protein sources beans bean curd spinach iron Vegetarianism health benefits fibre vitamins minerals low fat vegan cholesterol meat cancer American Cancer Society red meat heart disease cholesterol buildup blocked arteries chronic degenerative diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer protein sources beans bean curd spinach iron Vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet cholesterol red meat cancer heart disease cholesterol-free chronic diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein sources beans tofu spinach iron mortality risk nutrition health risks meat consumption vegetables health benefits vegetarian diet high fibre vitamins minerals low fat vegan diet cholesterol cancer risk red meat heart disease cholesterol buildup blocked arteries chronic diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer protein sources beans bean curd spinach iron source Vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet cholesterol red meat cancer heart disease chronic degenerative diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein sources iron fibre vitamins minerals low fat no cholesterol blocked arteries risk of death corned beef beans bean curd spinach